CLASSICAL LIBERALISM and the PROBLEM of CLASS" a Discussion Held in November, 2016
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By Brooke Elizabeth Kenline Bachelor of Arts the Ohio State University
CAPITALIST ENTREPRENEURS AND INDUSTRIAL SLAVERY IN THE RURAL ANTEBELLUM SOUTH by Brooke Elizabeth Kenline Bachelor of Arts The Ohio State University, 2005 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2012 Accepted by: Kenneth Kelly, Director of Thesis Terrance Weik, Reader Kimberly Simmons, Reader Lacy Ford, Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Brooke Kenline, 2012 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION For my family… iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research project would not have been possible without the support of many people. Special thanks to Dr. Chris Fennell and George Calfas for introducing me to the project and for including me in the 2011 field school. My deepest gratitude is also due to Mr. Carl Steen for sharing all of his extensive knowledge on the Edgefield potteries and for his invaluable assistance in the field. I would also wish to thank Jamie Arjona and all of the 2011 field school students who endured days of battling mosquitoes, ticks, and snakes during the hot Carolina months. Many thanks are also due to Dr. Kenneth Kelly and my committee members, Dr. Terrance Weik and Dr. Kimberly Simmons, for all of their advice and direction, as well as to all of the grad students at the University of South Carolina for their continued support. Lastly, I would like to thank everyone in the Edgefield community for their kindness and hospitality. iv ABSTRACT While the alkaline glazed stoneware potteries of the Old Edgefield District of South Carolina have previously been categorized as a Southern “folk tradition”, recent research regarding the extent of production and labor organization, along with the social and cultural milieu, reveal an early example of rural antebellum industrialization enabled and made successful through the use of enslaved labor. -
Rawls's Liberal Society and the Legitimate Use of Force Matthew R
Bates College SCARAB Honors Theses Capstone Projects 5-2018 Communities of Power: Rawls's Liberal Society and the Legitimate Use of Force Matthew R. Davis Bates College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Davis, Matthew R., "Communities of Power: Rawls's Liberal Society and the Legitimate Use of Force" (2018). Honors Theses. 247. https://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses/247 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Capstone Projects at SCARAB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of SCARAB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Communities of Power: Rawls’s Liberal Society and the Legitimate use of Force An Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Philosophy Bates College In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Matthew R. Davis Lewiston, Maine March 28, 2018 “There must be, not a balance of power, but a community of power; not organized rivalries but an organized common peace” - Woodrow Wilson Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank my wonderful advisor, Professor David Cummiskey for the guidance and support through this process. It was in one of Professor Cummiskey’s classes my freshman year that I first became interested in philosophy, and he has guided me not just through writing this thesis but also through the rest of my Bates career as an academic adviser. I would also like to thank the entire philosophy department, all of whom are excellent educators and intellectual role models, and whose support and enthusiasm have made me love every philosophy class I have taken at Bates. -
Review of Murray N. Rothbard's an Austrian
Reason Papers 97 Murray N. Rothbard, An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Vol. i & ii (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publ., Ltd., 1995), pp.576 & 544; Index; $99.95 each. Parth Shah, University of Michigan, Dearborn I have always enjoyed Professor Rothbard's talks at various Austrian conferences and seminars, especially the ones on the history of economic thought. That subject itself, I think, brought out all the qualities that made Professor Rothbard such a loving and towering figure in Austrian and libertarian circles; his incredible breadth of knowledge, diligent scholarship, disarming sense of humor, perspective coalescing of personal with social and intellectual history, genuine respect for a worthy adversary, and yes, his unwavering dedication to praxeology and liberty. Professor Rothbard's two volumes on the history of thought more than meet the expectations; they encapsulate all those unique qualities of his. It makes it all the more unfortunate that the volumes cover the period only up to about 1870. Taking his cue from his mentor Joseph Dorfman, Professor Rothbard eschews the "Few Great Men approach" (talking about the already anointed), and focuses on the "'lesser' figures... emphasizing the importance of their religious and social philosophies as well as their narrower strictly 'economic' views" (1, p.xii). With Thomas Kuhn's realistic appraisal of the path of progress in science in terms of paradigm shifts, Professor Rothbard dismisses the Whig theory of history and works with no presumption that "later thought is better than earlier" (1, p.x). The acceptance of the zig-zag path of the progress of the discipline promises us "far more human drama than is usually offered in histories of economic thought." (1, p.xiii). -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004 Let's start with what this essay will do, and what it will not. We are both convinced of, and this essay will take more or less for granted, that the political traditions of libertarianism and feminism are both in the main correct, insightful, and of the first importance in any struggle to build a just, free, and compassionate society. We do not intend to try to justify the import of either tradition on the other's terms, nor prove the correctness or insightfulness of the non- aggression principle, the libertarian critique of state coercion, the reality and pervasiveness of male violence and discrimination against women, or the feminist critique of patriarchy. Those are important conversations to have, but we won't have them here; they are better found in the foundational works that have already been written within the feminist and libertarian traditions. The aim here is not to set down doctrine or refute heresy; it's to get clear on how to reconcile commitments to both libertarianism and feminism—although in reconciling them we may remove some of the reasons that people have had for resisting libertarian or feminist conclusions. Libertarianism and feminism, when they have encountered each other, have most often taken each other for polar opposites. Many 20th century libertarians have dismissed or attacked feminism—when they have addressed it at all—as just another wing of Left-wing statism; many feminists have dismissed or attacked libertarianism—when they have addressed it at all—as either Angry White Male reaction or an extreme faction of the ideology of the liberal capitalist state. -
Political Concepts Committee on Concepts and Methods Working Paper Series
Political Concepts Committee on Concepts and Methods Working Paper Series 54 December 2011 The Concept of Nature in Libertarianism Marcel Wissenburg Radboud University Nijmegen ([email protected]) C&M The Committee on Concepts and Methods www.concepts-methods.org IPSA International Political Science Association www.ipsa.org CIDE Research and Teaching in the Social Sciences www.cide.edu Editor The C&M working paper series are published by the Committee on Concepts and Methods Andreas Schedler (CIDE, Mexico City) (C&M), the Research Committee No. 1 of the International Political Science Association (IPSA), hosted at CIDE in Mexico City. C&M Editorial Board working papers are meant to share work in progress in a timely way before formal José Antonio Cheibub, University of Illinois at publication. Authors bear full responsibility for Urbana-Champaign the content of their contributions. All rights reserved. David Collier, University of California, Berkeley The Committee on Concepts and Methods Michael Coppedge, University of Notre Dame (C&M) promotes conceptual and methodological discussion in political science. It provides a forum of debate between John Gerring, Boston University methodological schools who otherwise tend to conduct their deliberations at separate tables. It Russell Hardin, New York University publishes two series of working papers: “Political Concepts” and “Political Methodology.” Evelyne Huber, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Political Concepts contains work of excellence on political concepts and political language. It James Johnson, University of Rochester seeks to include innovative contributions to concept analysis, language usage, concept operationalization, and measurement. Gary King, Harvard University Political Methodology contains work of Bernhard Kittel, University of Oldenburg excellence on methods and methodology in the study of politics. -
Liberty, Property and Rationality
Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa, -
Do Theorists of History Have a Theory of History? Reflections on a Non-Discipline
HISTÓRIA DA Ouro Preto / MG - Brasil HISTORIOGRAFIA Do Theorists of History Have a Theory of History? Reflections on a Non-Discipline Os teóricos da História possuem uma Teoria da História? Reflexões sobre uma não disciplina Zoltán Boldizsár Simon https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8763-7415 ABSTRACT This brief article is a discussion-starter on the question of the role and use of theories and philosophies of history. RESUMO In the last few decades, theories of history typically intended to transform the practice of historical studies Este breve artigo faz uma discussão inicial sobre o papel through a straightforward application of their insights. e o uso de teorias e filosofias da história. Nas últimas Contrary to this, I argue that they either bring about décadas, as teorias da história em geral pretenderam particular historiographical innovations in terms of transformar a prática dos estudos históricos por meio methodology but leave the entirety of historical studies de uma aplicação direta de seus insights. Em vez disso, intact or change the way we think about the entirety argumento que essas teorias ou trazem inovações of historical studies merely by describing and explaining historiográficas particulares em termos de metodologia, it in fresh and novel ways, without the need (and mas deixam a totalidade dos estudos históricos intactos, possibility) of application. In the former case, theories ou transformam a maneira como nós pensamos sobre appear as internal to historical studies. In the latter case, a totalidade dos estudos históricos apenas descrevendo they appear as theories about history, and such theories e explicando-os através de formas novas e inovadoras, are no longer limited to study history understood as sem a necessidade (e possibilidade) de aplicação. -
Social Theory
RESEARCH NETWORKS Nº 21 Social Theory The ‘warfare-paradigm’ in Historical Sociology: Warfare as a driving Historical Force Lars Bo Kaspersen THE ‘WARFARE-PARADIGM’ IN HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY: WARFARE AS A DRIVING HISTORICAL FORCE Lars Bo Kaspersen Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen Linnesgade 22 1361 Copenhagen K Denmark +45 35 32 39 46 email: [email protected] DRAFT – Quotations only by permission Paper to be presented at the European Sociological Association Biannual Meeting September, 2003, Murcia. 1 THE ‘WARFARE-PARADIGM’ IN HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY: WARFARE AS A DRIVING HISTORICAL FORCE Lars Bo Kaspersen During the history of social sciences a central concern has been how to understand social change and social reproduction of society. The major social theorists such as Marx, Weber, Tönnies, Durkheim, and Simmel have stressed various ‘causes’ in their explanations of structural transformation of society. Weber mentions processes of rationalization; class struggle and growth of forces of production is stressed by Marx; social differentiation by Simmel and demographic change and the division of labour by Durkheim. These general processes are mainly circumstances originating within society and the central concern has been to examine how these processes affect the social structures of national societies. In contrast to these otherwise predominant types of explanations we find several theoretical perspectives with an emphasis on state and warfare as driving forces in history. Most of these theories had their hey-days at the end of the 19th and early 20th century. Scholars such as E.H. Carr, H. Morgenthau, O. Hintze, M. Weber, F. Oppenheimer, H. Spencer and H. Mackinder came from very different traditions within social science but they were all stressing the importance of warfare in order to understand social change. -
Yale University Department of Political Science Syllabus THE
Yale University Department of Political Science Syllabus THE PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, AND SOCIOLOGY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (Seminar) Nuno P. Monteiro Office: Rosenkranz 226, Tuesdays 2:00‐4:00 [email protected] Class: Rosenkranz 202, Tuesdays, 9:20‐11:10 Spring 2010 PLSC 193/671 COURSE OBJECTIVES This seminar explores the philosophical foundations of the study of international relations, as well as the history and sociology of the discipline. We’ll cover the historical development of IR as a professional discipline since the interwar period, going over the main foundational debates that organized the field, and addressing its sociological evolution. By the end of the course, students should have an understanding of the main meta‐theoretical issues in the discipline and thus be able to enlarge their toolkit to critically engage scholarship in IR, political science, and the social sciences more broadly. COURSE OUTLINE The course covers the historical evolution of IR as a professional discipline from the meta‐theoretical perspective. As the field evolves, we’ll look at the development of the philosophical foundations of IR scholarship, covering the main positions in it and addressing the main criticisms of each. Finally, we’ll study the sociology of IR, interrogating the ways in which scholarship is produced and the field is structured and disciplined. REQUIREMENTS, GRADING, AND DEADLINES Basic knowledge of IR theory is a plus. The course will consist in a series of seminar sessions with pre‐assigned readings. Students are expected to do all the readings prior to each session, as well as attend and participate in all sessions.