UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
Imitation and Authenticity: An Analysis of Aboriginal Rap Music in Alberta
by
John Jesse Potts
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY
CALGARY, ALBERTA
September, 2008
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In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne Privacy Act some supporting sur la protection de la vie privee, forms may have been removed quelques formulaires secondaires from this thesis. ont ete enleves de cette these.
While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. Canada Abstract Rap music has become prominent in sociological research in recent years and some of this research has concerned the appropriation of rap culture among Aboriginal youth. The goal of this study is to address whether the cultural appropriation of rap and hip-hop music by
Canadian Aboriginal people results in the authentic re-formation of a cultural product, or whether that appropriation is better perceived as imitation of a cultural form. The research project comprises Ethnographic Content Analysis of lyrics from a sample of rap songs from Aboriginal artists in Alberta, and interview data from a number of artists. As such, this study considers whether or not Aboriginal rap lyrics are an authentic reflection of the experience of Aboriginal artists, or if the adoption of rap reflects mere preference for a popular cultural product.
iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my parents, family, and friends for all of their love and support over the years. These are the people that encouraged me, believed in me, and helped me to achieve the things I have.
I would also like to thank my supervisor, Dr. John Manzo for his help and guidance in completing this research.
IV Table of Contents
Approval Page ii Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v
CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT 1 Introduction 1 Music in Sociological Inquiry 3 Hegemony 3 Moral Panic and the PMRC 5 Harm in Lyrical Content 8 Positive Messages in Rap 14 Resistance 15 Empowerment 16 Racism 18 Rap in Education 19 Identity 22 Theoretical Context: Appropriation, Hybridity, and, Authenticity 24 Global Appropriation of Rap 29
CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY 38 Content Analysis of Aboriginal Rap Music 40 Interviewing Aboriginal Artists 44
CHAPTER 3: EXPLICIT CONTENT AND THE HARM PERSPECTIVE 48 Explicit Themes in Content 49 Hopelessness 54 Harm Themes in Perspective 55 Discussion: Explicit Content in Context 59
CHAPTER 4: RESISTANCE 64 Restoring the Roots of Hip-Hop and Rap 64 Themes of Resistance 68 Loss of Land and Culture 68 Culture of Poverty 70 Discrimination 74 The Struggles of Aboriginal Life 76 Action and Awareness 79 Discussion: Resistance in Aboriginal Rap 81
v CHAPTER 5: EMPOWERMENT 86 Community 87 Opportunity and Success 88 Aboriginal Heritage 92 Aboriginal Identity 95 Discussion: Empowerment in Aboriginal Rap 100
CHAPTER 6: CULTURAL APPROPRIATION, CULTURAL HYBRIDITY, AND AUTHENTICITY 102 Authenticity in Themes of Harm, Resistance, and Empowerment 103 Authenticity in Content 105 Authenticity versus Imitation 107 Cultural Hybridity and Elements of Culture 114 Discussion: Authenticity in Aboriginal Rap 115
REFERENCES 119
APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW SCHEDULES 123
APPENDIX B: ETHICS APPROVAL 125
vi 1
CHAPTER 1; LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT
Introduction
This thesis comprises a study of Aboriginal rap music in Alberta. Rap music has become prominent in sociological research in recent years and some of this research has concerned the appropriation of rap culture among Aboriginal youth (Hollands, 2004;
Lashua and Fox, 2006; Lashua, 2006). The goal of this study is to address whether the cultural appropriation of rap and hip-hop music by Canadian Aboriginal artists results in the authentic re-formation of a cultural product, or whether that appropriation is better perceived as imitation of a cultural form. Rap music is the most widely preferred type of music among many Aboriginal youth (Hollands, 2004); however this research focuses on
Aboriginal rap artists' experiences and their artistic products. As such, this study will consider whether or not Aboriginal rap lyrics reflect the experience of Aboriginal artists, or if the adoption of rap reflects mere preference for a popular cultural product. It will also consider the messages within Aboriginal rap, and the way that these are packaged.
This is timely research as there has been an increasing amount of "cultural appropriation" of the rap and hip-hop subculture in many countries including Canada, noticeably among Canadian Aboriginal youth, which is discussed in further detail in this chapter. In Canada, creation and production of rap music among Aboriginal people is considerable and this study proposes a better understanding of whether the message of
Aboriginal rap is reflective of the experiences of Aboriginal youth, evaluated though the expressions of artists. 2
The study focuses on the lyrics of Aboriginal rap artists among a particular group within one region, which is consistent with previous studies, and necessary considering the volume of music produced and diversity of Aboriginal groups throughout Canada
(Hollands, 2004). While this limits the scope of the music sample and participants, and thus the generalizability of the results, this thesis will provide a description of individuals that are a part of this group as well as discussion of the meaning of their art to them, and the meaning they intend to convey.
This research compliments previous literature in that it attempts to qualitatively explore Aboriginal youth preference for rap music and the resulting creation of a cultural product. Where previous literature has examined musical preference and the effects of listening to rap music on listeners, this study proposes to consider the lives and experiences of the artists that are creating rap music and the messages imbedded within. Congruous with the suggestion that rap represents an expression of the lives of marginalized people
(Lashua and Fox, 2006) this study provides a discussion of the experiences and expressions of those with a preference for rap and hip-hop music that has manifested as the creation of rap to be transmitted to another generation of listeners.
For the purposes of this report, the terms "rap" and "hip-hop" will not be distinguished from one another, also consistent with previous work on the subject
(Iwamoto et al, 2007; Lena 2006; Hess, 2005; Maxwell 2003). Rap and hip-hop will be understood to be a part of the same genre and therefore the subculture that identifies with this form of music. 3
Music in Sociological Inquiry
Hegemony
The concept of hegemony appears in numerous studies related to music. In this context, hegemony refers to what has been called the "dominant ideology" and the
"ideological struggle to win the superstructural field of cultural production" (Maxwell,
2003, p. 186). Pratt (1990) presents a commonly understood definition of hegemony as: "a ruling class's domination of subordinate classes and groups through the elaboration and penetration of ideology into their common sense and everyday practice" (p. 9). Pratt argues that phenomena such as preference for popular culture and subcultural style among youth can be seen as a reflection of the dominant ideology, and represent a form of control through cultural production. The author suggests that exposure to lyrical content results in the reproduction of dominant ideology, which is presented in the examples of apartheid era
South Africa and communist era Czechoslovakia carefully censoring music played on the radio (1990, p. 10). The author further illustrates the promotion of conservative ideology in the United States, both through the lyrics of contemporary country music that affirms patriotic stereotypes, racist, and sexist attitudes, and also the actions of the PMRC in facilitating the implementation of a ratings system, a movement in which rap and heavy metal music were central.
Music has also been argued in opposition to hegemony, as a feature of
"oppositional cultures" (Martinez, 1997, p. 266). In the context of an oppositional culture, music, along with other aspects of culture, bears resistance to oppression under dominant ideologies and can actually influence the dominant culture (1997, p. 266). Martinez argues that the popular African American cultural expression of rap music exists as a form of 4
"oppositional culture in the face of perceived institutional discrimination, and urban decay"
(1997, p. 268). The subculture of rap music then takes a "counter-hegemonic" role, in which products are both embedded within and contributing to the "dominant hegemonic framework" as well as being capable of resisting it (1997, p. 272). Resistance to this framework exists in the ability of new and different ideas and sounds to become a part of the public sphere, a goal illustrated by the rise of independent rap music labels through the
1980's and 1990's, catapulting rap music into mainstream popular culture (1997, p. 271).
In furtherance of the discussion of "counter-hegemonic" production, Hutnyk and
Sharma (2000) suggest that musical youth culture should not be viewed as "a question of
'winning' or 'losing', being 'for' or 'against' hegemonic culture" (p. 58), but explored in terms of the way that musical youth cultures are able to negotiate political and multicultural spaces, and whether opening up these spaces allows for challenges and disruptions to existing configurations of power. The discussion centers on the role of youth culture and the degree to which youth cultural products gain power and challenge existing power structures. Examining youth musical subcultures should not be a strictly hegemonic versus counter-hegemonic inquiry, limited to the promotion of dominant ideology against the ability to influence and change the dominant hegemonic culture. For Hutnyk and Sharma, regarding rap music culture as an oppositional culture should also involve considering tangible challenges not only to common sense and public perception, but to structures of power.
The following sections illustrate these competing views of hegemony in discussion of different perspectives of rap and hip-hop music. 5
Moral Panic and the PMRC
The previous discussion briefly mentions the institution of a music ratings system in the U.S. partly through the efforts of the PMRC. This event has been discussed in numerous articles and books published about rap and heavy metal music, the genres at the centre of this controversy. Binder (1993) provides a brief summary of these events. In
September of 1985 a number of politically connected women formed a group called the
Parent's Music Resource Center (PMRC), which testified before the U.S. senate with the goal of showing that rock music lyrics, and particularly heavy metal lyrics, were filled with violent and pornographic images, glorified suicide, drug use, occultism, and anti- patriotism. Numerous musicians testified during these hearings defending their music as non-harmful, arguing that it should not be subject to censorship, but be protected under freedom of speech. Through extensive mass media coverage, national debate ensued around the harmfulness of music lyrics. The end result of these hearings was the initiation of music industry labels warning of offensive lyrics on records. What Binder refers to as a
"nation focusing event" occurred in 1990 with the decision of a U.S. District Court judge in
Florida that found the lyrics in a 2 Live Crew album to be obscene. Following this, the owner of a Florida record store was arrested for continuing to sell the album, and two of the band members were subsequently arrested for performing the offensive material at an all adult show in the Fort Lauderdale area. As a result of the obscenity cases leveled against rap artists in the 1990's, the FCC demanded that "clean" versions of songs be provided to the radio industry. For a more detailed discussion of the PMRC, the senate and music, see
Lynxwiler and Gay (2000), and Chapter 4 in Keyes, (2002). 6
The events described here provide the backdrop for what has been referred to as the
"moral panic" surrounding harmful and deleterious music. Lynxwiler and Gay (2000)
suggest this is fueled "by moral entrepreneurs who are convinced of the causal link between music and moral decay" (p. 64), whereby those interested attempt to define
popular music as deviant in order establish moral boundaries and identify deviant lifestyles
and undesirable behavior. The authors suggest the goal of the PMRC movement in 1985 was to regulate music that was deemed to be violent and sexually explicit, followed by targeting rap music with claims of lawlessness and obscene lyrics promoting youth violence, sexuality, and misogyny (2000, p. 67-68). The root of the moral panic became the claim that certain types of music were a dangerous influence in the lives of youth
(Kahn-Harris, 2007). Kahn-Harris identifies the specific charge against heavy metal as a genre responsible for murders and suicides, supported by numerous court cases in which heavy metal was argued to influence behaviours, such as the 1990 lawsuit against Judas
Priest alleging their music caused two suicides, and the 1993 case documented in Paradise
Lost wherein the convictions of the West Memphis 3 for the murders of three eight year old boys was influenced by their interest in heavy metal (2007, p. 27). As rap music became increasingly popular, it also became the focus of such moral panic. In particular, the rise of
"gangsta rap" increased fear of gangs, while sparking efforts to censor rap lyrics under claims that rap music is filled with violence, substance use, and misogyny (Bennett, 2000).
Binder (1993) provides a provocative example of the way in which moral panic was spread through media coverage during the late 1980's and early 1990's with an analysis of the types of frames used in reporting about heavy metal and rap music. To analyse the portrayal of rap music in mainstream media Binder identifies several frames used in 7 presenting discussions of rap music. One of the most prevalent of these is the "harm frame," which suggest that media discourse often revolves around the argument that rap music corrupts youth, and presents a danger to society through the glorification of violence
(1993, 758). Binder reports that nearly two thirds of the framesextollin g "harm" of rap music fit into the category of "danger to society," suggesting that in media coverage nearly two thirds of articles arguing rap as harmful reported that it presented a danger to society as a whole, that listening to rap lyrics with images of violence and misogyny would lead to murder and rape (1993, p. 762). Comparing lyrics of heavy metal and rap music, Binder suggests that heavy metal promotes autonomy of youth against school and adult officials, while rap music "asserts independence from the authority of the police and white power structures in general" (1993, p. 765). The author's argument is that mainstream writers shifted from the crux of the attack on heavy metal; the concern of detrimental effects of graphic lyrics on teens, to a new concern of the dangers that black youth posed to society at large (1993, p. 765). The moral panic that existed around harm to youth from certain types of music shifted to a fear of black youth and their membership in gangs, violent behavior, and negative attitudes toward women.
Moral panic is also illustrated by Maxwell (2003) in his book on hip-hop culture in
Australia, recounting mainstream journalism reports of what is described as "apocalyptic visions of Sydney sinking toward a future state of terror, characteristically emblematized by images of contemporary Los Angeles" (2003, p. 71). These media articles were based on a 1994 police report on youth gangs resulting in a number of articles about the gang
"crisis" in Sydney, including photos of gangs, and warnings of the types of activities these gangs were currently involved in and capable of involvement in. In fact, of the gangs 8 identified, more than half were annotated as being "not active" or "degree of activity unknown." Maxwell describes the sensationalist rhetoric used in the articles which warn of the dangers of these gangs through comparisons to the fictional gangs depicted in the film
Colors. Maxwell also illustrates the association some of these articles make between rap music and gangs, citing one article comparing Sydney gangs to those in the film and describing the gangs in Colors as "devoted to American rap music" (2003, p. 72). These reports presented images of increasing amounts of street crime and even faced with statistical evidence that did not support this, claims of a "growing perception of terror,
[and] of a lack of safety" (1993, p. 73) were still present to affect the perceptions of the audience.
Harm in Lyrical Content
The influence of moral panic around heavy metal and rap music is also illustrated in academic literature. The topics of these articles range from content analysis of song lyrics to determine the degree of contentious imagery, to the effects and influence of certain types of music on behaviours and attitudes.
As a first example, Binder (1993) presents a content analysis of rap and heavy metal lyrics to compare to harm frames, finding support for the claim that rap lyrics are more explicit than heavy metal lyrics, and contain more offensive themes and are more explicit in their descriptions (1993, p. 764).
In an analysis of the content of MTV, Smith (2005) examines whether there is variation in violence on MTV given the condemnation of rap artists for violent and misogynistic lyrics. Findings show that rap music videos were substantially more likely to display physical aggression than other genres, and more importantly, that this violence was glamorized and sanitized, which they suggest increases the risk of harmful effects on the viewing audience (2005, p. 92). Essentially, relating their findings to numerous other studies, they argue that rap videos not only contain more violence, but the fact that the aggression is rewarded or not punished influences the way that viewers interpret the images and increase the probability of aggression.
Investigating the prevalence of alcohol use in rap lyrics, Herd (2005) undertakes a content analysis of alcohol use references in a sample of rap songs from 1979 to 1997.
These findings show that references to alcohol increased over this period from 8% to 44%, while positive attitudes toward alcohol also increased from 43% to 73% (2005, p. 1258).
Also of interest is the finding that alcohol use references became more likely to result in positive consequences, such as sex or relaxation, while a small proportion of these references mentioned negative consequences, such as health problems, social problems, and belligerence. Herd follows with discussion of the implications of these findings, which presents two different perspectives. First, increases in the prevalence of alcohol references and positive consequences may be the efforts of rap artists to introduce and normalize alcohol use as part of the rap lifestyle, while it may also be a reflection of the advertising culture of America, which associates alcohol use with African Americans (2005, p. 1266).
According to Herd, regardless of whether it is about lifestyle or advertising, the findings are problematic in that one of the major target audiences of rap music is youth aged 12-20, below the legal drinking age,
One interesting analysis worthy of mention here is a comparative analysis of violent themes in rap and country music (Armstrong, 1993). While the author does not suggest that 10
there are equivalent amounts of violent references between the genres, he uses
ethnographic content analysis to illustrate that there are resemblances in the rhetoric of violence between them. While Armstrong acknowledges that there are distinct differences in the lived experiences of both artists and audiences for the two types of music, he
suggests that one existing parallel that is that violent rap can be viewed as a form of working class resistance and a reflection of economic frustration, while the "redneck"
persona with which country singers identify reflects a "working class social type that acts with malice and has an outlaw quality" (cited in Armstrong, 1993, p. 70). The author further suggests that rap and country are parallel in their presentation of violent crimes.
Armstrong illustrates this through direct comparisons of murder, manslaughter, and assault references within song lyrics as the following example shows (From Armstrong 1993, p.
75-76). This verse from the rap artist Eazy-E exemplifies the violent and misogynistic content that rap music has been targeted for:
Now back on the street and my records are clean I creeped on my bitch with my Uzi machine. Went to the house and kicked down the door Unloaded like hell, cold smoked the whore.
This is a sample of lyrics from the 1962 Johnny Cash song "Delia's Gone:"
Delia, Oh Delia, Delia all my life If I hadn 't shot poor Dehlia, I 'd have had her for a wife. First time I shot her, shot her in the side, Hard to watch her suffer, But with the second shot she died. 11
While Armstrong's analysis makes no claims that the level of violence or amount of violence in country music is similar to that of rap, he does illustrate that the lyrics of a number of country songs parallel rap in their themes, graphicness, and explicitness.
In support of the perspective that music listening can cause harm, Chen et al. (2006) published an article discussing exposure to music that contains references to substance use, violence, and social defiance, and the links of this to substance use, aggressive behavior, and sensation seeking among listeners. Citing numerous previous studies, the authors state that "rap music is one genre that, more than others, is identified as particularly glorifying and encouraging the use of alcohol, other substances and violence" (2006, p. 373). As rap music is associated with substance use, aggression and risky behaviours, the authors investigate whether levels of these behaviours are related to music preference. The findings report that listening to rap music, compared to other genres, was consistently and positively associated to alcohol use, potential alcohol use disorder, marijuana and club-drug use, and aggression, even controlling for listening to other music, demographics and sensation seeking (2006, p. 378). Support is found for the argument that substance use and aggression are associated with music listening, and that higher degrees are associated with listening to rap.
The harm perspective is further illustrated by its link to misogyny, through the analysis of sexually violent themes within "gangsta" rap music (Wester et al., 1997). The authors hypothesize that exposure to gangsta rap lyrics and songs will produce negative attitudes toward women among men with little previous exposure to this music. Using a sample of predominantly white undergraduate students from a Midwestern American university, the findings report that gangsta rap lyrics significantly increased adversarial 12 sexual beliefs toward women, which led to the conclusion that brief exposure to misogynistic messages may result in increased adversarial beliefs in naive listeners (1997, p. 505). It is further suggested that chronic exposure to sexually violent material may foster negative attitudes as listeners may encode anti-female messages. In line with the harm thesis, the article suggests that listening to misogynistic rap music may produce more negative attitudes toward women, and prolonged exposure may increase negative attitudes.
A study by Barongan and Nagayama Hall (1995) on the influence of misogynous rap music on behavior investigates sexual aggression toward women. In this study, one group listened to misogynistic rap while another listened to neutral rap and both were asked to show a female colleague a film vignette from a selection that were neutral, sexually violent, or assaultive. Researchers found that while only 7% of the participants that listened to neutral rap showed the sexual-violent or assaultive vignette to their colleague, of those that listened to misogynistic rap 30% showed the assaultive vignette. The findings report that a significantly greater proportion of men showed a sexually aggressive film to a woman after hearing misogynous rap, suggesting that this type of music facilitates sexually aggressive behavior (1995, p. 203). The authors further suggest that the music had a priming effect on the behavior of the participants, as the sexually aggressive film was a representation of the misogynous rap lyrics, leading to participants perception of violence toward women as acceptable, due to it's portrayal as acceptable behavior in media (1995, p. 204). While the authors do acknowledge some of the methodological criticisms that can be leveled at their study, they posit that the results suggest a detrimental effect of music lyrics on men's behavior toward women. 13
Presenting gangsta rap music in a slightly different light, Riley (2005) considers the importance of the audience in understanding the meanings and symbols in gangsta rap. The author does not dispute the violent imagery contained in gangsta rap music but presents the
Durkheimian concept of the sacred and profane as a partial explanation. It is suggested that the culture of gangsta rap is one which is marked by a "culture of mourning and the invocation of the necessity of revenge as retaliation for the slaying of friends" (2005, p.
306), which he supports with references to several songs dedicated to this theme. Riley suggests these lyrics are misread as a provocation or celebration of violence, when they are in fact "a symbolic response and interpretation of already existing violence" (2005, p. 306) arguing that the focus on vengeance in gangsta rap is not promotion but is in fact symbolic expression. Furthermore, Riley discusses the rejection of mainstream morals and social rules in terms of the inconsistency of these with the "realness" of the world in which they live. For those that live in this world there are different rules and different ways of living, such as selling drugs to escape poverty, which has the potential to cause harm to both the community and the person engaged in the action. The author suggests that the lyrics of rap music tell this story and describe the moral dilemmas that are faced in the "realness" of living in this subculture (2005, p. 309). Contributing to this argument, Pinn (1999) recognizes the self-destructive life described in gangsta rap music but also suggests "the careful listener and observer will notice that although some songs by gangsta rappers glory in cruel exploits, they also acknowledge and lament this destruction" (p. 14). 14
Positive Messages in Rap
Positive influences of rap music have also been discussed in academic literature.
Hutnyk and Sharma (2000) provide the reminder that although it is difficult to ignore the potential for rap to reproduce misogynistic and masculinist discourse, research should not overlook the political discourses rap creates and exists in, or the gendered responses and politics of sexuality in popular culture (p. 60). This suggests that the content of the music should not be the only consideration, but where it originates and the social, economic, and political realities that it emerges from should be considered.
Rose (1994) describes rap as a "hidden transcript" that uses cloaked speech and disguised cultural codes to challenge power inequalities. She suggests "a large and significant element in rap's discursive territory is engaged in symbolic and ideological warfare with institutions and groups that symbolically, ideologically, and materially oppress African Americans" (1994, p. 101). The power discussion relates to the fact that rap music is controlled by dominant institutions, yet it is produced and disseminated into popular culture making these "cultural expressions of discontent" accessible to oppressed and sympathetic groups. Mass distribution of these messages contributes to cultural bridges among these groups and provides support for these "attacks on institutional power" (1994, p. 101). This idea of the accessibility of these messages to oppressed and sympathetic groups around the world and the cultural bridging of them is paramount to the discussion presented later of the appropriation of rap music outside of the U.S., and specifically by
First Nations people in Canada. Rose further suggests that although rap music often seems contrary in the sexist and patriarchal assumptions it seems to reproduce, the social criticism provided is an attempt to counteract efforts of public educational institutions to erase 15 resistance to domination by women, the working class, and people of color. These efforts are illustrated in the construction of black urban America as the source of urban social ills threatening order, a discourse that is heavily supported by the media (1994, p. 104). One of the goals of rap music's war on dominant discourse is to fight against the perception and reproduction of black culture and spaces as the premier site of social malady.
Resistance
Martinez (1997) discusses the positive influence of rap music, particularly in the central argument that rap represents a form of oppositional culture or culture of resistance, struggling against institutional discrimination, racism, and urban decay (1997, p. 268). Also focusing on the messages embedded in rap, Martinez describes the music as a consciousness raising, politically progressive and liberating cultural form, one that is vilified for the way that it energizes and stimulates the black youthful audience as a threat to dominant culture (1997, p. 273). The analysis is rooted in the argument that political and gangsta rap of the late 1980's and early 1990's was a form of resistance and oppositional culture that brought to light perceived problems in U.S. inner cities, culminating in the
1992 Los Angeles riots. Martinez suggests that rap music is "the voice of urban African
American youth, and that this voice is a form of resistance to and survival within the dominant social order" (1997, p. 272). Analysing the lyrics of these songs, Martinez identifies multiple themes including "Distrust of police," "Fear of a corrupt system that plans genocide," "Anger at racism and loss of opportunities," and "Action in the face of oppression" (1997, p. 276-8). The analysis of lyrics and identification of these oppositional themes support her argument that this form of cultural expression is not limited to violent, 16
misogynistic imagery and references to drugs and alcohol (although these often do appear
in the lyrics), but that the lyrics identify some of the problems facing African American urban youth and serve as a call to recognize these and act together to resist them.
Expanding on the work of Martinez in a publication that also considers rap as
"oppositional resistance" Beighey and Unnithan (2006) analyse a sample of political rap
music lyrics from 1988 to 1992 for tones of opposition, finding that nearly 44 percent of
songs clearly or extremely expressed these themes. In illustrating the pervasiveness of
oppositional resistance in political rap, the authors find that their themes "occur mostly in
connection with affirming Black nationalism by using images of an extended family"
(2006, p. 140). Drawing on the perspective of Rose (1994), the analysis shows that political
rap music provides opportunities to establish empowering identities and resistance to
oppression experienced by Blacks, expressed in political rap as opposition to poor
economic conditions, the criminal justice system, and genocidal conspiracy. In closing,
Beighey and Unnithan emphasize the tendency to dwell on sexism, misogyny and violence
associated with rap music while seldom mentioning positive aspects of the music:
"personal empowerment, anti-drug rhetoric, and a celebration of Black community building" (2006, p. 141).
Empowerment
Pratt (1990) discusses the theme of empowerment in music stating: "music that empowers releases human energies as well as invites investment of effective powers" (p.
38). By releasing affective powers, Pratt refers to the feeling that there is the possibility of making changes as opposed to being faced with only what cannot be accomplished. The 17
author submits that the difficulty is in measuring how forms of popular music may have
empowering qualities, but suggests that music can help to "empower and reinforce the
energies of those who have gained real capacities for action" (1990, p. 39). What Pratt
suggests is that music can be empowering if it expands the potential in the listener to recognize existing problems, but also realize that they are not insurmountable. In reference to rap music in particular he writes: "rap is hard because the life that it comes out of is
hard, yet it demonstrates again that what is done to people is less significant than what they
do with what is done to them" (1990, p. 210), a thought that encapsulates the resistance and
oppositional culture that is expressed through rap music.
Perry (2004) argues that the demonization of blackness is appropriated and
exploited by some rap artists as "metaphoric tools for expressing power" (p. 47), which are not perceived by the African American community as self hating or traitorous, but is an identity celebrated as a particular form of black empowerment. This author suggests that what could be considered negative stereotypes of African Americans that may stem from rap music serve as empowering representations of black men by taking power from white
America through white American fear.
Hip-hop is defined as "socio-political" by Aldridge (2005), who suggests "socially and politically conscious Hip Hop and rap often espouse racial solidarity, community empowerment, and liberatory education as ways to ameliorate problems in black communities" (p. 249). Among other qualities, this author relates the potential for community empowerment inherent in rap and hip-hop music.
Martinez (2004) describes what he calls the first stage of political development of hip-hop, the "cultural emergence" stage, in which "young people found vehicles to criticize 18 and critique, to define and salute, and to empower and build" (p. 197) through the elements of hip-hop music. Martinez further argues that the remaining two stages involved grassroots organizations intended to empower communities, and the current stage which involves increasing political engagement.
Racism
Sullivan (2003) considers the messages of rap music, hypothesizing that rap listeners would perceive rap as a truthful reflection of society, and also investigating the hypothesis that white rap fans would be most likely to say that rap has affected their opinions about racism (2003, p. 612). While her study found no significant support for the hypothesis that rap is seen as a true reflection of society, she did find support for the idea that rap influences attitudes towards racism. This finding is significant in that it illustrates that rap music can be seen as a form of expression that illuminates the issue of racism and delivers this message to a wide audience.
Also discussing rap and race, Rose (1994) considers racism as it relates to rap music. Racism, harassment, and police brutality form the political core of the social criticism in rap, issues the author suggests lyrics cleverly and effectively address while carrying great social weight (1994, p. 106). Citing a number of cases involving racially motivated police actions, Rose suggests that race is a critical factor in police judgments of potential criminal behavior, and shapes attitudes toward African Americans and their treatment (1994, p. 113). Utilizing the lyrics of popular rap songs Rose illustrates the way that these lyrics "place at center stage the generally submerged subordinate group hidden text, placing it in direct confrontation to the official one" (1994, p. 114). What she suggests 19 is that rap music addresses the issue of racism through texts that illustrate the situations that
African Americans findthemselve s in as a result of racialized practices, such as policing.
Rose also demonstrates the way that rap music recognizes that economic privilege and status mitigate the power that police have, as lawyers and money make African Americans less vulnerable to oppression and discrimination from police. Rose suggests that the texts of rap music confront racialized practices and verbalize the feelings of the African
American community concerning unfair treatment based on economic disadvantage and working class vulnerability.
Rap in Education
A qualitative study by Iwamoto et al (2007) discusses the potential educational value of rap music. As a basis for claims of pedagogical value, the authors suggest that
"rap music elicits powerful emotion and significant meanings across ethnic and racial groups" (p. 346), in part by serving as a coping mechanism and outlet for frustration and stress. In terms of educational value, the authors suggest that students presented with rap music found positive messages and compared this to "going to school" (2007, p. 349). As a recommendation based on this idea, the authors suggest that engaging with rap music and discussing the messages "can promote greater social consciousness and teach youth to become more critical consumers" (2007, p. 349).
Recently rap music has been utilized as a pedagogic tool. The perspective at the root of this is the idea that rap music "provides a context for the humanities and social sciences" (Stovall, 2006, p. 585). Stovall offers an ethnographic study that recounts experiences in workshops in which hip-hop culture is integrated into the curriculum of secondary school students in an attempt to encourage engagement and maintain interest of the students. The goal of the workshop was to "develop pedagogical practice that centers on the issues and concerns of students" (2006, 588). As urban youth are often blamed for social ills, the use of hip-hop as a teaching tool is argued to be relevant in promoting critical inquiry among high school students as interest is held and issues may have relevance in their lives. Investigating the musical tastes of the students, the researcher found that the majority preferred more "thugged-out" music containing controversial themes than radio friendly songs. Interestingly, the author suggests that not all of the thugged-out music merely glorified violence, "but instead reaffirmed many of the realities students felt were reflective of their lives" (2006, p. 591). This supports the ideas presented here (See Sullivan, 2003; Pieterse, 2001; Lashua and Fox, 2006) suggesting that an affinity for music with more explicit themes often occurs because youth feel it is a reflection of their lives and experiences. Stovall illustrates the value of critical teaching by providing examples of current curriculum which tend to reflect the White Anglo-Saxon paradigm, and do not reflect the experiences of students resulting in disinterest (2006, p. 597).
Further, the use of hip-hop as a teaching tool allows students to engage in critical reflection, illuminating for to teachers and facilitator the concerns and issues of youth. By engaging in exercises where students are able to hear their concerns and issues voiced and identify with those that are presenting these images, they are able to participate in a more reflective form of learning where the problems that concern them are put into context, instead of being rooted in the White Anglo-Saxon experience, which they may feel has little relevance in their lives. 21
Martinez (1994) presents a report that discusses the value of popular music as a tool in post-secondary instruction of a particular topic: Gender, Race and Class. The author discusses the idea of music as a teaching tool in sociology, specifically by "using the lyrics of contemporary artists to demonstrate the concepts, theories, and general topics in sociology" (1994, p. 260). In order to foster discussion in class and create a unique learning atmosphere for learning where students would question assumptions about themselves and others, the author describes the way she uses music in her post-secondary classes to illustrate key themes of racism, ethnicity, and social class to help conceptualize theories of prejudice and discrimination. In conclusion Martinez suggests that music, as well as other forms of popular culture, can be used to supplement textual materials and expose students to material that encompasses the diversity of the subject matter while being open to the needs and interests of the students (1994, p. 264).
In Canada rap music has also been used as a pedagogical tool. One example is an in-school recreation-based project called "The Beat of Boyle Street" which teaches inner- city at-risk Aboriginal youth in Edmonton, Alberta to make music and utilize audio software (Lashua, 2006). Lashua sees the youth participating in this program constructing identity and using popular culture as expressions of these as well as their social relationships, through the creation of narratives that convey the ways that they understand themselves and their place in the world. In creating music, youth are able "to express their values and share their anger, joy, hope, and sorrow" (2006, p. 395), and show the ways that they negotiate social injustices that they experience in their lives. Through this program they are able to engage in the movement from "bad Indian" or "another Native" to a role of
Aboriginal storytellers and producers (2006, p. 407). This encapsulates what Lashua means in suggesting that identity construction is paramount in this program. It not only provides an opportunity for youth involved to express themselves and their identity, but to move away from prejudicial stereotypes and to create a positive identity. Coming into the program as troubled, at-risk youth, they are able to build skills and construct an identity that no longer relegates them to one which labels them as a part of a social problem.
Identity
Rose (1994) also discusses the role of identity in rap music. In her estimation, rap a cultural re-formation of the African American community's memory and knowledge of itself, expressed through the lyrics that individual rappers compose. These lyrics can be seen as "a critical part of a rapper's identity, strongly suggesting the importance of authorship and individuality in rap music "(1994, p. 95). Music sampling has been criticized as a lack of musical talent, theft, and devoid of creativity, however, Rose suggests this illustrates the importance in rap of collective identities and group histories
® (1994, p. 95-6). This is further seen in the author's description of this appropriation as "a musical time machine" which recalls other times and recontextualizes them, embedding them in the present through contemporary music (1994, p. 96).
Martin (2006) emphasizes that aesthetic experiences felt by listeners can be deep, personal and subjective, and these experiences can be understood as originating in their involvement in "patterns of collective action" (p. 100). This suggests that meaning for listeners is tied to their identification with the ideologies expressed as well as the participation in the rituals inherent in being a part of the collective identity of the subculture of which the music is central. 23
Keyes (2002) states that it is West Coast rap which is credited with introducing gangsta rap, also referred to as "reality rap," containing lyrics that included depictions of gang life in Los Angeles (2002, p. 90). The content of these lyrics make up much of the moral panic that surrounds rap, and is the subject of many of the articles previously discussed here focusing on the negative or harmful effects of rap music. Keyes also suggests that aspects of the West Coast rap scene were influenced by Chicano gang culture.
One of these aspects is the style of dress that has become a widely recognizable symbol of rap and hip-hop culture. Keyes suggests that it is the West Coast artists in the late 1980's that popularized baggy khaki pants and jeans, oversized shirts, baseball caps, bandanas, and lowriders, all of which a part of Chicano gang culture identity (2002, p. 89). The style described here is discussed in Holman's (1997) case study of an African American youth taking part in counseling sessions which were led by the author. Holman describes the uneasy feeling that he felt in firstbein g confronted with this particular youth, the way that mere physical appearance caused him to first make the judgment that "this kid is trouble"
(1997, p. 489). The youth's appearance is one which he suggests has come to be considered as cool, an outfit he describes as "classic gangsta: black baggy pants and boots, a black hooded sweatshirt with the hood up, a black baseball cap reversed underneath the hood, black sunglasses, and a black ski mask covering the lower half of his face" (1997, p. 489).
In the article it is Holman's assertion that the outfit chosen is intended by the youth to have the effect that it does: to intimidate people and make them uncomfortable. This outfit is part of an attempt to look cool and tough to avoid being victimized, as well as generate respect through an appearance as a gangster, in order to walk the streets feared, respected and unchallenged (1997, p. 492). Holman describes an instance when the youth talks about how his gangsta look caused people to give him room and watch him wanly, a goal that the author sums up in the statement "respect and fear are synonymous" (1997, p. 92). It is this reality that makes the gangsta style as powerful as it is in invoking fear and unease in those that are not a part of this culture. The author further describes the way that this appearance is a defense mechanism not only against those in the streets that would victimize him, but also in dealing with clinic staff, people that he did not see as reflective of himself, a situation that he deemed hostile. By playing off his gangsta appearance he was able to overcome feeling threatened and vulnerable by making those around him feel so (1997, p.
494). The Holman article illustrates an example of the way that the gangsta outfit is intentionally used for the fearsome image that it projects, and in this case it may very well be a reaction to real threat or vulnerability, but the fact remains that the style described has the very real ability to instill fear in some people, an image that is no doubt realized by those that wear the outfit.
Theoretical Context: Appropriation, Hybriditv, and Authenticity
The term "cultural appropriation" is used in academic literature in reference to the increased popularity of rap and hip-hop music. Rodriguez (2006) relates the continuing spread of hip-hop and hybrid forms around the world, as does Bucholtz (2002) who suggests that it is the "cultural form most widely appropriated in new contexts around the world" (2002, p. 543). Yet there is a slight difference in the perspectives taken by these two authors. Bucholtz argues that the appropriation of rap music on a global level is not unthinking acceptance of cultural products, but involves creativity and agency from those that appropriate it, and thus serves as a resource for local identity making (2002, p. 543). 25
Rodriguez suggests white youth in the U.S. do not simply consume black cultural products, but appropriate them for their own purposes, they do not want to be black but want the characteristics of blackness associated with being cool (2006, p. 649). Quoting Hall (1997),
Rodriguez illustrates the undesirable effect of cultural appropriation, in that "separating the art from the people leads to an appropriation of aesthetic innovation that not only 'exploits'
Black cultural forms, commercially and otherwise, but also nullifies the cultural meaning those forms provide for African Americans" (2006, p. 663). Bucholtz presents the view that the appropriation of hip-hop on a global level is a harmless phenomenon that serves those that do so, while Rodriguez illustrates the potentially detrimental effects for African
American culture.
Maxwell (2003) presents an effort to address this issue in ethnographic research: recognition. The author acknowledges that there is a long global history of appropriation of black art forms cloaked in the justification that this is unproblematic 'use' that does not diminish the fact that within these forms lived struggles are embedded ( p. x). Maxwell suggests his objective in studying the white hip-hop culture of Sydney, Australia is not to defend appropriation framed in terms of globalization and access to culture, nor to present a description of a subculture claiming to participate in a culture that they have no access to, but his purpose is an understanding of "modes of embodiment, practice, and habit, so as to open up the possibility of affective states as modes of understanding" (2003, p. x). The appropriation of African American cultural forms, in this case rap and hip-hop music, is not without problems, however Maxwell illustrates the importance of understanding the way that these forms are appropriated and utilized in ways similar and different to the African
American culture that created it. 26
The theoretical argument most prominent in the literature on the cultural
appropriation of rap culture is that of "cultural hybridity." Although the term "hybridity"
has been used in areas of cultural production, illustrated by the way that it is used to market
world music (Taylor, 2007), it has also been used in the context of academic discourse in
discussions of authenticity of culturally appropriated products. One of the more clear
conceptions of this concept is from Homi K. Bahbha, who describes hybridity as "the third
space that enables other positions to emerge... The process of cultural hybridity gives rise
to something different, something new and unrecognizable, a new area of meaning and
representation" (Cited in Taylor, 2007, p. 145).
In reference to world music, Stokes (2004) discusses the interaction between the
concepts of hybridity and authenticity. It is argued that previous study of musical hybridity
"provides evidence of diasporic cultural and political strategies" (2004, p.59), that
hybridity illuminates the detachment of groups from nation states, and the use of music as a
voice that represents their experience. Further, in identifying the authentic elements in this
music, the elements of hybridity are also seen, as "all music bears the mark of interactions
and exchanges between as well as within groups" (2004, p. 60). Stokes points out that
music can at once be an authentic representation of the lives of those that create it, and also
contain elements of other cultures. As he states, "purity of musical expression is not
possible" (2004, p. 60). Taylor (2007) also illustrates the interaction between authenticity
and hybridity, presenting an example of Australian band Yothu Yindi, composed of both
Aboriginal and white musicians. This band produces contemporary rock music inflected with Aboriginal musics, but the author points out that even though their music is a generic
style of rock, they are still categorized as world music: a rock-Aboriginal traditional 27 hybrid. However, lyrics from one of the band's songs called "Tribal Voice" are concerned with issues of Australian Aboriginal people standing up for their rights, an issue relevant to the artists. As Taylor puts it, these musicians "may not be expected to be authentic anymore in the sense of being untouched by the sounds of the West: now it is their very hybridity that allows them to be constructed as authentic" (2007, p. 144).
One of the frequently discussed aspects of rap music is authenticity, identified as a key theme in academic work around hip-hop. The issue is the debate around authenticity of the music and artists creating it, whether it is "real." Specifically concerning rap music,
Quinn (2005) provides the example of censorship of the gangsta rap band NWA in the UK in the early 1990's. During a hearing to investigate the offensive material contained within one of their albums, lyrical content was defended as "a socially valid testament of ghetto reality" (p. 21), establishing the authenticity of gangsta rap music as a valid representation of experience. Pinn (1999) uses the term "ideology of authenticity" (p. 12) to describe the appeal of gangsta rap music, as seen in rap lyrics calling for "keepin' it real." Pinn suggests that ghetto life is an existence of both uncertainty and stability, and that gangsta rap presents misogyny, homophobia, and violence as a "code of authentic existence" (1999, p.
12), rooted in the reclamation of 1970's ghetto hustlers and early 20th century "Badmen," iconic figures in African American heritage.
Maxwell (2003) presents a discussion of authenticity valuable to this research. The author investigates the hip-hop subculture in Sydney, Australia, and shows the negotiation of authenticity among a primarily white collective who have appropriated an African
American cultural form. He suggests that the debate centers on "authenticity" versus
"imitation," and shows the way that authenticity can be viewed in a local context. In his research, Maxwell also addresses the debate over the appropriateness of people from middle class backgrounds and claims to hip-hop authenticity. These claims result in the creation of an "ideology" of hip-hop that transcends race and class, centering instead on
"representing" (keepin' it real), and skill, as it relates to creating subcultural products, such as raps, graffiti, and dance (2003, p. 65). The claim made is that authenticity within the
Sydney hip-hop scene is not "a continuity of experience, culture, class or history with an originary authentic African American hip-hop," but that authenticity comes from "location of self within (global) narratives, but also through the processes of articulation of embodied experience to those narratives" (2003, p. 12). Through identification with what is called the
"Hip-Hop Nation," members of the Sydney scene see themselves as part of a shared citizenship in a "nation constituted by the shared struggle of social agents to maintain the specific enjoyment of their being in the face of those who want to take it away from them"
(2003, p. 162). The key idea is the existence of oppression, and by claiming a specific oppression or type of victimization members construct a national identity, and therefore a link to African Americans. This identity authenticates the claims of the Sydney hip-hop scene as part of the Hip-Hop Nation. Maxwell shows that hip-hop music is not simply appropriated by these youth for its aesthetic value, but that the global quality of hip-hop music allows it to be adapted and utilized as expressions of lived experiences of the members of this subculture. It is not merely an imitation of African American hip-hop, as the lives and experiences of the Sydney subculture differ from those of the African
American originators. Sydney hip-hop contains different, authentic narratives, yet the global context of hip-hop music allows for authentication of their hip-hop realness. Global Appropnation of Rap
Rap music is found increasingly in cultures and countries outside the U.S. where it
originated with African Americans. Bennett (1999) suggests that considering the
appropriations of rap music in a global context involves looking past the commercial
packaging of rap as a global commodity, but to consider that each case of appropriation
involves the "reworking of hip-hop in ways that reflect local circumstances" (p. 5).
Osumare (2007) writes of what he describes as the "Africanist aesthetic" and the role of this in the expansion of rap and hip-hop culture across the globe. The author argues that the rhythm of rap music makes it appealing to youth of many different cultures, but
another connection between youth across the world lies in the various social inequalities within each society. This youth culture exists as an extension of African American culture, and a global symbol of marginalized people (2007, p. 68). Osumare suggests that
"blackness" is a sign of contested construction of identity and meanings, and although there are differences in the experiences and situations of youth in these localities the Africanist aesthetic becomes the way that they express their own marginality. The key for this author is to understand that the global impact of hip-hop and rap aesthetics "facilitate an
'emancipator effect' on the international participants as they address their own social inequalities" (2007, p. 68). Rap and hip-hop are appealing to youth internationally as listeners are not only interested in the rhythm and beats of the music, but can identify with the marginality of African Americans that it represents and see the social inequalities they experience reflected, whether they are due to religious, ethnic or cultural differences.
The diversity of rap music audiences has increasingly been the subject of sociological inquiry. In a study exploring racial differences in preferences for rap music, 30
Sullivan (2003) suggests that black listeners of rap music may have a higher level of commitment to rap music than other ethnicities as it represents not only a form of resistance, but also plays a role in identity development and maintenance for black youth.
For white listeners however, Sullivan describes rap as "an interracial socializer," in its ability to influence the attitudes of white listeners toward racism and also as a way for white youth to vicariously learn about African Americans (2003, p. 617). These conclusions are supported in part by the fact that the researcher found that the racial gap in listeners is closing, as preference was not significantly different for blacks and whites
(2003, p. 615). This supports the idea that the audience for rap music is increasing, and although rap may be argued to be an expression of African American culture, the audience is no longer primarily black youth.
Rodriguez (2006) also argues that the audience for rap is widening, and in his study of white members of a hip-hop scene the author finds that rap music appropriation involves the removal of racially coded meanings in rap through what he terms "color-blind ideology." Color-blind ideology refers to the way that white youth draw on liberal notions of equality in order to provide a discursive foundation on which they can construct racial identities as "cultureless" (2006, p. 646). Through this identity, white youth are able to participate in rap and hip-hop culture by adopting an ideology that does not ignore race but acknowledges it while disregarding racial hierarchies through the reduction of racially coded styles and products into commodities purchased and shared by both whites and racial minorities (2006, p. 649). It is through the commodification and mass marketing of African
American cultural symbols, such as rap and hip-hop, that white youth can experience a similarity to ethnic communities. 31
Hess (2005) considers the way that commercially popular white rap artists such as
Eminem, Vanilla Ice, and the Beastie Boys negotiate a place in rap culture considering the role of authenticity in African American representations of identity. Essentially, Hess considers the way that white rappers have found success given the adoption of a cultural form that exists as a representation of African American identity, experience, and culture.
This negotiation is achieved through efforts of white artists such as Eminem who do not try to hide their whiteness, but form their own authenticity as white outsiders (2005, p. 385).
The narratives that they create express not only the challenges they face as white youth dealing with the social problems they face such as poverty, but the obstacles they had to overcome to be accepted as white rappers. Further, the author illustrates the increase in white audiences of rap music and the way white consumption is recognized by producers that market rap music, even while they are criticized for diluting rap culture (2005, p. 386).
Although they attempt to protect the authenticity of rap as an expression of black culture,
African American rap artists and producers also target the growing white audience for rap music. Most important in this article is how Hess shows that white performers (for the most part) do not merely appropriate black culture and try to use black music to appeal to the white mainstream, but are accepted because they don't imitate black authenticity, but utilize white authenticity in their creation of rap music (2005, p. 376).
The creation of rap music by artists other than African Americans has not only occurred in the U.S. in popular mainstream music, but is widespread through many cultures and countries. As an example of the global impact of hip-hop Osumare (2007) describes the "Jiggers" of Japan. The relationship of this group to African American culture is described as a fascination with African American culture where blackness and the music 32 that represents it are adopted as a source of rebellion against the Japanese middle class. The attraction to rap lies in its "renegade reputation" and for Japanese youth it reflects their marginalization from the adult status quo (2007, p. 99). Through rap, Japanese youth are able to rebel against a conformist lifestyle that does not allow for individual expression by developing identities that reflect their disenchantment with dominant ideologies of middle class Japan. It could be argued that rap and hip-hop are merely adopted from African
American culture and commercialized for a Japanese audience, but as Osumare states
"youth marginality combines with the Africanist aesthetic forcing Japanese youth to access hip-hop form their own cultural aesthetics if they are to 'keep it real' within the dictates of hip-hop" (2007, p. 100).
Briggs and Cobley (1999) discuss the adoption of rap music within multicultural
London, England. Tackling the debate on the "Americanization" of Britain through consumer enthusiasm toward American cultural products, the authors illustrate the widespread fascination with African American culture in particular. Through focus groups,
Briggs and Cobley investigate subculture participation "as a site for the negotiation of ethnic identity" (1999, p. 338), arguing that participation is not merely about ethnic specificity in enthusiasm for rap, but involves commodity selection and is therefore open to all ethnicities (1999, p. 338). This argument suggests that the British subculture marked by enthusiasm for rap is not exclusively black Britons that would be expected to identify with rap music, but includes members of numerous ethnicities. In their research, the authors realized that the data was less straightforward than they anticipated, eliciting questions about subcultures and the role of authenticity, oppositionality, identity, ethnicity and hybridity (1999, p. 339). The problematic aspect for their respondents comes in the 33
difference in experiences between British rappers and American rappers. Indigenous
British rap, called "Jungle," is music that British youth felt that they could relate to, with the exception of British rap that attempts to ape American style, with images of gun toting gangsters. For these respondents, Jungle was seen as authentic in that content focuses on a
"hedonistic image of conspicuous consumption," as opposed to trying to copy American hardcore rap, which is considered an authentic representation of the experiences of the
American artists but not their British counterparts.
Bennett (1999) also investigates rap music in Britain, focusing on the significance
of rap to white youth in a city in Northeast England. Addressing the issue of authenticity,
Bennett looks at two aspects of the Newcastle rap and hip-hop scene, the first being the construction of imaginary relations to African American hip-hop culture, and second, the
significance of rap in the daily lives of white working class youth (1999, p. 2). In his research Bennett argues that white working class Britons use rap as an authentic mode of cultural expression not only through a form of association felt with African Americans due to perceived similarities in experience, but that rap and hip-hop culture is easily translated to the British white working class experience. This is illustrated by the view of one respondent that "hip-hop isn't a black thing, it's a street thing" (1999, p. 15). The article presents several examples of rap songs penned by British working class youth that reflect local experience, addressing topics like criticism of cultural conservatism which contributes to stigmatization based on their chosen image, problems of excessive drinking and alcohol related violence seen in the community. Presenting an account of the rap music scene in Newcastle, the author describes the songs created by white working class youth as "improvised stories which these rappers are relating [that] work out of a shared 34 stock of local knowledge and experiences which are in many ways uniquely relevant to
Newcastle" (1999, p. 20). Bennett shows that rap is not merely appropriated by the white working class youth as a style choice, or through the perceived similarity of experience between themselves and African Americans, but that the music is an authentic reflection of the experiences and circumstances of the youth that create them. Further, the music functions as a sounding board for these youth to express their views and address the problems they see through narratives that reflect their experiences and experiences of those in their community.
Italian rap music serves an overtly political function, as seen in research on militant autonimist rap groups in Italy. Wright (2000) presents a description of the leftist goal of autonomist rap as one where the music reflects "the potential and actuality of self- organized conflict within and against 'the present state of things', understood as relations of power" (2000, p. 123). The author argues that through the creation and self production of rap music with an overtly leftist message, and by reaching to more diverse audiences among Italian people autonomist rap presented a powerful voice engaged in communication and interaction between people with opposing political views. This illustrates a specific example of rap music appropriated on a global level serving as a medium for delivering a political message and protesting the status quo.
Similarly, Fernandes (2003) illustrates the way that Cuban rappers have been able to promote messages of racial egalitarianism and help develop strategies to cope with limited options for black youth in Cuba. Fernandes suggests that Cuban rap grew out of housing projects occupied mainly by black working class that found themselves deprived of a political voice (2003, p. 579). Cuban rap began to increase in popularity in part 35 through state support in the form of concerts, radio and television airtime in the 1990's.
The message of Cuban rap is essentially a criticism of political leadership and their refusal to effectively address the issue of racial inequality. Cuban rappers use their music as a forum for addressing contemporary issues such as police harassment, stereotyping of black youth, and to show the circumstances of marginalized communities. In the words of the author, Cuban rappers "use rap as a means of cultural contestation in a period of increasing racial inequalities and declining opportunities for black youth" (2003, p. 593).While Cuban rap subculture adopts a style that embraces American slang and clothing, the author argues that this is a means of "asserting a collective sense of black identity in contrast to the racially integrative program of the Cuban state" (2003, p. 601). For those that are a part of the Cuban rap scene, the style and image they embrace provides them with identity as well as autonomy within a political system that promotes assimilation and integration, while still unofficially marginalizing Cuban blacks. The music and image of Cuban rappers represents a movement that provides a voice of resistance for Cuban blacks.
Recently, the affinity for rap music among Canadian Aboriginal youth has been a topic of sociological inquiry. Hollands (2004) examines the construction of what he terms
"hybrid identities," studying the consumption of western culture among Mohawk youth.
Specifically, Hollands reports that rap is the most favored form of music among the youth in his research, suggesting that their own cultural subordination parallels that of African
American youth (2004, p. 11). Lashua and Fox (2006) show the way that Aboriginal youth use rap music as a medium for expressing their experiences, realities, and struggles (p.
277), as an expression of political and social struggles around Aboriginal culture and identity. The authors describe at-risk and out of school Aboriginal youth's use of rap as a means of expressing the complexities of the lives of marginalized people (2006, p. 269).
Through the rap songs they create identities are constructed and negotiated, and youth find their place while contesting labels and stereotypes. In a later article, Lashua further
describes the role of rap music in the lives of Aboriginal youth. Style serves as not only a
marker of membership within the Aboriginal hip-hop culture they create, but as an
expression of their identity, valuable both for how youth see themselves and the way that they are seen by others (2006, p. 401). Yet most important is how Lashua shows the way that Aboriginal youth use rap music to tell their stories, and to create their own representations of themselves and their lived experience.
The research that is presented in this thesis considers some of the themes within
Aboriginal rap music including discussion of themes deemed by previous research to be harmful, and those with a more positive message. The goal is to investigate the message of the lyrics produced as well as the perspectives of those that create it, and what they intend to relate through these narratives.
In discussing the phenomenon of the cultural appropriation of rap music among
First Nations artists, this thesis will consider the role of cultural hybridity theory on the production of Aboriginal rap lyrics. In its application to Aboriginals this theory suggests that popular culture is consumed by Aboriginal youth in ways that both reinforce and extend both Native and youthful identities (Hollands, 2004). Further, it is argued that hybridity does not refer to the appropriation of a new culture and the replacement of an existing one, but to the proliferation of cultural preferences into the social fabric of people's lives, particularly in the case of youth, as they experience the globalization of youth culture and popular media culture (2004, p. 4). Pieterse (2001) discusses the concept 37
of cultural hybridity in terms of the way that it refers to new and recent cultural
expressions, the recombination of existing expressions, and involves a limited range in expression and a distinctive audience. Applied to the topic of this thesis, cultural hybridity
suggests that the Aboriginal artists studied here do not merely adopt the cultural expressions of rap music and rap culture, but make it their own and develop rap lyrics to fit their own experiences and expressions. Within this discussion of cultural hybridity, much attention will be paid to the role of the concept of authenticity, and the expressions of this in the narratives of Aboriginal rap artists. As has been established earlier, the concepts of hybridity and authenticity are linked and one cannot be investigated without the other. 38
CHAPTER 2; METHODOLOGY
The phenomenon of rap music has been studied in numerous ways in academic
literature. Some researchers have used quantitative methods, often focused on deleterious
effects such as influences of "Gansta Rap" on attitudes of men (Wester et al, 1997), links
between rap music listening and substance use and risky behaviour (Chen et al, 2006),
musical preference and symbolic exclusion (Bryson, 1996), and responses of health care
institutions to children with specific musical preferences deemed as harmful or problematic
(Rosenbaum and Prinsky, 1991). Rap music has also been studied qualitatively, less
focused on the effects of rap music but exploring youth subculture and the way that youth
orient themselves to the music they listen to. Among these, literature considers the
preference and production of rap music among white youth (Bennet, 1999; Maxwell, 2003;
Rodriguez, 2006,), Cuban youth (Fernandes, 2003), African American youth (Martinez,
1997; Riley, 2005; Sullivan, 2003), and Aboriginal youth (Hollands, 2004; Lashua, 2006;
Lashua and Fox, 2006). What these latter publications have in common is that they
consider the lived experience of members of a particular subculture in considering the
popularity of rap and other forms of popular music. Most in line with this research project,
Lashua uses ethnographic methods to show that rap music created by inner-city, at-risk
Aboriginal youth tell stories that reflect the realities of their everyday lives (2006).
This study is interested in considering the lived experiences of Aboriginal rap artists
and the way that these have influenced their preference for rap, and inevitably the move to becoming artists and having their music produced and distributed. While ethnographic research often involves the immersion of the researcher in the culture that is being studied through participant observation (Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw, 1995, p. 1), this research is 39
concerned with grasping what is meaningful and important to members (1995, p.2), and the
use of Ethnographic Content Analysis as a methodological tool, discussed in detail in this
chapter, maintains the efficacy of ethnographic enquiry. The goal here is to achieve this
through careful analysis of the lyrics produced by artists, along with interviews intended to
contextualize the lyric analysis and provide an account of the experiences of members.
These analyses will assess the meanings, concepts, metaphors, symbols and descriptions
provided by the members (Berg, 2004, p. 3).
The phenomenological approach also informs this research. The phenomenological
goal (Cited in Mayan, 2001) of studying and describing lived human experience to produce
a thick description of the meaning of the phenomenon in question reflects the goals pursued
here. By using both textual analysis and interview data, a description of the meaning of rap
music and the experiences of Aboriginal rap artists will be produced. This approach has been used previously in exploring the essence and meaning of rap music for ethnically
diverse college students in the Midwestern U.S. (Iwamoto, Cresswell, and Caldwell, 2007).
It is suggested that phenomenology is an appropriate method for studying rap as it
considers the lived experience of the individual, and attempts to "elucidate the hidden and
complex facets of the phenomenon being studied" (2007, p. 339). While the study cited
considers the way that individuals "interpret, process, and experience rap music" (2007, p.339), the study undertaken here will not only at explore way that orientation to rap is interpreted, processed and experienced by artists, but the influence of lived experience in the creation and production of rap music. This research will not only consider at the way that rap music impacts the lives of First Nations artists, but the way that the lives of these artists appear to impact their artistic expression. The methodological tools that will be used in this research include content analysis
of song lyrics and interviewing of Aboriginal rap artists.
Content Analysis of Aboriginal Rap Music
A sample of available songs was gathered through online sources and production
company websites. The sample of songs consists of 23 tracks drawn from the work of 10
Aboriginal rap artists or groups in Alberta and is not representative of all Aboriginal rap music. Tracks containing distinct narratives were chosen by availability and the number of
songs was determined by including at least one song from each artist or group. Initially all
songs available from an online compilation of Calgary artists were selected, followed by the remaining songs being chosen from CD's and online sources of other artists identified for this sample. The sample also does not represent all of the themes reflected in Aboriginal rap music, as there are a number of artists and songs, the content of which are less provocative or contentious. For example, the sample excludes "club music," containing lyrics of having fun, listening to beats, dancing, and other aspects of pleasurable
sociability. As the goal of this research is to explore the messages within Aboriginal rap lyrics, the sample selected contains songs that appear to have a distinct narrative.
This sampling strategy is similar to that used by Beighey and Unnithan (2006). In
selecting a sample of political rap music these authors use what they term "ideographic sampling" in which materials are selected because they are "representative or expressive of the topic under investigation" (p. 137). As this research considers the messages contained in Aboriginal rap music and the role of lived experience, tracks containing narratives were chosen along a number of different topics, describing numerous situations. The content analysis will be presented as discussions of relevant themes, and interview data is used in
order to contextualize the lyrical analysis, to consider the congruency between the
experiences described in interviews and the messages within the music created, and the
meaning and significance of the messages to the artist.
Content analysis has been used previously in research on music. One article cites a
U.S. government study from 1999 that reports 47% of rap songs mentioned alcohol, nearly two-thirds mentioned illicit drugs, higher content than among other genres of music (Chen
et al., 2006, p.373). Riley considers passages from gangsta rap music using a Neo-
Dukheimian theoretical approach to look at these narratives as understood by white
suburban youth suggesting gansta rap is a "tragic cultural narrative on the transgressive
sacred" (2005, p.302). Lashua views rap lyrics created by Aboriginal youth as
"soundscapes," showing the way that young people both create and use popular culture
(2006, p. 396). Fernandes explores the lyrics of Cuban rap to distinguish between self- labeled "commercial," incorporating popular Cuban themes to be more marketable, and
"underground," focused more on the integration of political themes and the Cuban social
context (2004, p.582). Aside from the goal of the first study cited in this list which counts
specific references to drugs or alcohol, what the others have in common is that they
consider what is reflected in the narratives of the music. This is best described by Martinez
(1997) who states: "these lyrical data rather than the 'respondents' were allowed to speak for themselves, providing an overall tone more than a random selection of words" (p. 275).
Berg (2004) provides a discussion of the issues with qualitative content analysis.
While "manifest" content analysis involves the "objective, systematic, and quantitative" goal of analyzing text for elements physically present and countable, "latent" content refers 42 to the "deep structural meaning conveyed by the message" (p. 268). It is suggested that content analysis involves more than the counting the use of specific words or terms, but that the text can be used to better understand the perspectives of those producing the words
(p. 269). The goal is to break down the text, identify thematic patterns that exist, and most importantly, set out to explain them (p. 287).
The analytic method chosen for the lyric analysis is ethnographic content analysis, which is defined by Altheide (1987) as "a reflexive analysis of documents" (p. 65). In contrast to qualitative content analysis (QCA) which determines objective content of documents often for the purpose of measurement, ethnographic content analysis (ECA) is characterized by the "reflexive and highly interactive nature of the investigator, concepts, data collection and analysis" (p. 68). While the method is intended to be systematic and analytic it is not rigid, recognizing that the meaning of a message is reflected in modes of information exchange and the context of the source, and involves "constant discovery and comparison of relevant situations, settings, styles, images, meanings and nuances" (p. 68), thus data are coded in a way that single units may be relevant for more than one purpose.
Beighey and Unnithan (2006) use this method in their analysis of political rap, which allows them to produce an informed reading of political rap, identify beliefs and behaviours, specific related themes, overall tone, and investigate the meaning of oppositional discourse. Similar to the approach of Beighey and Unnithan (2006) ECA is used in this analysis to code lyrical blocks, as the music is written thematically. These blocks are often relevant in a number of ways and illustrate more than one theme, and the blocks are contextualized by other content within the song. While the songs may have a particular topic, within the lyrics there are may be number of relevant themes that appear. 43
Through EC A, the meaning of the messages contained can be assessed, considering the context within which it appears, and allowing for constant discovery and comparison of themes, in contrast to recording the frequency of the appearance of a particular word or theme.
A content analysis such as described above was conducted, identifying recurring themes within the lyrics of the music. The analysis involved listening to songs in their entirety, transcribing, and finally coding, in order to maintain the integrity if the analytic process by assessing the overall tone of songs in order to avoid presenting lyric excerpts out of the context within which they were originally presented. This thematic analysis is concerned with references to negative themes identified in previous literature, such as those associated with gang membership, substance use, violence, misogyny and other themes that may be argued to negatively influence listeners. The analysis also identifies themes that can be considered positive, such as those that warn of the dangers of the previously mentioned themes, challenge power inequalities, celebrate Aboriginal heritage or identity, or reflect what is deemed to be an empowering message.
In considering the themes within Aboriginal rap music, attention is paid to what
Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw refer to as "member's meanings" (1995, p. 2), those things that are important and meaningful in activities and experiences of members. This enters the content analysis in assessing the themes that are reflected in Aboriginal rap. Coding themes for this content analysis involves considering the meanings and points of view of those under study (1995, p. 147), and considering the significance to the members. The analytical process involves assessing not only what is contained in the lyrics, but what message is 44 being conveyed, as well as considering the meaning and significance of this message to the artist.
Interviewing Aboriginal Artists
Purposive sampling was used to recruit respondents. The types of participants included in this study are Aboriginal rap music artists and producers. They were contacted through e-mail, and in one instance through the recommendation of a fellow artist. The
Aboriginal background of the artists relied on respondents self-identifying as Aboriginal.
Online sources identified 19 artists depending on the number of artists belonging to each group, and whether or not band membership had changed. In a number of cases rap groups were contacted through e-mail and not individual artists. Producers were contacted through their production companies. In a number of instances the artists were self produced, limiting the number of producers available. As the community of Aboriginal rap artists and producers is relatively small, attempts were made to contact as many people possible involved in the production of Aboriginal rap music resulting in 4 interviews, including the artists Kray-Z-Kree, Hellnback, and Big Kowgli, and a rap music producer by the name of
Peter, and all participants are above the age of 18. Interviews were conducted through face to face meetings and telephone interviews were conducted where direct contact was not possible. It is understood that the small number of interview participants affect the findings presented in this study, however the limited number of potential respondents influenced the number of interviews possible, and interviews are intended to contextualize the argument of authenticity that is derived from the lyric analysis. 45
Interviewing numerous members of a small community raises some concerns about
anonymity and confidentiality. The main concern of this project is the way that the
experiences of members influence their role in creating Aboriginal rap and the content of the music. Interviews were concerned with information related to the creation of music and
ideas that are expressed by artists, and the way that the actors involved orient themselves to this. It is important however to be aware of the potential risks to participants. Providing
information that supports or illuminates ideas expressed in marketed music should not
create stigma, affect reputations, or alienate artists from producers or vice-versa. The intent
is to consider the orientation of these individuals to the music produced and the Aboriginal
rap music scene. Participants had the option to remain anonymous, and the risk to
anonymity was limited to the possibility that people who know the participant will be able to recognize them through excerpts used in the final report. Consent forms ensuring
confidentiality and anonymity were provided and signed or where in the case of telephone interviews, consent was attained verbal, however the consent form allowed for the
participant to choose to be quoted by name. The participants in this study are artists or producers with the goal of delivering a message, so all artists consented to be to be
identified by stage name and the producer interviewed consented to be identified by his first name. In the case where sensitive information was included, specifically in the following chapter discussing themes that reflect the harm perspective, the researcher chose to protect the anonymity of the participant.
Conducting open-ended semi-structured interviews involves asking a number of predetermined questions to which respondents have the freedom to digress, and the interviewer the freedom to probe (Berg 2004, p. 81). Interviews were conducted using a 46
number of starter questions intended to approach several topics. As Rubin and Rubin
suggest, the interviews were intended to unfold as extended conversations (2005, p.l 12), in
which the conversation is guided by the interviewer to pursue the topics of the research.
Developing rapport and trust with the interviewee is an important part of effective
interviewing. This is more easily achieved if the respondent feels that they share a common background with the interviewer (2005, p. 92). In this situation, a common background was
not shared, and the researcher approached the interviews as an outsider. In order to help build trust, the researcher went into the interviews considering several suggestions from
Rubin and Rubin, including showing willingness to accept the culture and want to learn
about it (2005,p. 86), and the goal of being perceived by the interviewee as open, honest, fair and accepting of them (2005, p. 93). As a further aid, the content analysis of lyrics was
completed before the interviewing stage which provided the researcher with a familiarity with the lyrics of the interviewees and helped the interviewer become more comfortable in the interview setting. The goal was to have familiarity with the artists' music and know
something about them through information gathered from the artist's websites to help make the interviewer less of an outsider as the interview progressed, creating a more comfortable interview atmosphere. Gaining confidence by learning about the respondent prior to the interview can and did help to make the interview process more comfortable for both parties, allowing for the conversation to unfold more naturally (2005, p. 80). The following topics were of interest in the interviews:
1. How respondents became interested in rap 2. Peer groups and rap music presence in these 3. Links between rap music and Aboriginal culture 4. The shift from interest in rap to creating rap music 5. Experiences becoming a rap artist/producer 6. View of rap music and its message 47
7. Opinion of the suggestion that rap music has a negative image 8. Opinion of the suggestion that rap music promotes a negative message/positive message 9. Perceived audience 10. Goal of the artist/producer in reaching their audience 11. Ways that experiences becoming and being an artist/producer influences music created
Interview analysis uses the same approach as the content analysis of the lyrics, first using the listed topics as an initial list of analytic categories (Berg, 2004, p. 285), adding any relevant themes that are subsequently identified to this list. The lyrical content analysis assessed the themes reflected in Aboriginal rap, and organizes these under three overarching themes, those relating to explicit content, resistance, and empowerment.
Analysis considers the meanings and points of view of the artist and assesses the message being conveyed, and the interview analysis considers artist's perceptions and experiences, what is meaningful or influential to them and their art, and the meaning and significance of the message they are sending through their lyrics.
The interview data is used to contextualize the lyrical analysis. Excerpts are presented to demonstrate the way that lived experience of individuals plays a role in the creation of Aboriginal rap lyrics, and illustrates Aboriginal rap a representation and expression authentic to the lives of the people that create it. The following analysis exposes narrative themes that reflect the previous discussion of rap music's ability to raise consciousness and awareness and challenge power inequalities. The analysis will also illustrate that rap lyrics appear to reflect the experiences of the artists themselves and of some First Nations people, and are not mere imitation of rap music that is created in and representative of African American culture. 48
CHAPTER 3: EXPLICIT CONTENT AND THE HARM PERSPECTIVE
The doctrine of harm is prevalent in research on the topic of rap music. Some lyrics
include direct references to the topics of these concerns such as substance use, sexuality,
masculinity, violence and criminality. Those who argue that rap music has the potential to
harm youth often suggest that such references glorify these, with little focus on the
negative effects for individuals and community. Academic literature reflects a number of
examples that support the perspective that there is the potential of detrimental effects on
youth through exposure to music that contains explicit content.
Research has shown that rap music contains more instances of themes deemed to be
explicit or offensive, as well as more graphic depictions, than other music genres (Binder,
1999; Smith, 2005). Herd (2005) illustrates a significant increase in references to alcohol in
rap music over an 18 year period, suggesting that these are more likely to be associated with positive consequences. Substance use, aggression, and sensation are positively
associated to music containing references to substance use, violence, and social defiance in
a publication authored by Chen et al. (2006). These authors argue that rap music was more
consistently and positively associated with these behaviours. Misogyny is also highlighted in this research, suggesting that listening to misogynistic rap music may increase negative attitudes toward women (Wester et al. 1997), and facilitates sexually aggressive behaviour
(Barongan and Nagayama Hall, 1995).
In contrast, Riley (2005) does not dispute the fact that rap music contains violent imagery, but suggest that the culture of gangsta rap holds the clues to understanding the inclusion of these references. The author argues that lyrics are misread as provocations and celebrations of violence, and are actually "a symbolic response and interpretation of 49 already existing violence" (2005, p. 306), reflecting the "realness" of living in this subculture and the moral dilemmas faced by those living in social conditions that often necessitate criminal behaviour to escape poverty.
This chapter will consider the argument that rap music contributes to youth harm and examine at contentious and explicit imagery within the content of Aboriginal rap lyrics, but the actual effects of contentious and explicit imagery cannot be discussed here.
The focus of this section is to show the context in which these themes appear, one that appears to be often distinctly Aboriginal.
Explicit Themes in Content
Contentious and explicit themes can be illustrated in some of the lyrics of
Aboriginal rap music. The lyrics of "Get Drunk" by the Brothaz Grimm contain direct references to excessive alcohol use and a reckless attitude.
We like to get shitfaced all the time, then we close to die, That 'sprobly why we got this look in our eyes, like we don't give a fuck Having a couple more shots, drinking whatever straight up
Aside from the title, which suggests the topic of the song is seeking intoxication, recklessness is associated with drinking to near death, which apparently does not result in the cessation of alcohol use.
The following excerpt from "The Brothaz Grimm Ride," also from the Brothaz
Grimm contains references to alcohol and sexuality:
Let's take a ride with the Brothaz Grimm, whatever spot we 're partyin' in we 're gettin 'pissed So grab them two sixes and twenty fours, and if you want more the Shamrock Hotel is open till 3 in the mornin' 50
So throw them beers up or whatever in the cheers up to whatever cuz we 're here And no matter the weather the Brothaz Grimm will keep gettin' better fuck the cheddar We never came into this game for the money we came for the honeys in their early twenties Or in their forties, it doesn 't matter cuz when you 're drunk you get horny
This segment refers to partying, drinking excessively and picking up women, emphasizing the view that drinking makes people less selective, and women become objects to feed drunken desires. This passage is, however, followed later in the verse by a line that seems to recognize this and dismiss it as playfulness:
I'm just playin' I don't mean to be sayin' this shit is just the stuffcomin' out of the top of my head again
Alcohol, sexuality and violence also appear in the lyrics of Blood Rez Crew's
"Thought I Told Ya."
Sayin' bitches please yeah get off them knees Yeah so gag and choke and let the beer go down your throat Cuz you just don't know how they do Hear my thugged out crew we 're legit every time we spit Cuz we knows the shit so back off this Before you get your head cracked with a forty of piss And we '11 be leavin 'you in a ditch so back of this
In addition to references to sex and alcohol, the narrative describes this crew as "thugged out" and contains a warning to others that violence awaits those that show them disrespect, in the form of being hit in the head with a beer bottle and left in a ditch. While violence is a theme in some songs may be less graphic and explicit than rap music from the U.S. There are few references to guns and killings, and the violence described more often refers to toughness and the ability to fight, as described in "Siksika's Finest:" 51
We party 49 style we don't do no clubs We pull in with the ride and we stay all night I got my drink in my left hand my snag on my right I put 'em both down when it's time to fight Cuz'you know us rez boys we don'tgive two shits Fuck a bottle ofCris, man, we pop a two six
This excerpt also contains references to substance use and sexuality, using the term
"snag" to describe a girlfriend, and a reference to "Cristal," a type of expensive champagne frequently mentioned in the lyrics of mainstream U.S. rap, particularly "gansta rap." In this passage, distinct lines are drawn between the experiences of the two types of rappers, suggesting that the experience of Aboriginal rappers differs from that of U.S. rappers, as
"49 style" is presented in contrast to the extravagant lifestyle described in some mainstream American songs. The difference in experience is further illustrated in the same song with the following selection that elucidates the distinct Aboriginal experience and locale.
The hardest player in this game andy 'all can check my stats You see I ain 't no killer so I pack no gat But I ride with my dogs over any pussy cat I'm from the rez not a ghetto, ain't no roaches or rats Instead we livin' with stray dogs and rez cats
There is a differentiation between the locales of these rappers, with the narrator clearly stating that he is from a reserve and not a ghetto. The rural character of the reserve is contrasted to the urban experience with stray dogs and cats taking the place of urban pests.
The line "You see I ain't no killer so I pack no gat" further supports the suggestion that
Aboriginal rappers avoid the image of gun-toting gangsters, rejecting that image for one that of physical prowess in the ability to hold their own in a fight and the refusal to back down from a physical challenge, or challenge to their reputation. In the previous extracts, the idea that the narrators are ready, willing and able to fight lies imbedded among a theme 52 that appears in much of the music: boasting. Within the lyrics of Aboriginal rap, references are continually made to skills as a rapper, representing the rez, being a player in the
"game," and demands for recognition and respect.
Other songs in this analysis contain references to substance use, as illustrated by an excerpt from a song called "High Life" by Baby Gee:
Click bang bang, it's a gangsta thong I can feel the pain as I go insane Times up, I need some relief Enhance my belief, by smokin' the reef Get high, feel fine and relax my mind
The title itself reflects regularity of substance use, while the excerpt describes the relief felt through the use of marijuana. A second passage further illustrates drug and alcohol use.
I'm drunk, I'm free, I'm fucked, that's me Sippin' on a Big C, Colt 45, feel free and alive till the day I die And if I die young than I'll fly young that 'sfine with me
That verse and the next in this song reflect the theme of hopelessness, one that appears in a number of the songs containing references to topics around which the harm perspective is based.
Stuck in this world of ours, the night has come my times begun Livin' the high life, tryin' to get by on what I got The days go by so fast but the nights seem to carry on Gonna have a blast, now let's break down this song
In this song, the alcohol and drug use that is described is presented in the context of a fatalistic attitude toward the world and the narrators place in it, wherein the narrator expresses feeling stuck, having little to get by on, and ambivalence about the possibility of an early death. 53
The lyrics of "Devils Reservation," another selection from Blood Rez Crew contain a narrative of excessive substance use, also within a context of despair.
With deception and sorrow noihin' ain 't right Looking for brighter days, looking for better ways I don't give a fuck what anybody says Smokin' the ganjapass the blunt over here Drownin' my sorrows with the forty ounce of beer Breakin' it down, breakin' it down, breakin' it to thefuckin' sound I'm getting down, getting loud, getting fucked up now Takin' as much drugs as my body would allow Getting fucked up, fucked up, fucked up, now
While this section makes direct reference to drug and alcohol use by the narrator and the desire to get "fucked up," it appears embedded in a feeling of hopelessness and the desire of "Drownin' my sorrows."
It has been argued by some proponents of the harm perspective (Herd, 2005, Smith,
2005) that a feature of rap music suggested to contribute to youth harm is direct reference to alcohol, drug use, sexuality, and violence that appear devoid of negative consequences, which appear to be contained in the lyrics of these songs. Negative consequences may not be explicitly included in the lyrics, but as the last two excerpts illustrate, considering the narratives of these songs explicit references often are not associated with positive outcomes or without consequence, but are within a context of hopelessness and despair.
Also of note is the use of the term "reservation" the U.S. equivalent of Canadian reserves, which appears in a number of songs from different artists. This study was unable to establish whether there is any significance to its use beyond instances of rhyming. 54
Hopelessness
The theme of hopelessness evident in songs containing references to substance use can also be seen more explicitly in Aboriginal rap narratives. Team Rezofficial's track
"The Struggle" describes a feeling of hate that fuels alcohol use, at the root of which is a sense of hopelessness.
Battle scars I wear on my face when I walk I can almost taste the hate every time that I talk Walk in broad daylight but yet I feel like it's dark Quick trip to the liquor store pushin' me farther from God I have no hope, my daughters the only light in my life And even sometimes dealin' with her don't even go right
In this passage alcohol use is not glorified, or associated with partying and having a good time, but results from a negative outlook. The author relates negative consequences, in that drinking pushes him farther from God. The feeling of despair is emphasized by view that even the most positive aspect of life is far from unproblematic.
The theme of violence also appears within a context of hopelessness. The lyrics of
"Rez Blues" from Blood Rez Crew demonstrate the narrator's perception of white people's ambivalence toward killings in First Nations communities.
Blood Tribe you heard of it? No not me Must be them Mohawks, Blackfoot or Cree They 're killing each other off slowly Well to hell with them, at least it's not me
This verse is sung in a mock "white" voice, and illustrates the feeling that Aboriginal communities are largely ignored or unknown to white society, and the deaths of Aboriginal people are of little concern, so long as this does not affect their own lives. The perception of white ambivalence toward Aboriginal people and communities reflects a sense of 55 hopelessness and despair at Aboriginal prospects of success outside their communities, within white society.
An extract from the next verse reflects this sense of isolation, which could further foster feelings of hopelessness.
Not knowin' the difference between enemies and friends Can't trust pale skins, can't trust your own skins Just keep to yourself and everybody wins
The author tells of the attitude resulting from both white ambivalence and violence in his community, one in which there is little prospect of change or improvement, leaving isolation and self protection as the only option.
Harm Themes in Perspective
The questionable themes that have been presented could contribute to the perspective that rap music can have harmful effects and influences, however they should be considered within the context of the lyrics. Often these are rooted in social realities and reflect the experiences of Aboriginal people. Far from glorifying or promoting sex, violence, substance use, and a gangster lifestyle, some of these themes are discussed in relation to the narrator's social climate.
In contrast to previous excerpts, where substance use is associated with partying and pleasure, or even in a context of hopelessness, War Party's "Feelin' Reserved" portrays drug and alcohol use as a social problem, one with actual consequences.
Stuck on the reservation, my realization Now my situation's got me wonderin' Why I do these things, gotta be like this Little Indian girls havin' FAS kids Everybody's gettin' high man, we can't forget that They use to smoke dope now they smokin' crack 56
In this excerpt the consequences of alcohol use are youth pregnancy and Fetal Alcohol
Syndrome. The narrative also describes escalating drug use among people on reserve, from marijuana to crack cocaine, contributing to a living situation that the author views as problematic. Drug and alcohol use are not a source of pleasure in this narrative, but an escalating problem with a detrimental effect on the community.
Rap is criticized for glorifying images of violence and crime, however, "The
Struggle" by Team Rezofficial puts criminality into perspective by relating it to living conditions.
Some are lost on crack, my peoples are starvin' and you fuckers wonder why we be creepin' and robbin' - shit What's a kid to do, it's difficult, livin' with a pops who's invisible
As seen previously in "Feelin' Reserved" substance use is portrayed as a social problem, and criminality, in the form of "creepin' and robbin" is tied to the social condition. Drug use, poverty and the lack of role models, in this case a father, contribute to the difficulties experienced by children, which the narrator suggests plays a role in criminal activity.
Crime is not celebrated in this segment, but is presented as a possibility reflected by the situation some live in.
This social reality of poor living conditions and family problems are expressed in interview data through the experiences of one artist who remains anonymous due to the sensitive topic, stating:
And that's where I grew up, I grew up on welfare, and I grew up you know, livin' on that system. And I got taken away from my mother cause she was like, too drunk and stuff all the time... and I got put in different group homes and that. And that's the reality of a young Aboriginal person nowadays. 57
While this is most certainly not representative of the experiences of all Aboriginal youth and their upbringing, it illustrates that these situations do occur, and expressions of them in the lyrics of rap are genuine. Further illustrating this is the criticism experienced by Big
Kowgli.
Like, I myself got a lot of backlash for, you know, I pointed out alcoholism and wife abuse, spousal abuse in my early record and I got a lot of backlash for it. People saying reserves ain't like that, I was like no they're not, but it does exist in our communities. It just, it tells people what's going on in the world opens up a doorway, opens up windows, lets people in, you know, to what's going on. A lot of people you know they never experienced it. So I mean like, lucky them, but it still exists.
This excerpt also illustrates the feeling that his music is intended to relate real experiences and social realities, raising awareness of the issues that some Aboriginal people face.
The lyrics of Blood Rez Crew's "Rez Blues" expounds the real consequences of criminality while providing a commentary on crime problems on reserves and the author's perception of a lack of concern about the issue.
My brother just went to jail, a buncha young natives dying everywhere It's enough to make this damn nation scared Murder capital of Canada, it's right there Not even on the map, whatcha think about that? Just another anonymous reservation stat
Incarceration, high levels of Aboriginal deaths, and murder are troubling for this author.
The narrative reflects the view that this should be a concern, as it is "enough to make this damn nation scared," yet the author suggests that it is largely ignored, describing the problems on this reserve as invisible to the rest of society. This sense of invisibility is reflected in the anonymity of both the reserve and the people on it, unseen and reduced to a statistic. Crime and violence appear real and scary to this author but do not exist for others outside of the reserve. 58
The promotion of gang life is also targeted by supporters of the harm thesis. The following examples illustrate the negative side of living this sort of lifestyle. The following portion of "Rezalationzzz..." by Kray-Z-Kree describes the violence and death that are an inherent part of "thug life."
My prerogative, is why the hell my peeps is always fightin' in the streets And killin' one another, my brother from another mother Why can't we just love and have respect for one another? Oh no, not another brother dead, took a shot to his head, and bled Cause he 'sjust another Neechy that was broken from this chosen crazy ass life Contrary to an endorsement of the gangster lifestyle, the artist calls it a "crazy ass life," by which Aboriginal people can be "broken," and suggests that the choice to live so can have the consequence of death. This selection characterizes "thug life" as one that is devoid of love and respect, in which Aboriginal people fight and kill each other.
The pitfalls of the gangster lifestyle are also illustrated in this excerpt from "Didn't
You Know" from TRE, alluding to the inability to break away that that is a condition of this type of life.
Just mistakin' it, gangsters, just another basehead, 20 year old basement basehead Amazed with anything, you name it Heartless gangbangers chained to these streets of danger and anger Thugs, drug dealers and the strangest of strangers, of all ages, colors and races
The lyrics make reference to young people becoming "baseheads," users of crack cocaine, and their naivete which may contribute to youth fascination with the gangster lifestyle.
Gang members in this piece are described as heartless thugs living in a dangerous and negative environment in which they are isolated. Further, the author does not characterize this life as one inhabited by any one particular type, but imputes all youth as vulnerable. 59
Another portion of "The Devil's Reservation" By Blood Rez Crew further describes the negative aspects of this fast paced lifestyle in the form of early death, degradation, drug use and police contact, but also relates the sense of hopelessness that accompanies it.
Now a new generation, dying's recreation living life quick is the expectation Fuck restoration, another fucked First Nation Another degradation what the fuck are wefacin '? Kids with crack and dope and hopes for the worst Either its death or the cops '11 getcha first
The sense of hopelessness is again seen in this extract not only as an element of this lifestyle felt by those involved, but the lyrics, "Fuck restoration, another fucked first nation/Another degradation what the fuck are we facin'?" conveys a sense of hopelessness and fatalism on the part of the narrator. The artist expounds the consequences of the situation for the individual, but also relates the potential effects of the pervasiveness of these conditions for the community as a whole as further degradation and barriers to positive social change.
One artist reflects this view of the effects of conditions in relating his family's choice to move off reserve when he was young.
When I was younger my mom moved us off the rez, cause the rez was a bit too, not grimy, but it was getting out of hand on the rez, the drinking and stuff. My mom didn't want that for us, so she moved us off.
Discussion: Explicit Content in Context
Subjects associated with the harm thesis can be found in the content of Aboriginal rap lyrics. Much like some other rap songs the lyrics discuss substance use, sexuality, violence, and criminality. The argument often offered surrounding the potential for harmful or detrimental effects and influences of rap music is that these subjects are glorified, or represented without negative consequence, even associated with pleasure. This analysis has 60
shown that these subjects do in fact appear in the lyrics, and in some cases seem to fit the harm argument. More careful analysis shows that to a much greater extent, references to these types of subjects appear in contexts that illustrate consequences and effects on both individuals and community, in tangible and sentient ways.
Harm themes were seen dismissed through playfulness and boasting, yet they appear in the lyrics regardless of attempts to diminish the possibility that they can be deemed to be glorifying or promoting substance use and sexuality. Such subjects are also apparent in the context of masculinity and physical prowess, both sexual and in terms of physical altercation. The masculinity context, in terms of violence, centers on the ability and willingness to perpetrate violence against others where they feel it is necessary. The lyrics suggest that sometimes little provocation is necessary, but references to a propensity for violence more reflect an unwillingness to back down or toughness, and accompany discourses of demanding respect, protecting themselves and others, as well as creating and upholding reputations. Yet as the analysis points out, these references to violence do not speak of killing others, and in fact speak negatively of being a killer and using guns. The warning expressed is that challenges or disrespect will result in a beating, more as expressions of masculinity and physical prowess than of a violent and murderous nature.
The harm themes in the content of Aboriginal rap also come as reflections of futility, despair and hopelessness. While there are what could be considered graphic depictions of substance use, these often come embedded in this sense of hopelessness.
Those presented in a context of hopelessness clearly do not glorify or promote this activity, but convey a feeling of despair at potential life chances and present substance use as a reaction to negative social realities. Further, excerpts contain expressions of isolation and 61 the need for self protection through narratives of the problems they suggest occur within
Aboriginal communities and the ambivalence of white society to these. These verses relate a feeling that problems they face are beyond repair. References to contentious subjects are contained in narratives that express conditions and experiences that could contribute to feelings of hopelessness, and express perspectives on the Aboriginal experience.
When further considered in the context of the narratives they appear in, harm themes often illustrate social problems, living and social conditions, and consequences and effects. Drug and alcohol use are discussed in relation to the problems that they cause to both individuals and communities. The escalating use and availability of drugs is not presented as an economic opportunity or something that can otherwise be taken advantage of, but as a blight on the people and communities within which this is happening.
Criminality is not glorified, but is presented as a potential risk of poor social and living conditions. This is not presented as an excuse for criminal activity, but as a social reality that may exist in these situations. Crime problems and the gang lifestyle are linked to consequences for individuals in the form of contact with police, incarceration, and death, and to the community in terms of the negative and dangerous environment created by gangs. Lyrics acknowledge the draw to "thug life' and the fascination youth may have with it, but debunk the glamour by presenting it as a dangerous life of degradation, devoid of love and respect, to which all youth are vulnerable and escape is difficult.
While there are numerous references to explicit subjects framed by the harm perspective found in the lyrics of Aboriginal rap music, many of these are found presented in ways that reflect the experiences of the artist and perspectives that both contextualize and condemn the themes. The analysis highlights the distinction these artists draw between 62 their experiences and those of rappers in the U.S., illustrated by the rejection of the image of gun yielding gangsters, direct reference to the difference of life on reserve and life in the ghetto, and the lifestyle described as "49 Style." This further supports the idea that
Aboriginal rap lyrics are a reflection of the realities faced by these First Nations artists and not imitation of mainstream U.S. rap. The existence of contentious subject matter is not argued, but considering the context within which these themes appear shows that these are not overwhelmingly presented as glorifications or promotions of substance use, misogyny, violence, criminality, or gang life. Rather, they appear sometimes as playfulness or bravado, expressions of discontent, and even question and challenge attitudes that may be prevalent in both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. While some argue that rap music is a major contributor to harm to youth relating to substance use, violence, misogyny, gangs, and other youth centered social problems, the lyrics often portray these themes negatively, illustrate consequences and elucidate the social issues on and off reserves that are associated with this subject matter, as opposed to glorifying them.
This view is reflected by a number of artists expressing their feelings on the perception that portrayals of things like violence, sexuality, and gang life glorify these messages. Big Kowgli relates a perspective that puts these portrayals into the context of expressions of lived experience.
It's a perception, you know, I mean, it's lifestyle, it's not really glorifying it, you know, they're saying this is what's happening you know in my neighbourhood, in my area, where I grew up, you know.
The artist Hellnback expresses his view of the perception that rap delivers a negative message: 63
It just so happens that a maybe a bad thing'll be happening and then some kid will be listening to rap...You're always gonna have people out there that don't like you , you're always gonna have people out there that are gonna talk negative and try to bring you guys, bring people down. I look at people that are people sayin' hip-hop is negative, then look at themselves. I don't see hip-hop as negative, hip-hop to me has helped me see, and my crew, and my friends, and my family, see things that they never would have seen in their life. You know what I mean? Helped us experience things we never would have experienced in our life. And that's all because of hip-hop, not all hip-hop is negative, and if they see that than they're just close-minded"
Of greater importance than the debate over the potential for explicit content to contribute to harm is the support this chapter provides for the argument that the themes gleaned from these lyrics reflect artist's expressions of distinctly Aboriginal experience and context. 64
CHAPTER 4: RESISTANCE
The previous chapter provides some examples of the discussion of social issues, namely substance use, violence, sexuality and gang related concerns. In this section the analysis will focus on the ways that Aboriginal rap lyrics further reflect a culture of resistance through narratives that describe Aboriginal experience, illustrate issues concerning Aboriginal people, and challenge oppression.
As Rose (1994) suggests, one of the features of rap music is that it challenges power inequalities, as it is through social criticism that attempts are made to provide resistance to domination. As a form of oppositional resistance (Martinez, 1997) rap is described as a cultural form that is consciousness raising, politically progressive, and liberating, and in the case of U.S. rap, lyrics identify problems faced by African American youth and call for resistance. In further support of this Beighey and Unnithan (2006) submit that rap provides opportunities for empowerment and resistance to oppression by opposing poor economic conditions, the criminal justice system, and genocidal conspiracy.
This section of analysis shows that Aboriginal rap lyrics reflect a form of oppositional resistance, which raises consciousness and advocates resistance to oppression by expressing opposition in the form of narratives that appear to illustrate social realities and raise concerns of Aboriginal people.
Restoring the Roots of Hip-Hop and Rap
The first part of this chapter will highlight the discussion surrounding rap as a form of resistance versus rap's commercial qualities. It will be shown that some Aboriginal 65
artists reject the commercialization of rap music and identify with the roots of rap; original
hip-hop which they suggest contains distinct messages of resistance.
An interview excerpt from Hellnback describes his perception that early hip-hop
songs were concerned with telling stories and raising awareness.
I noticed in hip-hop if you look at the very first major hip-hop song that blew up, hip-hop was Sugarhill Gang, "The Message," you know 'don't push me, cause I'm close to the edge', that was about where they're from, what they're doing, what's afflicting they're people, how they feel about it. You know what I mean, they're telling stories.
Hellnback notes that early hip-hop told stories about the experiences and adversity that the
artists faced, where they come from and their perspectives.
Reddnation's "When I'm Gone" illustrates how hip-hop influenced one artist and
his goal of "restoring" hip-hop to what it once meant.
I'm a tell you what this hip-hop meant to me when I blessed It was an outcome that helped me when I was in stress It was made in the Bronx but it was felt in my chest Brooklyn, yeah they did it the best But then some weak cats got in the game and left it a mess Restoring this hip-hop was always part of my quest
The artist describes early hip-hop as helpful in times of stress and relates his feeling that
some artists have changed the music from what it once was. He states one of his goals as an
artist as a "quest" to restore hip-hop, suggesting that the music that he creates is heavily
influenced by the early artists. This song in its entirety discusses the way that the artist will
be remembered and the following words convey the narrators desire to create music that
has the potential to make a difference in the lives of others:
Now I'm at a crossroads seekin' deliverance It's do I quit or stay, and try to make a difference? 66
The lyrics of "Didn't You Know" by TRE also point out that rap music has changed to some extent.
Rap made the lamest changes fucked up the new crop of young teenagers Racin' through ages and names and faces dangerously playin' a gangster game Kid all I see is fake faces, blank and faceless such a strange mix
This artist condemns changes to rap that he says have had a negative effect on youth, describing a focus on the gangster lifestyle contained in some rap music resulting in
"fakes" with the desire to emulate the image of a gangster.
During interviews artists spoke of changes that have occurred in hip-hop and rap and their desire to create music that is more in line with early hip-hop and rap than newer, more commercial efforts. Kray-Z-Kree draws a clear distinction between the hip-hop of the past and newer constructions, such as Gangsta rap.
I think rap music comes from the drug culture. Like honestly because all the people that sell illegal shit like big time crack dealers, you know, they're also influential people because for one they gotta be known around as nobody to fuck with. Like, nobody- like don't fuck around here or you'll die, sorta thing. And that's where that mentality comes from, because, you know, it's just a dominating thing, right? And whoever makes the most noise is the most dominant.
Rap music is about material things in life, hip-hop is about... life. That's the best way to put it in a nutshell.
Kray-Z-Kree suggests that rap music that is concerned with materialism and intimidation which reflects the drug culture, an expression of power from those attempting to establish dominance. This artist also relates his vision for his first album, given the way that he sees mainstream rap perceived.
My vision was, I was not trying to perpetuate the negative of the (rap) culture that it, you know, I'm sure people have been frustrated with it but they take it too far now, like they take it too far, they're ignoring the, the goodness of it. A lot of the songs that you hear on the radio and stuff nowadays, well the ones 67
that make it on the radio are pretty good, the ones that you hear in the clubs are, you know, talking about sexuality and stuff like that.
Kray-Z-Kree claims to reject the type of music that he describes in the first quote, music reflecting the mentality that stems from drug culture, choosing to create music that does not perpetuate the negative image of rap music. Big Kowgli suggests a similar sentiment about the commercial aspect of being a rap artist, the fact that a commercial sound may be a necessity to achieve success, but results in a lack of what he calls "genuine songs."
If you're gonna become a rapper for a business you're gonna need to sell records, that's the bottom line, it's a business. But you know, they still have these songs, the genuine artists still have those songs in there, in their CD that you know, they're like magic. It's hard to find a record like that to find a CD like that that has those uh, those genuine songs. I think people are drifting away from it but it's still there you just have to dig deeper. It makes it more, I look at it myself as something that makes it more interesting. Finding a great song is more of a challenge you know, but when you find that you know, it's just like finding buried treasure.
Hellnback also comments on mainstream rap, and his view that there is less rap music speaking about real issues such as oppression, focusing instead on materialism.
There's no people going out there and rapping about getting out, rapping about freedom, rapping about you know, oppression, rapping about this and that. Not every fuckin' rapper is ballin', not every rapper has ice, not every rapper owns ten acres of land, you know what I mean?
This quote illustrates the intent expressed by some artists to create music with a distinctive message that acknowledges issues that may affect the lives of Aboriginal people, rather than emulating mainstream offerings that seem more concerned with commercial and material subject matter. 68
The lyric and interview excerpts provided here show that Aboriginal rap artists are very aware of the negative perception of rap, as well as the fact that some mainstream rap does contain contentious imagery. The artists in this analysis appear to reject this negative rap, striving instead to create music with more meaning and message, although occasionally constrained by the commercial nature of the music industry.
Themes of Resistance
While it is not the intention of this study to provide a detailed account and discussion of the history of colonization in Canada, this theme appears in the lyrics of
Aboriginal rap music thus a brief discussion of the effects of colonization may be valuable.
Frideres and Gadacz (2005) outline the attributes of the colonization process as geographical incursion, destruction of social and cultural structures, external political control and Aboriginal economic dependence, provision of low quality social services, and racism with the establishment of a colour line. The authors submit that through these attributes "the ultimate consequence of colonization is to weaken the resistance of
Aboriginal people to the point at which they can be controlled" (p. 5). The analysis that follows shows that Aboriginal rap lyrics could contribute to the strengthening of resistance in part through recognition of the effects of colonization and by challenging these and drawing attention to real issues that may affect the lives of Aboriginals.
Loss of Land and Culture
One of the themes prevalent in the lyrics of Aboriginal rap and relevant to this discussion is the loss of culture and land suffered by Aboriginal people. The loss of land to 69 white people is explicitly included in lyrics. The view that land was "taken" from
Aboriginal people is expressed in "So Hard To Say Goodbye" from War Party.
This land belonged to us, not you And the history you teach in school, not true You 're tryin' to make yourself out to be the good guys Writing lies upon lies, tell me what was civilized About the way that you took this land Stuck me on the reservation, Indian Band damn
In this excerpt the artist is not only critical of the incursion of white people onto land that they feel was theirs, but the way in which land was taken, and the feeling that "history" does not accurately portray the way that contact between Aboriginal people and white settlers took place. Interesting is the use of the term "civilized." As Frideres and Gadacz note, "education and religious groups actively engaged in strategies to bring about
Aboriginal social change in order to 'civilize' or 'Christianize' them" (2005, p. 3) often resulting in legislation outlawing traditional aspects of Aboriginal life, such as the potlatch.
The narrative shifts the "civilizing" perspective, portraying the way that land was taken and
Aboriginal people were moved to reserves as the uncivilized action, one that is not accurately depicted in accounts of history.
Also discussing loss of culture and land, lyrics from the War Party song "Feelin'
Reserved" portrays white men in a role of domination of Aboriginal people.
/ mean the total loss of culture without that we 're mice and the white men are vultures Waitin' to prey upon us from the higher level, they act like their gods and we be the devils But don't god want my land to be free, then tell me why is he cuttin' down all my trees And don't god want my people to be peaceful, then why ain 't we equal huh? It's a never ending sequel, but weren 't we the first to be on this land? 70
That's what I heard but I still don't understand, why, suckers wanna bring down my traditions They act like it's their mission to put me out of commission
The artist suggests that land which was originally inhabited by Aboriginal people is being destroyed, and Aboriginal people are considered inferior to white people and demonized.
The extract relates the feeling that Aboriginals face inequality, demonization, and attempts to destroy traditions and culture in an effort by white society to control them, or put them
"out of commission."
In another selection from War Party's "So Hard To Say Goodbye" the author reveals feelings of disconnection with traditional Aboriginal culture.
It was the great creator who put us on this land And now I 'm livin' like a white man It's been over 500 years now of change And we '11 never be the same again I used to wear a feather, beads and hide But now I feel like it's dying inside Cuz I can't go to town wearin' buffalo skins Or red face paint and my moccasins
In addition to expressing his recognition of the way that things have changed over time, this excerpt also conveys a sense that the narrator's culture is being lost to him permanently, not only in that his culture is irrevocably changed, but that it is dying because he is unable to practice elements of traditional life. It reflects the feeling that traditional ways have not only been lost but are also at risk of being erased completely.
Culture of Poverty
The "culture of poverty" and a general lack of opportunity felt by Aboriginal people is another theme that appears. Drawing from Frideres and Gadacz (2005), within the 71 culture of poverty often self-destructive adaptations to the denial of goals of higher status appear in response to central features of this culture: despair and hopelessness. As they state; "this encourages individuals to develop a different perspective on life and on how to deal with everyday occurrences" (p. 6). These excerpts reflect a feeling that success is sometimes difficult to attain given the circumstances youth grow up in, also describing what living in poverty is like for some artists, and the way that the culture of poverty affects those living in it.
Lyrics of "Feelin' Reserved" by War Party describe the choices some youth may face and some of the circumstances surrounding a sense that there are limited opportunities.
See it's hard times, moms and pops who 'd rather be drunk than be hassled with raisin' their- Whoa there punks, while the kid's stuck starin' at materialism, sells drugs to get what? He shoulda been given, it's hardly driven, no ribbons from the track team And no livin' out their hockey dreams it seems all they wanna do is make it just to see 18 A true story you been and just seen, the nextNeechy 's cream got others seein' green They refuse to see the lines in between the other lines, that's why I truly fear for my life
The author first describes growing up in "hard times," with substance abuse and troubled upbringing as aspects of this. The piece juxtaposes what should be a feature of growing up, sports involvement and achieving dreams of glory, with what is suggested to be the "true story" one where opportunity comes in the form of drug dealing and the prospect of a short life, reminiscent of some of the themes presented in the previous chapter. The lyrics suggest that growing up in these hard times changes the meaning of opportunity for youth, from youthful concerns to more serious and problematic interests. 72
In an excerpt from TRE's song "Didn't You Know" the artist challenges those that would claim to know about poverty with description of his experiences living poor.
You talk the talk but can't walk the walk Never been to the pawnshop to hock the new boomboxyou bought Cuzyou do not got cheese for groceries, when you need to eat Rappin' with an empty stomach, grow to learn to love it And in my word I've done it, and in my verse I've run it
Not having enough money for food is described here, and this is tied to the artists experience as a rapper. Not only does it appear to be an influence on his life and the music he creates, the seriousness of the situation comes across in the choice to sell a stereo for food, something that may be very important to TRE as a musician, and of great value other than monetarily. The piece suggests a level of dedication to his art, and that when he talks about being poor and having to eat, real sacrifices have to be made. TRE suggests that he has in fact lived in poverty and made sacrifices, and as a rapper these times have greatly influenced him in that he had no choice but to "grow to learn to love it."
In "Feelin' Reserved" by War Party, the lyrics further illustrate some of the effects of the culture of poverty, and some of the ways that these are manifested in further social problems.
But that ain 't the only problem we people got, there's lots For to be into slots, pawn shops They give you money when you 're broke, you pawn the T. V. for some gas and some smokes I heard you sold your bottles just the other day man, so you could go play man cuz' you had an itchy hand And you plan to go play again tonight, pawn your babies bike maybe hit the satellite, yeah right It 'sjust a never ending sequel, like Indian people, who always have a cheekful Of firewater cuz they like to be buzzin', it might not be you but I'm sure you got a cousin Or a dozen of family, who like to get pissed, I'm stuck on the reservation, somethin' like this 73
Gambling and alcohol use are presented as two problems among some Aboriginal people.
Poverty is described in this excerpt with pawn shops as a source of money for gas, cigarettes, and gambling, as well as selling returnable bottles. While the portion at once describes social issues of gambling and alcohol use, it also illustrates the culture of poverty where poverty and social problems are intertwined, described as "a never ending sequel."
Further, the author relates the desire to escape from this, yet feels he is "stuck on the reservation" in this cycle.
The Team Rezofficial song "The Struggle" provides another narrative of the experience of poverty, and the ensuing attitude that can develop.
Tired ofapplyin 'for jobs andseein' my shit get thrown away Ask why do I act this way, get the fuck out of my face I represent those who live low and grew up poor Had to wait six months for that brand new coat So I rap now, look at life different than most
The lyrics show how upbringing, in this case growing up poor, influences the outlook of the artist. The author suggests that his actions and demeanour represent others that have grown up poor, and he can represent them through narratives of his own experience. This artist and others relate the idea that they view life in a different way as a result of their environment, further illustrating the relevance of the culture of poverty as has been shown in the analysis of previous excerpts. The verse seems to suggest that rap itself is an expression of this in that it shares a different outlook than most, as does the artist. In addition, the first line of this piece contains reference to the next theme of interest, discrimination. 74
Discrimination
Also contained in the lyrics of some songs is the theme of discrimination. As seen in this first excerpt from a Brothaz Grimm song called "Half Breed," discrimination is not restricted to that felt from white society.
Half-breed you grew up with people constantly callin' him the name Used as a reference to a flag in society, lookin' up to these peeps he loved and respected He never thought twice about it till he went to elementary school, everything was so new Different kinds of kids, shapes colors and sizes but somehow he never really fit in Wonder why that the guys use his nickname in a derogatory way
For this artist growing up half Aboriginal is expressed as a source of discrimination, leaving him feeling that he does not fit in anywhere. Even though he realizes that there are kids of all types in his school, the lyrics suggest that he nonetheless feels that being called
"half breed" is a form of discrimination resulting in the lack of feelings of place and belonging.
"Walkin' Down the Red Road" by Kray-Z-Kree describes discrimination felt as an
Aboriginal and calls for people to put themselves in the place of a Aboriginal person in order to understand the effects of discrimination.
Now just imagine your life for a second as an Indian (silence) And not as a Canadian and livin' on the reservation, you 're experiencing ignoration From all nations, even your own, you 're a visible indigenous minority And you 're just tryin' to survive, it's apriority And you 're livin' in poverty, just tryin' to win yourself a D is a policy And bein' kept down by a high society with a treaty that's been alleviated off of me Eliminated, and I'm hated for the color of my skin 75
Kray-Z-Kree relates the experiences of some Aboriginal people as feeling segregated from
Canadian society both physically and in status, and not identifying as Canadian. The suggestion that people imagine themselves as an Indian and not as a Canadian illustrates this lack of Canadian identity. The piece suggests that some feel ignored on not only a national, but international level, identified only as a "visible indigenous minority." Poor living conditions, oppression and racism are presented as challenges faced by some
Aboriginals, as well as the sentiment that they are "just tryin' to survive." This portion of
"Walkin' Down the Red Road" illustrates the difference between the lives of Aboriginal people and what they suggest is "high society" and relates Kray-Z-Kree's suggestion that they are held down through segregation, discrimination and poverty, leaving them without identity in Canada, ignored on reserves where they struggle merely for survival.
In another portion of "Half Breed" discrimination and racism are challenged by pointing out that many people come from a diverse background.
Why do you think I call myself the enemy, huh ? It's cuzl'm a Cree, Meti, Tsuu-Tina, Sarcee Scottish and Irish from overseas, a half-breed number one enemy in this society Soak up your breds if you look back your dead relatives Mighta been black or white yellow red blue brown Fuckin' doesn 't even matter now cuz they 're all in the ground We gotta keep ourselves focused and think about now Then move forward set our differences aside Get along and ride in the gray areas side by side Then we can give sight to the blind and feed them hungry minds Kill bigotism with knowledge and peace of mind Until then we gotta keep ourselves in check and respect one another No matter their sex religion or skin color
Calling himself "the enemy" refers to the artist's name, "E-Loc the Evil Enemy," a play on the E at the beginning of this artist's first name. In this excerpt E-Loc identifies with a diverse group of Aboriginal and European descendents. Pointing out the diverse 76 backgrounds of many people, the author then moves to a call to eradicate racism and bigotry, suggesting that differences should be set aside and opening minds can help society to move forward to a place where people are respected and not discriminated against because of their gender, beliefs or race.
"fThe Struggles of Aboriginal Life
Oppression and the struggles associated are also themes illustrated within the
^tories told in Aboriginal rap lyrics. Hellnback discusses the use of storytelling to bring
Awareness of the struggles of Aboriginal people to a larger audience.
I'm from an era where I'm into the storytelling aspect of everything. And when we were doing this with War Party a lot of people were wondering why you guys, like they ask the same question, why you guys, you guys tell a lot of stories about, well how else are you gonna hear about it, how else are you gonna hear about our struggles and how else are you gonna hear about this and that. It's a great medium to get it out there.
The Team Rezofficial song "The Struggle" expresses the kinds of struggles faced by some Aboriginals and his hope of a better future for his son.
/ been through hell and back man, seen many things Life's struggle never ends, like a reoccurring dream I pray for my son's survival in this world of shit Life's games got me confused, but me and him fit I don't know when I 'm gonna get that brand new bike Baby momma on my back don't help my plight Despite all the disputing and cussing plus name calling I continue to struggle, hustle, wake up every morning With a half a smile upon my face Thinking of how my own seed's somewhere not here but safe the artist describes living in a "world of shit," in which life is struggle for survival at best.
\t is suggested that this struggle is one marked by poverty and family problems, and that it is necessary and ongoing, the reward of which is a better life for his child than the one he lives.
The "Devil's Reservation" from Blood Rez Crew describes the longing to return to
4 time when Aboriginal people did not face the same realities they do in today's world.
Won 'tyou take me back to another generation A time without all thisfuckin' aggravation This excavation of another first nation Can't sit there it's the devil's reservation Deviation, it's another temptation Another fucking problem holding back the invasion Can V be understating the fact that I'm facing A world that tried to bring my people annihilation the artist laments the fact that he has to deal with the aggravation of living on reserve, with
^11 of the temptations he faces. The Blood Rez Crew lyrics also emphasize that the world they face is one that they feel tried to eradicate their people. This presents a narrative of frustration at the feeling of being trapped in an untenable situation, at the hands of those that sought to destroy them.
In War Party's "So Hard To Say Goodbye" the annihilation referred to in the previous piece appears in more description, as well as the changes seen at the hands of those that set out to eliminate them.
Killed off like the bujfalos that used to roam the plains I think back upon those days and wish they never even came So much injustice, it's hard to take it in How the white man killed the women, and the children Many moons have gone by and it's hard to realize Just how many of my people have died Can't imagine what my people had to go through Forced to live on the reserves they were drove to Every day it's hard to see this land which used to be mine to roam free in Lookin' so European 78
Destruction of resources, injustice, and death are attributed to white settlers, and also expressed is the feeling that Aboriginal people were forced from their lands onto reserves. the excerpt seems to express not only feelings about the way that Aboriginal people were treated in the past, but the lasting effect this has had on their people, in the form of
Continued struggles and ongoing segregation. The passage "this land which used to be mine to roam free in" suggests that this narrator feels unwelcome outside of the reserve that he
\vas forced to live on, and illustrates a perception that the way that the world has changed feels foreign to him. The use of the term "injustice" resonates his suggestion that what
Aboriginal people have experienced through colonization is a type of suffering that has never been effectively addressed or resolved.
This is further illustrated in a different verse of the same song, discussing perception of justice as one sided, and the feeling of mistrust that accompanies this.
The white man'sjustice means "just us" Tell me who do you trust? All I feel is disgust Reservation was another word for concentration camps While they took and raped the land It's time the people knew how the white man hid the truth
|The experience of being forced to live on reserves is compared to being moved to
Concentration camps, and the powerful image of the rape of land at the hands of white people displays the strong this artist relates toward this. As seen previously in this section
()f analysis this artist also suggests that the truth about the way that Aboriginal people have been treated in this country needs to be brought to the attention of people who may not understand the history and its continuing effects on Aboriginal people and communities. 79
Action and Awareness
The next portion of this analysis illustrates some of the ways in which Aboriginal fap artists attempt to evoke response to some of the issues reflected by previous themes.
Where this section up to now has shown that themes calling for recognition and intended to faise awareness are contained in the lyrics of Aboriginal rap songs, what follows shows some the ways that the artists try to integrate action and awareness.
Unity is one of the themes that appears in some songs, encouraging Aboriginal people to consider what is shared by all Indigenous peoples and recognize the
Commonalities between them. The lyrics of Kray-Z-Kree's "Native Pride" reflect this
Sentiment.
/ don't know why people only believe in Greek mythology, what's the matter with native mythology? Our ideologies and prophecies prophecized and exercised by our people I believe it's equal, and perhaps a sequel to all the other colors of people We 're the lost people, Indigenous people, we 're never ever treated equal In the church and steeples there are people, respectin' Jesus, I stated it all in my thesis Now we 'reputtin' the pieces of our people back together, no more stormy weather One Eagle feather one heart pumpin' all together, the rhythm of life is goin' forever
The verse demonstrates inequality the artist suggests is shared by indigenous people, and puts forward the idea that Aboriginal worldview, expressed through ideology, prophecy,
^nd the way that these are practiced, is as viable and relevant as Greek mythology or
Christianity. The piece discusses Aboriginal people getting themselves together as well as toming together, and the idea that they are strong united, as "one heart pumpin." What this fixcerpt conveys is the value of Aboriginal worldview, and the strength that may be attained 80 through unity and bringing Canadian Aboriginal people together, but also other indigenous people who share the experience of inequality.
Unity is further discussed, more on a local level, by Lanny Boy, in his song "Rez pop"
/ wanna send a shout out to those skins at Peigan, Skins from Siksika, all the way to Tsuu Tina, Skins from Kainai, all the way to Hobbema I got rez love and I'll be showin' it surely, I can't forget about them skins representin' Morley I gotta share the love, gotta share the glory, Any skins I forgot about I gotta say I'm sorry, tThis portion recognizes people from a number of reserves, and speaks of sharing the love
&nd acknowledging other Aboriginals. This shows a sense of connectedness the artist claims to feel with First Nations people across reserves in Alberta.
In "Rezalationzzz...," Kray-Z-Kree relates the wish to unite indigenous nations physically and spiritually, and overcome segregation and poverty.
My rezalationz, to get my peeps out of the streets and share the same beliefs My rezalationz, to unite the nations that are indigenations My rezalationz, to live in a world of peace with all of my peeps My rezalationz, to rise up as a nation no more segregation Segregation, segregation of my people All around the world we 're all equal That's right, from here to the middle-east All I ever wanted is world-wide peace Now everybody peace out
Kray-Z-Kree relates a desire to live in a world in which segregation doesn't exist and equality is practiced. This sentiment extends beyond Canadian Aboriginal people as the
^rtist provides a commentary on inequality on a global level, calling for a world of peace pot only for his own people to live in, but all people. 81
"Native Pride" from Kray-Z-Kree seems to call for more radical solutions to the problems faced by Aboriginal people.
Revolution is the only solution for all this pollution Lack of respect and resolution, this is a revelation of the First Nation, no more alienation I'm havin' manifestations ofbringin' all my relations off the reservations Takin' over the whole Nation no more sanitation, bringin' restoration Great environmental restoration, bringin' revisionism, Marxism
The artist suggests a lack of respect and resolution are experienced by Aboriginal people, is well as a feeling of alienation. The artist appears to suggest that the best solution for environmental and social problems facing Aboriginals as well as those outside of the
Aboriginal community is revolution, submitting the view that Aboriginal people could
Solve these problems were they to take over the nation. Kray-Z-Kree expresses the opinion that a nation under the control of Aboriginal people would be one of respect and inclusion,
^quality and environmental health.
Discussion: Resistance in Aboriginal Rap
This chapter is not intended to portray Aboriginal communities negatively or all of the experiences of Aboriginal people as negative, but the goal is to address the idea that some Aboriginal rap lyrics support the suggestion that rap music can reflect resistance, and that some reflects oppositional resistance by raising awareness, and challenges oppression
^hrough narratives that illustrate social realities and describe authentic experiences of some
Aboriginal people. As with all of the themes that are explored in this thesis, not all
Aboriginal rap music contains themes of resistance, but the analysis provided shows that these themes are present within the lyrics of some Aboriginal rap. It is in fact the stated 82 goal of some artists to tell stories within their songs that reflect the social issues faced by
Aboriginal people, to describe the conditions under which some live, and elements of society that they may feel contribute to Aboriginal struggles.
Both interview and lyrical data show that some Aboriginal artists are fully aware of the negative perceptions of rap music, and seem to reject rap as a purely commercial enterprise, or one which relies on gratuitous descriptions of sexuality, violence, substance
^ise and the gangster life. This analysis reflects expressions of the desire to emulate early tap and hip-hop efforts, which the artists suggest contains more substantial messages that
Reflect the lives and experiences of the artists that created them. The goal of some
Aboriginal rappers seems to be to tell stories that reflect the lives and concerns of
Aboriginal people, and this chapter illustrates some of the ways that Aboriginal experience
}s used to address issues that affect First Nations people.
Themes of resistance include expressions of the feeling of the loss of land and
Culture. More than a sense of loss, there appears the view that these were taken from
Aboriginal people, resulting in forced segregation to reserves. Descriptions of the loss of
Culture seem to include concerns not only at the initial loss, but that traditional culture is
Continually at risk of being lost completely. Losing traditional land and culture is also presented as an effort to control Aboriginal people, exacerbated by what the authors
Suggest are inaccurate depictions of history commonly accepted as true accounts of
Colonization.
Reflections of the culture of poverty also emerge as a theme within the lyrics analysed. Contained is the view that there are limited opportunities available to Aboriginals
•us well as a number of narratives describing experiences of living in poverty. As well, 83 social problems are associated with poverty by artists, who suggest that a cycle exists wherein the problem of a lack of money leads to actions necessary to make money, such as the use of pawn shops, which in turn funds activities such as gambling and drinking, which then contribute to further financial problems. Narratives describing this cycle provide some support for the idea that the culture of poverty can produce different perspectives on life and how to deal with occurrences within it, suggesting that being poor can encourage activities like gambling, viewed as a chance to make money as the individual's perspective may be that this is an opportunity for financial gain as other opportunities are limited. In a more literal reading of the idea that individuals are encouraged to develop different perspectives on life through the culture of poverty, some artists express the fact that they view life in a different way than most people.
Discrimination is also discussed in a number of the songs analysed, expressing feelings of alienation, elimination from, and lack of identification with Canadian society.
Within the passages reflecting the theme of discrimination, listeners are called on to put themselves in the place of someone facing discrimination, and to realize the effects, in an effort to bring to light problems of racism and appeals for change.
Some of the struggles of Aboriginal people are also described, touching on themes of oppression, the struggle for survival, frustration at reserve life, and a legacy of perceived injustice. The themes reflecting struggles of Aboriginal people allude to the ongoing effects of oppression such as poor living conditions, the perception of a world in which they are forced to struggle for survival. Along with the negative feelings that remain at the mistreatment of Aboriginal people through the process of colonization and the feeling that 84 these issues have never been adequately acknowledged, lyrics suggest that this can produce feelings of frustration, mistrust and anger at the injustice that they continue to experience.
Also present in these lyrics are themes reflecting the idea of the integration of action and awareness, such as the perspective of commonality and calls for unity among
First Nations people and all others who are victims of inequality. These excerpts illustrate that some Aboriginal artists analysed here appear to identify with other local Aboriginal groups, as well as indigenous people across the world. Uniting indigenous people is presented as a step toward overcoming the problems that they face including those related to inequality, and in what appears to be the most extreme example, it is suggested that revolution and takeover is necessary, as Aboriginal people would be more adept at creating the kind of respectful, equal, and responsible world they desire to live in.
As seen in this analysis, Aboriginal rap artists recognize and raise awareness about issues that affect Aboriginal people through narratives that appear to express lived experiences, present the effects of a history of oppression, and are intended to raise consciousness and open minds to the real stories of some Aboriginal people. As Hellnback states about his initial goals as a fledgling rap artist:
Back in the day with War Party that was one of our main goals, was to tell stories, pass that on, pass the information on. And that's something that I feel that a lot of people in hip-hop don't do anymore, and it really bugs me, what kind of story is I got the most ice, and I got the most this, look at my jewellery, you know, whatever happened to this is happening on my block this is happening on my rez, this is happening, this is happening, raising awareness
Hellnback illustrates the goal of some Aboriginal rap artists to relate the realities facing some Aboriginal people in an effort to challenge commonly held beliefs and perceptions, and encourage people to contemplate these issues in a different way. For the most part, the 85 songs that represent a form of resistance do not call for radical action, but seek to clarify the issues that Aboriginal people live with, and provide social commentary that opposes the historical treatment of Aboriginal people. As a form of oppositional resistance utilized by the Aboriginal artists analysed here, the music contains expressions of social problems and issues through narratives that reflect experiences that both the artists and many of the listeners may have gone through. Aboriginal rap lyrics represent a form of resistance through the ability to bring Aboriginal issues to the attention of both those that may have lived through similar experiences, and those that may empathize.
As discussed earlier in this chapter the ultimate consequence of colonization for
Aboriginal people is the weakening of resistance to domination. This analysis suggests that the rap and hip-hop lyrics of Aboriginal artists have the characteristics of a cultural form of oppositional resistance in the potential ability to strengthen resistance by illustrating the effects of the process of colonization, and raise awareness and consciousness about the lived experience of Aboriginal people, reflected in the narratives artists create. 86
CHAPTER 5: EMPOWERMENT
Chapter 4 illustrates themes of resistance contained within the lyrics of some
Aboriginal lyrics, and the following section will show a number of the empowering messages that can be seen.
Pratt (1990) submits that themes of empowerment can be found in rap lyrics, arguing that the recognition of the existence of problems, some of which are illustrated in the previous discussion of resistance, expands the potential of the listener to realize that these problems can be overcome. Becoming aware of the possibility that change can be accomplished allows for empowerment and the reinforcement of energies directed toward action. As discussed earlier, Beighey and Unnithan (2006) suggest that research tends to focus on the negative aspects associated with rap music while overlooking positive features in relation to African American culture; "personal empowerment, anti-drug rhetoric, and a celebration of Black community building" (2006, p. 141).
Demonizing presentations of African American men reflected in rap and hip-hop music serve as tools of power, in that these representations empower this image insofar as white American power is reduced through fear (Perry, 2004).
Hip-hop and rap music is described as a social and political medium which has the potential and purpose of improving social problems within African American communities, and endorsing both community and personal empowerment (Aldridge, 2005; Martinez,
2004). Aldridge suggests the content of lyrics of rap and hip-hop music "often espouse racial solidarity, community empowerment, and liberatory education as ways to ameliorate problems in black communities" (p. 249). 87
The analysis in this chapter will show some of the themes contained in Aboriginal rap that reflect encouraging messages and have the potential to promote empowering identities.
Community
Consistent with the suggestion that themes of community can be seen in rap music, some of the lyrics analysed here make reference to family, education, and abstinence from harmful influences.
The value of education is seen in the lyrics of "In These times" by War Party.
Now all that matters in my life, is the rhythms and the trust that my son won't ever see a prison I help him go to school and get that education
This excerpt encourages a focus on education as a factor in keeping youth out of the criminal justice system, while illustrating the role of the parent in helping to ensure that this is achieved.
The value of education, and also the theme of abstinence from drugs and alcohol are seen in the lyrics of War Party's "Feelin Reserved."
But I wanna tell you, to stay away from the brew and the drugs and the bitches and the dirty money too And work hard, to get a good education, cuz that's what we lack on almost every reservation Now show the nation, how much pride you have inside yourself And show em' that you got traditional wealth and health, yeah
This portion warns youth to stay away from the trappings of the gangster lifestyle such as substance use, sexuality, and "dirty money," that which may be gained through criminal activity. These lyrics also provide commentary on the deficit in educational attainment the 88
artist suggests is present on many reserves, and urge a sense of both personal and traditional pride and the importance of demonstrating this, a theme that will be further
discussed later in this chapter.
"When I'm Gone" by Reddnation also illustrates the theme of family and contains messages encouraging youth to follow a "straight path."
Remember what I said and all the stories I told Keep your life on the straight path so you can grow old And one day you '11 look back at all the things you did Smile at your success and hold your kid's kid
The passage makes reference to the narrator's stories as lessons for youth, in this instance the artist's own child. The piece suggests that following the straight path provides opportunity for success, the next theme discussed here.
Opportunity and Success
Reminiscent of previous discussions of hopelessness and despair, the lyric excerpts in this section illustrate narratives of opportunity and success, which reflect overcoming hopelessness and despair that can be a feature of the lives of young Aboriginal people.
"Rez Blues" from Blood Rez Crew presents rap music as an opportunity to escape negative situations and the pessimistic outlook that nothing will in fact change.
/ don't take no shit for no shame, cuz' I had to struggle just the same Drinkin' them forty 'sfeelin' the same ain 't nothin' gonna change For a Native try in' to be himself, and get off the couch tryin' to make a way out So rappin' is my help shit without a doubt, that's my only way out And pride's what I'm about, if you don' t like it than get the hell out In addition to describing the struggle the artist suggests is experienced by some Aboriginal people, substance abuse and feelings of hopelessness, the narrative presents a positive example of an Aboriginal person that strives for success and individuality. This artist 89 suggests that creating rap music has provided an opportunity to escape what he feels is a negative situation, and also a sense of pride.
The War Party song "In These Times" contains lyrics that further demonstrate striving for success and difficulties faced.
My journey within the music travelling faster than the speed of luxuries I can't really afford, the more I try the harder it seems to become A harder road to travel than a straight line, why can't I just take mine and sit down I get down at times when I think things could be a whole lot better Learning my limitations never forgetting that I'm sitting around for you to stand on These are things I planned on doing a long time ago
This excerpt also illustrates the feeling that success does not come easy, and that perseverance is necessary to reach goals that take much time to achieve. This is reflected in a narrative that suggests that facing difficulty and working harder than anticipated can be discouraging, but the artist relates the sense that the goals he is trying to reach have been sought for a long time. To stop persevering, to "sit down," will result in being defeated, suggested by the image of being stood upon when sitting around.
The theme of perseverance is also reflected in the chorus of "Ain't No Stoppin' a
Native" by War Party.
/ know you 're checkin' me and checkin 'for my crew, but ain 't no stoppin' a Native from doin' what he wanna do So we gonna keep rhymin' keep on shinin', keep climbin' keep doin what we doin', ain't no stoppin' us, we red linin' Set it into high gear, ain't no one comin' close this year, we roast any comin' near
This segment explicitly suggests the title of the song, that a Native can't be stopped from achieving his goals, and also that a goal of continued success has been set, which the artists intend to pursue. 90
The Blood Rez Crew song "Rez Blues" also discusses striving for success and the desire to be taken seriously and respected in this goal.
Well when you listen to me rappin' on a CD Please don 'tpick up that type of mentality Of what you hear nothin' but another Native tryin' to act good and be popular Just hold, just slow your roll, that's not me I'm tellin'y'all right now there's no need for y'all to degrade me And call me nothin' but a fake MC, a copycat All because I ain 't the first native MC who knows how to rap But you all must understand I ain't sayin' I'm the only Indian with the lyrical showmanship So don 7 dis and hate, when all I 'm tryin' to do is try for a better life
Expressing his desire to succeed, the artist acknowledges Aboriginal artists that have found success through rap music and calls for others to respect his contribution and the effort made to achieve a better life.
In an interview, Kray-Z-Kree relates his perspective on the path to success.
I was basically on my own, and on my own I would do my own thing. I think that's how I ended up where I am today, you know, just doing my own thing and sticking to my, to my goals, you know and not having to fit in as much, you know.
Kray-Z-Kree relates the view that his success results from persevering toward goals and maintaining individuality, reflected by what he describes as "doing my own thing." In support of views reflected in the previous lyric excerpt, Kray-Z-Kree also expresses a desire toward success and originality, and efforts to follow his own path, and not just capitalize on the success of others in the same industry.
The struggle to achieve dreams is a strong theme in the lyrics of "Didn't You
Know?" by TRE.
Will it rain forever, man I hope it gets better than this Will I ever be rich? I know what I want But not what I need to reach and achieve the dream I see every night I sleep 91
So close your eyes and picture what it was, now picture what it is, Then picture what it always will be
TRE claims there is doubt that he will reach his goals and achieve his dreams, yet the excerpt suggests that in spite of this the artist continues to look toward these objectives.
This artist illustrates the importance of continuing to picture goals as an aid to achieving them.
This theme of striving toward goals and dreams also appears in Kray-Z-Kree's
"Walkin' Down the Red Road."
I'm walkin' the sweetgrass road, I'm in my battle mode Scoutin 'for the gold just to get my goals and my dreams
These lyrics reflect the struggle to achieve these through the image of the artist in
"battle mode," but also suggest that success, goals, and dreams are tied, as the latter may manifest as success, but getting "the gold" can also facilitate goals and dreams.
Hellnback relates the importance he attributes to following dreams and goals, as well as his perception that these can be actualized.
My message towards people is basically you can do anything you wanna do as long as you put your mind to it. I don't go out and say that all the time, all the time, I just like to you know, lead by example. I mean, I couldn't be where I'm at and my homeys couldn't be where we're at if we thought we couldn't do it. You know, because one thing that I know is that Natives in general do, is they... they defeat themselves before they even get anywhere. So if they just take that first step, and it not anybody stopping them from taking that first step it's their own selves.
Of great importance here is the fact that this quote demonstrates how Hellnback relates his desire to communicate through his music the message that self-confidence can facilitate accomplishment, and the suggestion that he feels Natives "defeat themselves before they even get anywhere." This supports the assertion that empowering messages are not only 92 contained in the lyrics of Aboriginal rap music, but are beneficial in efforts to encourage the success of Aboriginal people. Big Kowgli al^o relates his goal of inspiring people.
I mean in my music, I want to give people the inspiration, that you can do what you wanna do if you put in the work to do it. I believe that to the fullest. Um, a lot of these teenagers have got like low self-esteem and everything, they just don't got that motivation to do it. So whenever I get an opportunity, I like, you know, to emphasize that. You can be what you wanna be, you can do whatever you wanna do, there's no limitations. You know, especially being First Nations, you can have access to you know, education dollars where non-native people might not, they have to get loans for or whatever. You can have that paid for you just gotta put in that little bit of work and you can do whatever you wanna do.
Big Kowgli relates the view that there are opportunities available for First Nations people and that he thinks that low self-esteem may contribute to a lack in motivation to attain goals. In this artist's estimation, Aboriginal youth have opportunities to succeed, and he claims one of his goals as an artist is to inspire youth to work towards achievement.
Aboriginal Heritage
Aboriginal heritage and expressions of the importance of this to Aboriginal people is another theme that is appears in the lyrics of the songs analysed. This appears in references to specific aspects of Aboriginal heritage as well as narratives that illustrate their importance and encourage Aboriginal people to embrace them
"Rezalationzzz..." by Kray-Z-Kree discusses the importance of the Cree language as an aspect of Aboriginal identity.
/ know my ABC's and I can even speak them in Cree, so fluently Although my life remains a mystery, been through so much misery in my history As a Native, and I never even created it but yo, I stated it So all my rezalations peace, without a hesitation 93
This portion also reflects previously discussed themes that recognize the historical effects of colonization.
Kray-Z-Kree's "Pow-Wow Trails" is a song that honours traditional pow-wow celebrations, through description of contemporary events.
It's a celebration, on the reservation, like a vacation, a designation On every other reservation, across the nation It's pow-wow time, all the time But back in the day, it used to be a crime And now a day, all I hear is the chime Of the bells ringin' and the drums beatin' And everybody singin'
The narrative reflects on the period when the potlatch was outlawed in Canada, and provides a picture of present day pow-wow's as wide-spread celebrations of traditional culture and music.
"So Hard to Say Goodbye" by War Party describes traditional beliefs and the importance of retaining these.
My people used to roam free We were one with the earth, we felt our mother's heartbeat It was me and my people, the buffalo and the eagle And things always went in a circle, purple sunset got respect from a prayer Universal balance with the stars and the air I swear I won't forget all the things that I was Ten thousand years of my grandfathers blood flows through my veins And cleans me like a smudge, just because that's what I was, that's what I was
The piece contains a description of previous times when Aboriginal people roamed lands and lived in harmony with nature, as well as emphasizing the importance of traditional spiritual beliefs. The narrator also elucidates an expression of strong ties to the past and his lineage, and relates a desire never to forget where he came from and who his people were, 94 and the ways that things were done in the extensive time lands were inhabited solely by
Aboriginal people.
The Reddnation song "When I'm Gone" includes references to spiritual beliefs and traditions.
When I die baby girl will you cry for me Do a smudge for me, keep the fire lit, pray that I get to the other side With the smoke and your love as my guide Keep your head up, I '11 see you soon Every time you look at the moon you '11 see my face lookin' down at you I know I put you through lots of pain But on the other side of the rain came the sunny happy days we shared Remember all the times you said I didn 't care But no matter what I was still there Please remember when your sittin' prayin', In the spirit world everyone's forgiven
Although this passage reflects a context of family as a song for the artist's daughter, it also contains references to beliefs in a spirit world, and illustrates traditional practices in the line "Do a smudge for me, keep the fire lit, pray that I get to the other side." The importance of spirituality to this artist is clearly shown in the words of this lyrical passage.
"Tha Message" by Kray-Z-Kree relates the significance of spirituality in Aboriginal heritage.
Spirituality is deep within you, you have to keep it strong so the saga can continue Emotions, just let 'em go, and let 'em flow, all through your body and let 'em grow Mentality is a formality of today's reality and it's sad to see in our society The causes and effects of history The physical part of you, is totally up to you As long as you love yourself that's all you have to do Cause we are the future leaders, it was told in the prophecy
Spirituality is presented as a tool in overcoming the effects of history, and love for oneself as one of the most powerful instruments in the continued struggles of Aboriginal people. 95
Kray-Z-Kree suggests that Aboriginal people should view themselves as "future leaders" and encourages efforts to find inner peace through spirituality and emotion.
Aboriginal Identity
Associated with the previous discussion of heritage, Aboriginal identity is another theme prevalent in many songs by Aboriginal artists. These references emphasize ties to
Aboriginal past and make narratives of pride central.
Lyrics from "Rezalationzzz..." by Kray-Z-Kree identify "Neechi nature" as a reflection of Aboriginal identity and encourage Aboriginal listeners to "represent" their
Aboriginality.
C 'mon everybody just get up, stand up and never be hesitatin' to represent Neechi nature, regulated, fluctuated, manipulated any way that you wanna be slingin' And remember keep bang bangin' to the beat of the drum, move your feet to the drum get up off the reservations and represent for your revelations
While referring to "Neechi nature" and calling for Aboriginal people to represent, the passage and those to follow also reflect a sense of unity. This is further elucidated by Kray-
Z-Kree's discussion of the term "Neechi" during an interview.
When I walk into a room instantly I feel being stereotyped, all the time you know. Like some people think I'm Spanish, some people think I'm Native, some people think, you know Natives think I'm white. You know, but there's no real in between and I grew up Native, I grew up on the rez, and I grew up in the city with Native people. And you know one of the things that appeals to me the most is Neechi nature, you know, Neechi nature is you know, I can't deny my Neechi nature, and Neechi in the Cree language is, just means "friend."
Kray-Z-Kree expresses strong identification with his Aboriginality, claiming he often encounters the effects of being stereotyped. "Neechi" is translated as "friend," and use in 96 the term "Neechi nature" suggests that while this may refer to Aboriginality, it also seems to reflect a culture of friendship for this artist. The use of the term further reflects the idea of unity in following excerpts as it is used to refer to fellow Aboriginal people, in contexts that foster strong Aboriginal identity.
Kray-Z-Kree's "Tha Message" again uses the term "Neechi," but also makes reference to Aboriginal history.
Now walk like you 're strong and talk like you 're strong As long as you follow your hearts you can't go wrong Cause in them streets is noplace to be, in teepees is, the place to be With my Neechi's tellin' stories all about our many past glories Cause we once were warriors so proud and so strong and so glorious
This passage calls for strength attained through following individual essential nature, and presents as a source of this strength the glorious and proud history of Aboriginal warriors.
Kray-Z-Kree encourages the retention of this proud and strong heritage and proposes that his people today continue to identify with the image of a warrior, recognizing the strength and pride associated.
The image of Aboriginal warriors is also reflected in "Thought I Told Ya" from
Blood Rez Crew in which the artist refers to himself as a warrior, connoting freedom, awareness, and fearlessness.
Thought I toldya I was a warrior, thought I toldya I was a warrior No I don't know what theyfuckin' toldya, what they done soldya, now they holdya This shits for the soldier fearless warrior, don 'tfuck around now don 7 say I didn't warn ya
In another excerpt from "Pow-Wow Trails," Kray-Z-Kree also explicitly describes himself as a soldier and warrior. 97
This is a pow-wow so sit your ass back The warrior pow-wow, before I attack Cuz lama soldier that is a warrior I'm so proud, so strong and so glorious It's the P-dot, pow-wow, makin 'high now, on the trail Livin the lifestyle, with my Neechi 's, in them teepees
Consistent with the sentiment expressed in the two previous lyric selections, this verse portrays an image of strength, glory, and pride, but also reflects the link to Aboriginal heritage and the traditional Aboriginal lifestyle. Lyrics containing imagery of Aboriginal people as warriors appear to encourage listeners to identify with their heritage and past, and through this attain a sense of strength represented by this image, and illustrated by the use of words such as "fearless," "glorious," and "proud."
Pride has emerged in the previous excerpts and appears many more times in lyrics. The chorus of "Feelin' Reserved" by War Party makes the suggestion that pride needs to be restored in Aboriginal communities.
/ 'm feelin' reserved, man that's how I 'm livin' I gotta do with this mic I was given, try to get by, no word of a lie
We gotta try to restore pride
In another verse from the same song, the narrator conveys the feeling that pride is important enough to die protecting.
Cuz if they wanna take my pride they '11 have to kill me And that's the way your mind state should be, don't let no one tell you that you ain 't a Cree See what we see, but don't be who we be, bein' yourself starts
with originality
While the artist suggests he would die before having his pride taken, it is not merely a sense of pride he protects, but pride in being Cree, and being himself. Pride in this context is tied to Aboriginal identity and as previous lyrics suggested, representing it. 98
Lyrics from "Tha Message" by Kray-Z-Kree illustrate the way that pride, power, and Aboriginal heritage and identity are reflected mutually.
Brothers and sisters everywhere, love yourselves and live in prayer I love myself, and I have longhair, my hair is my pride and my power Happiness is what I devour All around the world, keep the circle strong with them sacred songs And the people of the land, dancin' andsingin' with a feather in your hand Cause, now it's time to find yourselves And find your direction to spirituality and make a connection with your Native reflection For so many years we shared so many tears, and faced so many fears, and drank so many beers So now here's to the future
These lyrics refer to themes reflecting Aboriginal heritage and traditional ways, as well as a call to connect with Native identity. Reminiscent of the sentiment found in "Feelin'
Reserved" that pride needs to be restored, this artist suggests that the past has held sadness and hardship, and that pride in Aboriginality could contribute to a better future for
Aboriginal people.
"Native pride" is explicitly expressed in a number of the songs analysed. "Walkin'
Down the Red Road" by Kray-Z-Kree contains references to "Neechi life" and the theme of friendship, along with Native pride.
Well this Neechi life is the only life that is real to me with my friends and my homey's I'm never actin 'phony cause I gotta stay real, just to feel and the vibe of my Native pride
A direct reference to Native pride is made in the context of camaraderie and the idea of staying "real," true to Aboriginal identity and "Neechi life."
"Rez Hop" from Lanny Boy also discusses Native pride and contains the theme of unity that appears throughout many of the lyrics that are presented in this chapter. Lanny 99
Boy names the Blackfoot tribe and relates his pride in being a part of that nation, and uses the line "Skins representin" to refer to Aboriginal people to whom he feels affinity.
Give me 16 bars and I'll show you what I'm about: Rez 'd out, like it or get the fuck out, no doubt my tribe Blackfoot in the house, Native pride, from Eastside to Westside, Northside, all the way down to Southside Watch me do it how I do it show 'em how to rez ride Skins representin', everybody throw it up, When I get on the mic I blow this motherfucker up
The title of Kray-Z-Kree's "Native Pride" reflects the subject of this song, and
Native pride is described as pride in being an F-B-I: full-blooded Indian.
F-B-I, F-B-I, I can't deny, F-B-I F-B-I, I can't deny, that I'm a full blooded Indian guy, Native Pride
F-B-I, I can't deny, I'm red inside, Native Pride
The artist relates the feeling that he is "red inside" suggesting pride in his ancestry, and the sense that it is something that he cannot and would not change. While the importance of
Native pride for Kray-Z-Kree is clear through the lyrics of his songs, this is illustrated by further discussion in his interview. FBI, FBI, I can't deny that I'm a full blooded Indian guy, with Native pride and I'm red inside. You know, for me that's, Uhh... some people just don't hear you when you just talk but if you have a song like that, a melody, people remember it.
Voicing the importance of Native pride, Kray-Z-Kree also suggests the lasting influence of music in ensuring that a wide audience is reached and the message has impact and longevity.
In addition to containing empowering messages around Aboriginal identity, the medium lends itself to promotion and inspiration through the ability to deliver these messages in a relevant and memorable way. Discussion: Empowerment in Aboriginal Rap
This chapter has set out to show the way that Aboriginal rap music reflects inspirational messages and encourages empowering identities. Lyrics contain themes consistent with the argument Beighey and Unnithan (2006) in references to community including family, education, and abstinence from harmful influences such as substance use and the gangster lifestyle. Narratives contain messages that could encourage youth to follow a straight path to increase opportunities for success. For a number of artists, narratives suggest rap music presented itself as an opportunity for success as well as a chance to overcome situations that reflect the hopelessness and despair that affects some
Aboriginal people. As one of the features of Aboriginal success, many lyrics emphasize a theme of perseverance toward goals and dreams, along with the attitude that self- confidence and determination can facilitate accomplishment.
Aboriginal heritage and identity also figure prominently in the lyrics of these songs
The theme of heritage is reflected in specific references to aspects of Aboriginal heritage, such as language, traditional culture, music and traditions, and spiritual beliefs. In addition to references to these, their importance to Aboriginal wellbeing is also illustrated.
Aboriginal identity is reflected through the encouragement to embrace and represent
Aboriginality and the strong, glorious, and proud image it reflects. Pride is a theme that is predominant in these songs, with calls for its restoration, and the establishment of pride as a paramount in importance. These narratives refer not only to a general sense but encourage pride in Aboriginal identity, a sense of "Native pride."
The suggestion that Aboriginal rap contains empowering messages is further supported by the thoughts of the artist Hellnback. 101
Yeah it's just empowering, I mean, hip-hop music I know it inspires people. I mean from the oldest cat to the youngest cat, it's inspiring, it inspires people to wanna get out there, it inspires people to smile, you know? It inspires people to frown. I mean, if it can do that then by all means you get your job done. If I can sit there and make the most hardest gangster bob his head and love this shit then by all means, you know, my job is done. If I can go out there and make somebody wanna go and change their life or you know, have a different thought process on hip-hop music cause of me that skews it so much that it's like a bad thing, no I'm not. If I can change one person's mind that's empowering them to you know, take a different route, think of a different thing. Yeah so definitely, definitely hip-hop music, and music in general, art in general is empowering.
This artist relates what he suggests are the inspirational and empowering qualities of the music that he creates in the potential to motivate people to action, "to wanna get out there," as well as expressing the goal of encouraging change in both the lives and minds of listeners. As this analysis has shown, the lyrics of some Aboriginal rap music contain narratives that reflect a sense of community, provide messages that encourage self esteem and perseverance toward dreams and goals, and celebrate Aboriginal heritage and identity, while also demonstrating the attempts of artists to make a contribution to the strengthening of pride and power among Aboriginal listeners. 102
CHAPTER 6; CULTURAL APPROPRIATION, CULTURAL HYBRIDITY. AND AUTHENTICITY
Cultural appropriation is one of the concepts that figures prominently in academic literature on hip-hop and rap music. Hip-hop is the most widely appropriated cultural form, and continues to spread in hybrid forms around the world (Bucholtz, 2002; Rodriguez,
2006). As previously discussed, debate surrounding cultural appropriation is polarized into perspectives illustrated by Bucholtz and Rodriguez. Bucholtz suggests that creativity and agency drive appropriation as a resource for local identity making, while Rodriguez argues that cultural appropriation exploits cultural forms and nullifies cultural meaning of the form for the originators. In the former view, cultural appropriation involves the utilization of cultural products in ways that reflect local identity, while the latter emphasizes the potential damage to the originating culture.
The theoretical construct of cultural hybridity appears in academic literature addressing the cultural appropriation of rap and hip-hop culture. This concept is best understood as "the third space that enables other positions to emerge.. .The process of cultural hybridity gives rise to something different, something new and unrecognizable, a new area of meaning and representation" (Bahbha, H.K., Cited in Taylor, 2007, p. 145).
This suggests that hybridity involves the re-formation of cultural forms in ways that change what the form represents and the meaning conveyed. The research conducted here argues that rap music appropriation by Aboriginal people illustrates this idea, in that meaning and representation becomes distinctly Aboriginal in context, seen in the lyrics created by
Aboriginal artists and their perspectives toward rap culture. The cultural expressions of rap music and rap culture are not merely adopted and reproduced, but the artists investigated here generate original products that reflect their own experiences and address topics
relevant to them.
Stokes (2004) suggests that hybridity can be demonstrated through the existence of
elements of other cultures within newly hybridized cultural forms, reflecting it as an
authentic representation of the creator. The integration of elements of culture into existing
cultural forms will be further discussed in this chapter, as well as the importance of
authenticity.
Authenticity plays a key role in this argument relating to assessments of "realness."
At the core of this debate is the question of "authenticity" versus "imitation" (Maxwell,
2003). Additionally, Maxwell acknowledges the problematic nature of cultural
appropriation, but suggests this can be addressed through efforts to understand ways that the cultural form of rap music is appropriated, and how it is utilized by other cultures in ways similar and different to African American culture. Consistent with literature presented previously, this analysis shows that these examples of rap and hip-hop lyrics created by Aboriginal artists appear to reflect a local context and contain expressions of experiences, issues and concerns that are authentic in the lives of these Aboriginal artists, and not mere imitation of popular rap music.
Authenticity in Themes of Harm, Resistance, and Empowerment.
The literature review presented in this project has established a number of characteristics evident in rap music lyrics. The previous chapters have shown that
Aboriginal rap lyrics are similar to those of its predecessor in that it shares a number of these characteristics. Themes relating to contentious topics and explicit content, those that are highlighted by the harm perspective, are contained in the lyrics of Aboriginal created rap music, although as the third chapter shows, these references are often presented in contexts of hopelessness and despair, and within narratives that illustrate living and social conditions, and social problems that some Aboriginal people may experience.
The substantive chapter on themes of resistance shows that Aboriginal rap lyrics reflect Aboriginal rap music as an oppositional cultural form, resembling in structure and tone original rap music that is argued to be a form of oppositional resistance rising from
African American culture. Although similar as a mode of resistance, the content of the lyrics and views of artists illustrate the goal of telling stories that reflect the lives and concerns of some First Nations people, and raise awareness about the issues that affect them. Containing narratives that express their lived experiences and draw attention to the effects of a history of oppression, these songs characterize this music as a form of oppositional resistance that contains authentic representations of Aboriginal artist's lives and experiences, and expressions that reflect the issues that some Aboriginal people face.
The theme of empowerment discussed in the previous chapter presents lyrics that contain inspirational messages and encourage empowering identities. These lyrics, along with the interview excerpts that accompany them, illustrate the goal of some Aboriginal rap artists to create music that advocates living a good life, perseverance, and encourages self esteem. As further illustration of the distinctly authentic representations of Aboriginality reflected by themes of empowerment, Aboriginal heritage and identity are championed, along with a sense of Native pride that artists intend to encourage among their Aboriginal listeners. Themes of empowerment illustrate the authenticity of Aboriginal rap lyrics through artist's narratives containing references specific to Aboriginal people and contexts. While certain similarities to African American rap and hip-hop are evident, the authentic nature of the lyrics analysed here is illustrated in previous chapters through content that is authentic to Aboriginal artists, containing reflections and expressions of
Aboriginal life.
Authenticity in Content
The preceding section demonstrates that the themes discussed in previous chapters reflect authenticity in Aboriginal rap lyrics through the contexts in which these themes are contained, contexts of Aboriginality and experiences of First Nations artists. In the following sections authenticity will be further illustrated through lyrical passages and interview excerpts.
The distinct type of "sound" produced by some Aboriginal artists is reflected in
Blood Rez Crew's "New Nother Sound," which refers to "pow-wow sound," a distinctly
Aboriginal construction.
Comin quick we 're so proud cause we could, it's the pow-wow sound that you never even found,
Get down with that Blood Rez sound
In "Siksika's Finest," Lanny Boy speaks of a particular style that can be attributed to living on reservation. You can't knock my style or my rez 'd out ways Cuz my flow be so crazy keep you buzzin 'for days Siksika Nation that be where I stays, I keep my style rez 'd out but never cease to amaze
Lanny Boy refers to this as "rez'd out" style, similar to the ideas of Blood Rez Crew in their song "Thought I Told Ya" .
Yeah, shut the fuck up let me spit it for a while 106
Gonna kick it for a while with my native style Got the million dollar smile goin' miles for miles I'm just a broke nother Indian who done gone wild Just takin' the rappin' to a whole 'nother level
This excerpt illustrates the distinctive "native style" the artist expresses, and the attitude that this takes his art to "a whole 'nother level." In another verse of the same song, the artist's style of hip-hop is distinguished from others.
Yeah, cuz this is native reservation hip-hop And this shit ain 't never gonna stop till these motherfuckers drop Or maybe when the beats stop but I ain't never gonna stop till ID-I-E I'm gonna keep rappin' with these lyrical native G 's
These lyrics make explicit reference to "native reservation hip-hop" suggesting that there is a quality in this that differentiates it from other hip-hop, and illustrates the authenticity of this as a creation of Aboriginal artists.
In the song "So Hard To Say Goodbye" by War Party the narrator challenges those that question his intentions.
So I been told, you have to know where you 're comin 'from, to know where you 're going They say knowledge is power, am I wrong for findin' out the truth? I'm just tryin' to make sense of it all Now ask yourself; what's goin' on in your head? Is that all about me, or is that all about you? It's so hard to say goodbye
While not explicitly Aboriginal in content, considering the indigenous background of the artist and the content of this and other War Party songs, it appears that this artist values both knowledge and a connection with his past, and challenges those that question his intentions and the "truth" that he draws attention to, questioning whether criticisms are because of who he is, or who those are that would question and criticize his words. This illustrates the value of knowledge and truth that the artist suggests are central to the music that he creates. This further supports the assertion that these lyrics analysed here reflect the authenticity of Aboriginal created rap and hip-hop music, as the "truths" this artist refers to are imbedded in the experiences of the artist, and therefore reflect Aboriginal experience.
Authenticity versus Imitation
This section provides interview excerpts that illustrate the authenticity of
Aboriginal rap lyrics by establishing artist and producer perceptions of rap and their views of the appeal of rap, and shows the role of Aboriginal background in the creation of rap music,
A number of those interviewed discussed rap culture and their views of the genre.
Big Kowgli discusses his perspective on racism he suggests surrounds rap music and affects those that set out to create it.
You still hear it, you know, the racism, about natives into rapping or stuff like that, you know. I remember hearing a quote from Eminem that hip-hop is tearing down a lot of racial, um, curtains you know. For someone to say that it's a race owned music it's not right, I mean, it's art.
This artist relates a sense of discrimination he claims is directed at him as an Aboriginal artist because of his choice of rap as a medium. Big Kowgli views hip-hop and rap as a music genre that "tears down" racial barriers, yet he still expresses a feeling of discriminated because of the perception of rap as "race owned," belonging to African
American culture, a perception that the artist questions. From this artist's perspective rap and hip-hop music should be viewed as artistic expression and not as a cultural expression belonging to one group. 108
Hellnback expresses a similar sentiment and comments on the culture of acceptance reflected by hip-hop.
I look at hip-hop as not just native, not just anything, I look at hip-hop as the only culture in the world that accepts every other culture. You know what I mean? You don't have to be native, you don't have to be black you know hip- hop, you can just be yourself, you know what I mean? And I think that reaches out to a lot of these younger cats, these younger youth you know.
Hellnback communicates his attitude that race is if little consequence in hip-hop, and suggests a multicultural and inclusive quality, describing a culture that appeals to many youth by embracing all people as individuals.
This artist also recounts his involvement in rap and hip-hop culture as a lifestyle beginning in youth.
It was something when I first got introduced to it I knew this is something that I really wanted to get into this is something that I really didn't want to shy away, I wanted to see where this would take me. I started taking it more serious started rapping a lot more serious when I was 11 and 12, you know freestyling everywhere, beatboxing everywhere just getting into all the elements, like um, graffiti tagging, and you know, big guy trying to breakdance, you know DJ'ing, messing up my mom's turntable, turntables back in the rez house. You know, it was just, it was a form that spoke to me more than any other form of artistry that I could think of at the time.
In contrast to the perception of the adoption of hip-hop for aesthetic or stylistic reasons, merely because of commercial popularity, Hellnback illustrates an example of becoming a genuine member of this cultural group. The story told here describes an Aboriginal youth involved in all elements of rap and hip-hop, and not just wearing the fashions and listening to the music, and emphasizes the investment that Hellnback has in this culture, as something that he felt drawn to and takes very seriously. Interviews provided a number of examples of discussion about the appeal of rap music and culture. Hellnback views rap as the best form of expression, in part due to what he describes as therapeutic value.
Nowadays it's the best form of expression I guess I'd say, you know because it's like how back in the day with the black culture and hip hop and stuff like that, rock and roll, it was always just a way to get things off of your chest. I'd say that hip-hop and music to me is the best form of therapy. You can spend your money on all sorts of things, go to all sorts of doctors to help you out during the day but music to me is like, is that doctor, you know what I mean? And if I feel that I know there's a lot of other cats out there that feel that.
Hellnback presents hip-hop music as a form of expression he says is relevant to youth and the modern times they live in, comparing this to the relevance of other genres in the past.
Hip-hop is described as a form of therapy through expression for this artist, and music in general as "a way to get things off your chest."
Big Kowgli suggests that the culture of poverty discussed previously may play some part in the fact that rap music appeals to those with less economic advantage.
I think there's a lot of similarity, you know, when hip-hop originally came out in New York, there's a lot of poverty and everything, and you didn't need much to rap, it's not like, you know, you need a guitar, you need a drum set, you need to spend all this money, all you need is someone to beatbox.
This idea is also expressed by Peter, a rap music producer, who expands this thought to suggest that Aboriginal people may relate to the narratives described in African
American rap songs.
If you go by the original, which is African talking songs, back then they didn't like what was happening to them. Any kind of popular music has to, by definition, be subversive. Hence rock and roll, rap is just the next phase, and the people that are attracted to that particular phase, it works. As a generalization, people who are poor do not aspire to diva kind of music. First of all you gotta get a gal, never mind the 110
orchestra. What do you mean orchestra, we haven't got orchestras here. So certainly the ghetto in the United States resonated in the reserves that are here.
Poverty is presented here as a similarity between Aboriginal and African American experience and suggests that music that resonates with experience on the reserve is that which reflects similar conditions of poverty, as well as being a genre that does not take great wealth to participate in. As the two previous excerpts suggest, one of the appealing features of rap music is the simplicity of initial participation in this art form as all that is needed is a voice, which may be alluring to people living in poor economic situations.
Big Kowgli further discusses the issue of poverty and the relation of this to rap and hip-hop music.
You know being First Nations, there's still quite a bit of poverty on reserves. I think people are able to adapt to that (hip-hop), like, a lot easier than any other genre. It's almost like every reserve is basically the same, you know, in my area anyway. I've been to a lot of reserves in my area and it just seems like, you know, they got the same people, and, uh, a lot of these people can relate to that poverty life, you know, who are in it.
More than a discussion of poverty, this excerpt specifically refers to poverty on reserves, and suggests that hip-hop may appeal to Aboriginal people that relate to "poverty life."
Illustrating the intentions of some artists to provide reflections of Aboriginal life and experience within the lyrics of their songs, Hellnback relates his view that rap music is an apt genre for First Nations artists as he views them as "natural storytellers."
Somebody has to be that storyteller, and as natives we are natural storytellers. So this genre of music it just kinda fits, you know. Back in the day you had this certain person in the tribe that was telling people from other tribes what that tribe was going through. Telling people of other races what our race is going through. And that's still happening to this day, we're those people now, the younger generation. Ill
Akin to storytellers of previous generations, Hellnback suggests that it is the responsibility of his generation to share the stories of their people and to relate Aboriginal experiences and concerns.
The role of Kray-Z-Kree's Aboriginality in the messages within lyrics was also touched upon during an in interview.
A lot of them are coming from culture, and experiences, and worldview. That's what the messages are. A lot of those songs were themed around our culture and some of the truths behind the reality of what it's like to be native, you know.
Culture, worldview and the reality behind Aboriginal experiences are important elements of the music that this artist creates, suggesting that for Kray-Z-Kree authentic representation is essential. The artist also relates his goal of blending Aboriginal tradition and hip-hop.
I started laying down some drumtracks cause I had this vision in my mind. You know if native people can get together and sing (sings) you know, they have a beat, why couldn't I turn something like that into hip-hop. You know, take that beat and make it into a hip-hop beat. I have a background of singing traditionally.
This blending of music is also reflected by Kray-Z-Kree's producer, Peter.
That's what I think (Kray-Z-Kree's) genius was, is taking what the hip-hop was and taking what the blues was and coming back and saying, okay, it's gonna go through my filter.
All the tunes have somewhere an acoustic native instrument. That was part of the plan, not even intellectual, but, we are going to use these sounds. What Kray-Z-Kree said was if I don't use those sounds who's going to?
The permanent nature of music as an expression is also something that Kray-Z-Kree is aware of and takes pride in. 112
The way I look at it to is it's a part of me that lives on, I've made my contribution as a human being to the earth, you know, to everything. To people, to how I felt, how I felt on this earth, you know, and what I've learned. So that was the whole thing with the CD, was to share. Whether I made money, you know, I don't care about making money, you know. One of the things that our elders always say is you know for us to do our best in life and to contribute.
For this artist, the commercial opportunities that being an artist may provide are claimed to be of little importance compared to the personal satisfaction attained through the creation of a rap album. Kray-Z-Kree expresses the desire to share his feelings and knowledge with others and to make a lasting contribution to the earth that is a reflection of efforts to do the best that he can.
To address the issue of imitation and authenticity further, Hellnback provides a view that elucidates this debate and the awareness of Aboriginal artists that this debate exists, and they may face criticism from those that suggest that they are trying to imitate
African Americans.
Back in the day I mean, like c'mon, natives rapping? Yeah there was no support for that man. People, the only support I ever got was you know, why you guys tryin' to be black? Why you guys tryin' to be blah, blah, blah, why you guys tryin' to be this, it was always something racially, something that someone said racially towards us. I never looked at hip-hop as black music, I just looked at it as music. I don't think that natives even look at like you know, back in the day you have rock music or something there was never that thing with rock music you know, it was just rock music, you got into it. That's how I looked at hip-hop and how I still look at hip-hop.
As a fledgling rapper Hellnback received little support and was criticized for "tryin' to be black."
I've had many people come up to me and ask me how come you're tryin' to be black, or how come, I wish we could believe your lyrics more, or blah, blah, blah. You know, people who say shit like that I just tell 'em come to where we're from. You know, come to where I grew up, come to where my family is, come to how it is on the rez. Maybe you'll understand it more. 113
In response to the criticism of trying to be black, Hellnback reflects the authenticity of his expressions by presenting his reality as a genuine reflection of experience, challenging those that criticize him to become acquainted with the reality of his existence before judging the content of his art. Hellnback argues that ignorance plays a part in the misinterpretation of his words as imitation of African American culture.
Hellnback has experienced this ignorance as questioning of his authenticity as a rapper and presents an interesting point of view that questions the prejudices of those that criticize the realism of the music that he creates.
It's not about dressing up as a rapper, this is what we are. I mean, like I could still be rappin' right now and still, like what do they expect, natives to dress in buckskin? What do they expect us to dress in bone necklaces and shit, with no shoes on our feet? Hell no, I'm a flashy dude, I like the fact that my jeans match my shoes, you know what I'm saying, I like that my shirts and my hats match my other shirts and hats and shit. It's not about being dressed up gangster or anything like that. I know gangsters that don't dress up gangster. That's another thing that I don't agree with about how the media skews shit. That image about gangsta rap and stuff like that, that image is what people who just listen to the news, people who just listen to this and that and not really open up their own mind to what's going on. That's one of the most ignorant things I've ever seen or ever heard.
Challenging the view that he merely imitates African American culture and music,
Hellnback illustrates the role of the media in creating an unrealistic representation of hip- hop and rap, the image of which he views himself categorized within. For this artist, the image associated with rap music and his role as a member of hip-hop and rap culture are distinctly different, emphasizing his genuine place in this culture in spite of perceptions of him and other artists as imitators. 114
Cultural Hybriditv and Elements of Culture
Hybridity is illustrated in the re-formation of rap music by Aboriginals from its
original form into one which expresses meanings and representations authentic to
Aboriginal artists. As the previous section has shown, it is the intent of some artists to
create music that may resemble mainstream rap music, but reflects the lives and
experiences of Aboriginal people. The music of Kray-Z-Kree exemplifies the concept of
cultural hybridity applied to Aboriginal rap music, particularly in supporting the
observation of Stokes (2004) that hybridity is evident in some hybridized music through the existence of elements of different cultures.
In the music by Kray-Z-Kree used in this analysis, many elements of Aboriginal
culture are integrated into the songs including the use of traditional instruments, singing,
Cree language, and contributions of other Aboriginal artists.
One of the more interesting anecdotes relates the story surrounding the inclusion of a lyric spoken in the Cree language in the song "Tribal Danze." The excerpt illustrates the importance to Kray-Z-Kree in ensuring that the Cree words accurately capture the meaning of what is intended.
I picked up my phone and I called back home, another artist was here and he didn't know how to say, he speaks fluent Cree and he didn't know how to say uh, "I want to be proud of my culture, proud of my language, and I want to be strong" that's what it means (Kray-Z-Kree speaks in Cree) something like that, in that line in the Cree. Actually we were trying to figure out how to say "tribal dance" cause he didn't know how to say it, cause English and Cree are misinterpreted from each other because a long time ago when we were living on the plains, in the prairies, off the land our language came from our everyday life and we didn't have a funky way of saying "do the tribal dance" like, it would be (translates roughly in Cree). And you know, a computer, you press a button, no human interaction. Us we called up all our Cree relatives, how do you do this? How do you do that, and how do you spell that? It took about, well about 40 minutes. 115
This segment also illustrates the actual influence this artist's culture has on the creation of his music, as relatives are included in the process of ensuring the accuracy of the Cree passage.
As stated previously, the role of hybridity and importance of authenticity as a feature of this are illustrated in the analysis presented here. This is further supported by the most literal example of Kray-Z-Kree and his efforts to include traditional sounds and artists in his recent album. Cultural hybridity plays a distinct role in shaping the rap and hip-hop music created by Aboriginal artists, as illustrated in content that reflects expressions and meanings that are authentic to Aboriginal people, as well as the desire to include elements of traditional culture.
Discussion; Authenticity in Aboriginal Rap
Authenticity can be seen in the content of lyrics of rap and hip-hop songs created by
Aboriginal artists. Themes that reflect contentious and explicit content are present, although often within contexts of hopelessness and despair. Themes of resistance, supporting the argument that Aboriginal rap music fits the characteristics of a form of
"oppositional resistance," contain distinctly Aboriginal contexts within narratives and therefore reflect authentic expressions of Aboriginal artist's experiences and issues that concern them as Aboriginal people. Themes of empowerment refer to specific Aboriginal contexts relating to identity and heritage, and encourage pride in Aboriginality. While the existence of these themes in lyrics of Aboriginal rap music shows certain similarities between this and African American rap, the distinctly Aboriginal expressions, contexts, and reflections illustrate the content as authentic to Aboriginal artists. 116
Authenticity is further supported through lyric excerpts reflecting a distinctive sound and style that is intended by artists. Terms like "native style" and "native reservation hip-hop" exemplify claims to a uniquely Aboriginal quality within this music. Data from artist and producer interviews address discrimination felt as rap artists in an arguably
African American cultural form, one which artist view as inclusive. Investment in rap and hip-hop culture is also illustrated, as well as the relevance of rap as a form of expression for today's youth. The relative simplicity in creating rap music is suggested as an appeal to those with less economic advantage, including Aboriginal people experiencing poverty on reserves, along with the resonance of rap music felt on reserves. Culture, worldview, and the reality of Aboriginal experience are presented as messages contained within the songs created by these artists, as well as the natural fit of the genre to Aboriginal people as storytellers. The sense that it is the responsibility of the younger generation to ensure that the experiences of the people are expressed is also presented as paramount in the view of one artist. In addition to the discrimination illustrated earlier, criticism of Aboriginal artists as attempting to imitate African American rappers, and the unrealistic image that is related to hip-hop and rap culture are also concerns that are voiced in this analysis. This challenges judgments based on a media-created image, and ignorance about hip-hop and rap culture.
If viewed as a cultural form appropriated from African American culture, this analysis considers Maxwell's (2003) suggestion that an effort be made to understand the ways that this cultural form has been appropriated and used. This analysis argues that a considerable amount of the Aboriginal rap and hip-hop music lyrics presented here reflect
Aboriginal artist's lives and are not just callous appropriation and imitation of the African
American cultural form from which rap originated. 117
Cultural hybridity is a factor in the re-formation of rap and hip-hop music into the form produced by Aboriginal artists, and in the authenticity of the lyrical content which lies at the core of the concept of cultural hybridity, as a reflection of "new areas of meaning and representation" (Bahbha, H.K., Cited in Taylor, 2007, p. 145). In addition to authenticity as support for the function of cultural hybridity, the desire to integrate elements of Aboriginal culture exemplifies the concept and the relevance of it to this discussion. Aboriginal rap should not be viewed as a negative form of cultural appropriation, but a musical form that undergoes changes captured by the concept of cultural hybridity, and that authenticity is illustrated through expressions of distinctly Aboriginal contexts in lyrics.
This thesis and literature before it establish that rap and hip-hop music expresses the lives of African American people, serves as a mode of resistance, and contains messages that can inspire and empower. The analysis conducted here shows that these characteristics are reflected in the rap lyrics created by a number of Aboriginal artists, and supports the argument that lyrics appear to be an authentic representation of their lives and expression of the issues that are of importance to them, and not just imitation based on commercial qualities or popularity but a re-creation that reflects contexts of Aboriginal experience. While it cannot be argued here that rap music created by First Nations people operates for Aboriginal listeners in the same ways it is suggested to in African American culture, this study shows that this potential exists, illustrated in the intent of the Aboriginal artists to create music that shares narratives of Aboriginal people and in the availability to a wide audience through the production and distribution of the work of many Aboriginal rap artists. 118
The literature review contained in this thesis also illustrates the reality of the global popularity of hip-hop and rap and the fact that localized rap music appears in many countries and continents, suggesting that discussions of the appropriation of rap from
African American culture may be superfluous. Rap music is embraced and produced in numerous areas and reflects the social conditions and experiences of a diverse collection of people. However, this is a debate that remains unresolved in this research and deserves further investigation. While this analysis reflects authenticity from the perspective of the artists that is inherent in rap and hip-hop lyrics created by Aboriginal people, the question of whether or not rap music continues to be the domain of African American culture is open to argument. Yet there is no question that the lyrics analysed reflect expressions of the perspectives, experiences, and lives authentic to these Aboriginal artists, supporting the argument of this study that Aboriginal rap, with its similarities to other forms of rap created around the world, is an authentic representation of the Aboriginal people that create it and not just imitation of a popular cultural form. 119
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Appendix: Interview Schedules
The following schedules were used to guide open ended semi-structured interviews.
The first list provides questions directed at music producers, and the second questions directed at artists:
Interview questions for producers:
1. How did you become interested in producing music? Are you a musician?
2. Tell me about producing music by Aboriginal artists.
3. What interested you about rap music as a producer?
4. Were there other people that influenced your interest in producing rap?
5. When did you become involved in producing Aboriginal rap music?
6. Why do you think that more and more Aboriginal rap is being made?
7. How do you feel about people saying that rap music has a negative message, that it
glorifies violence, and being a gangster?
8. What kind of message do you think Aboriginal rap music is trying to send?
9. Who are you trying to reach as a producer?
10. What do you think the rap music you produce says to your audience?
Interview questions for artists:
1. When did you become interested in rap music? What artists did you like?
2. What interested you about rap music?
3. Were there other people that influenced your interest in rap?
4. Were there many other people around that listened to rap?
5. When you were growing up and becoming involved in rap, what did the people around you think? 6. How did you get started in making rap music? (Ie: creating Raps, performances) 7. Why do you think that more and more Aboriginal rap is being made?
8. How do you feel about people saying that rap music has a negative message, that it glorifies violence, and being a gangster?
9. What kind of message do you think rap music is trying to send?
10. Who are you trying to reach as an artist?
11. What does your music say to your audience?
12. Did where you grew up influence you as an artist? How?
13. Do you think where you live now (if it is different than where you grew up) influences you as an artist?