the ‘member for ’ Duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

As Liberal MP for , Duncan McLaren (1800–86) was nicknamed ‘Member for Scotland’ because he was so assiduous in pursuing all manner of Scottish causes. The tag may also, however, reflect the crucial nature of his contribution to the creation of the Liberal Party that dominated late Victorian and Edwardian Scotland. Willis Pickard asks why the role he played in creating the Liberal dominance of Victorian Scotland has been so ignored.

20 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’ Duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

n general histories of Scot- established in his twenties a drap- subsidised no land, Duncan McLaren is er’s business in the High Street longer commanded the adherence little more than a footnote. of Edinburgh opposite the High of a majority. McLaren’s support- He did not become an MP Kirk of St Giles. By the time of ers were not yet a fully formed until he was sixty-five and the reform of local government in group of political Radicals – and Inever held office. He was a leader 1833, he was well enough estab- certainly they had no time for the around whom men gathered but lished to afford the time to sit on Chartists – but the power of con- he was also a divisive figure. the town council that replaced the gregations of religious Dissenters So what did McLaren achieve self-perpetuating oligarchs who formed into a national committee and why has history served him had run the capital of Scotland could make life uncomfortable for so ill? Politically, McLaren’s life into bankruptcy. He soon became a Whig government. In Novem- was a series of challenges to the treasurer and largely made the ber 1837 Andrew Rutherfurd, the Whig domination of Scotland. deal with the government that Solicitor General, wrote to a fel- Although he started representing restored the city’s finances. But low junior minister that the Com- his home city of Edinburgh two he and his allies on the council mittee of Dissenters had been years before the second Reform were increasingly frustrated by to see him and made clear that Act, the bedrock of his support the refusal of Lord Melbourne’s there was ‘a very lukewarm and came from the working men Cabinet to maintain an agenda of partial support, if not abandon- enfranchised in 1867 – the elec- reform – and in particular to abol- ment of the Whigs’.1 Rutherfurd torate who, in neighbouring Mid- ish the tax that paid the stipends recognised McLaren as ‘an able lothian, were to be so enthused by of Church of Scotland ministers. and excellent man’.2 That recog- William Gladstone. The Grand McLaren argued that the tax was nition was soon to be turned by Old Man was always suspicious unfair to the many thousands the Whigs into suspicion of his of self-proclaimed Radicals but who worshipped in Presbyte- motives and fear for their contin- he would not have won his mar- rian churches that had seceded ued domination of Edinburgh and ginal seat in 1880 and become the from the Established Church of Scottish politics. The men who ‘people’s William’ without the Scotland. had defeated the ‘Dundas des- allegiance of voters whom the potism’ in Scotland were landed proudly Radical McLaren, more gentry and advocates at the Scot- than anyone, made into a formi- Pressure on the Whigs Duncan McLaren tish Bar. They were happy to dable Scottish force. The argument was the same as (1800–86), from have prosperous shopkeepers run Duncan McLaren was born to made against church rates in Eng- a photograph town councils but not to chal- a family of Argyll crofters that land, and similar groups were by J. G. Tunny lenge the Whig leadership within had moved to the developing brought into public life to rally (picture the loosely organised Liberal textile industry of Dunbarton- opposition. McLaren’s skill was in reproduced by party. McLaren, using resentment shire. Apprenticed at twelve to a marshalling facts and in particular kind permission against slights by the government shop-keeping uncle in Dunbar, he the statistics that showed how the of Scran) and the Established Church to

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 21 the ‘member for scotland’: and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland show the power of organised Dis- The cam- McLaren’s abilities made him held almost all the seats and sent, began to pose a real threat. more than just the League’s eyes most of the counties, MPs contin- Not that he displayed open paign to and ears in Scotland. His judg- ued to be returned from the upper ambition himself. His supporters ment was valued among Radi- reaches of society. Even a pros- had no one to challenge Thomas abolish the cal thinkers and campaigners perous merchant like McLaren Babington Macaulay, whom the – just as his motives were ques- doubted whether he could sup- Whigs imposed on Edinburgh Corn Laws tioned by the Whig establish- port six months’ unpaid life in in an 1839 by-election. McLaren ment. Macaulay, in particular, Westminster as well as a home in interfered in a hotly disputed was tak- had a difficult relationship with Edinburgh. Like other constitu- election for Lord Provost in 1840, his disputatious constituent. The encies in Britain that returned but only from the sidelines. He ing root in MP’s tentative approach to Corn two members, Edinburgh gave an had left the town council to look Scotland, Law reform led to a tetchy cor- opportunity for the Liberal fac- after his business and his grow- respondence, and his reluctance tions to share the spoils. A Whig ing family. His first wife had died and McLaren to appear at meetings in Edin- and a Radical (or Independent leaving him responsible for three burgh was widely resented. In the Liberal, as the term usually was children. His second wife, Chris- (aided by his wake of the Disruption, political in Edinburgh) might each take a tina Renton, was a member of a allegiances were tangled up with seat. That could give the Radicals prominent Dissenting family who Renton rela- sectarian differences. Within a representation that was usually encouraged his involvement in the supposedly Liberal fold there denied them in single-member church politics but she failed to tives) saw a were factions belonging to the constituencies. McLaren and his recover from the birth of a third Free Church, the Dissenters (a friends did try to find sympathetic child. McLaren’s unmarried sisters way of har- majority of whom, including candidates to challenge Whigs rallied to the young family, and McLaren’s core supporters, were elsewhere, but not often success- success in business allowed him nessing his soon to coalesce in the United fully. One seat in which McLaren to keep his commitment to public Presbyterian Church), and the took an interest was Stirling affairs and polemical journalism. supporters Church of Scotland, whose mem- which, in the 1847 par- The campaign to abolish the bers included both Liberals and liament, was represented by John Corn Laws was taking root in to the new Tories. As elsewhere in Britain, Benjamin Smith, the Manches- Scotland, and McLaren (aided by the government’s grant to the ter free trade businessman, with his Renton relatives) saw a way of cause. Roman Catholic Maynooth Col- whom McLaren formed a close harnessing his supporters to the lege in Ireland became a focus for alliance.5 new cause. The self-regarding sectarian squabbling. Macaulay claims of Dissenting churchmen refused to join the bulk of his faded from public attention as voters in opposing the grant and Bright as brother-in-law splits in the Church of Scotland in whipping up religious intol- McLaren was encouraged in culminated in the cataclysm of the erance – although McLaren’s broadening his Radical agenda Disruption and the founding of church supporters could at least be from religious to wider issues the Free Church in 1843. McLaren excused from purely anti-Catho- by both Cobden and Bright, the marshalled the army of Dissent- lic prejudice because they opposed latter in his role from 1849 as ers to help Richard Cobden and grants by the state to all religions, brother-in-law. McLaren took in the Anti-Corn including Protestant good causes. as his third wife Bright’s sister Law League. In January 1842, At the general election of Priscilla, herself ardently com- McLaren organised a large con- 1847, Macaulay was defeated, and mitted to advanced causes. She ference of Dissenting ministers McLaren was chief among those was a Quaker who on marrying a in Edinburgh. Of 494 who were blamed for creating the coalition non-Quaker was expelled, to her asked their opinion, none was in of United Presbyterians and Free brother’s fury. McLaren and John favour of the existing Corn Laws Churchmen who brought shame Bright formed a lifelong work- and 431 wanted total repeal. The on the city by removing a national ing partnership, with McLaren next month saw McLaren lead an statesman and writer. The Scotsman deferring to Bright’s oratorical Anti-Corn Law League march newspaper, in particular, had by skills and national reputation, along the Strand in London to the now turned against McLaren and and Bright relying on McLaren’s House of Commons, where MPs embarked on a campaign of deni- assiduity in delving into par- were about to vote on the annual gration and misrepresentation that liamentary papers and drafting repeal motion by Charles Villiers. lasted most of his life. Macaulay, reforming legislation. John Bright first met McLaren at sick of his disputatious constitu- Ventures into banking and the Edinburgh conference, and ents, wrote to his niece: ‘I am not railways in these years proved both he and Cobden quickly rec- vexed, but as cheerful as I ever profitable but worrisome, and ognised the Scotsman’s organis- was in my life.’4 He left behind McLaren’s natural calculating ing abilities. He facilitated their him the question of whether the caution meant that for the rest of visits north of the border and led Whigs in Scotland had suffered a his life he built his prosperity on fund-raising efforts. With Cob- mortal blow. That was the hope of the draper’s business, employing den he exchanged letters about those who challenged their privi- up to 200 ‘hands’, and through once a month in 1842–43.3 The leged self-interest and reforming land purchase and development in topics covered a gamut of Radical timidity. But there was no real rapidly growing suburban Edin- causes: taxation, household suf- battle at this time for the Liberal burgh. In 1851 he was reluctantly frage, triennial parliaments. soul. In a country where Liberals persuaded to rejoin the town

22 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland council, knowing that he would second votes to prevent Macaulay earlier over publication of a depic- be catapulted by his loyal support- and Cowan from taking the seats. tion of him as ‘snake the draper’. ers into the Lord Provost’s chair McLaren had been launched into Now Moncreiff had the opportu- for three years. He was called on public life by fellow Dissenters. nity to rid his constituents of the to tackle again the despised cleri- It was clear that their loyalty was unpopular clerical tax. His com- cal tax, and he had already shown no longer enough. A broader- promise legislation only reignited enterprise and persistence in other based organisation was needed to the opposition, brought McLaren civic matters such as locating a challenge the Whigs. It neither briefly back into the town council dependable water supply, espe- could nor should have a sectarian and then, at the behest of the Inde- cially for tenement houses. He taint. The local campaign against pendent Liberals, into parliament confounded critics by the even- the clerical tax would go on, but in 1865. With Palmerston, the handedness of his dealings as Lord McLaren increasingly involved main obstacle to franchise reform, Provost, and he showed his Lib- himself in national issues. He soon dead, the issue of the time eralism in beginning the process worked with Bright on franchise was legislation to widen the urban by which museums and private reform, and with Cobden on tax- electorate and redraw constituen- gardens were made accessible to ation. His reputation among Rad- cies. McLaren, who sat himself the wider public. In tackling the icals was never higher than when, among Radical friends on the prevalent and damaging abuse of as Lord Provost, he presided over McLaren, Liberal benches rather than with alcohol he was an advocate not a Peace Congress in Edinburgh, the Scottish Whigs, was ready to of total abstinence but of limit- one of a series in European cit- who sat him- assist Bright in the struggle ahead. ing public-house opening hours. ies designed to set public opinion They had worked on reform bills. Edinburgh’s lead was soon fol- against the belligerence of leaders self among ‘You are a very “steam engine” for lowed elsewhere in the country. (not least the supposedly Liberal work at figures and arguments,’ For the first and perhaps only Lord Palmerston). It was a great Radical Bright told him.8 In 1859, the year time, McLaren was now per- intellectual gathering, Bright told that Whigs, Radicals and Peelites suaded to override his customary Cobden, and it outshone a simi- friends on came together to form the Liberal caution in making major deci- lar event months earlier in Man- Party as we know it, McLaren sions. Despite recently becoming chester. Unfortunately, realpolitik the Liberal enunciated the principle on which Lord Provost he stood in the 1852 prevailed over the well-meaning he was to campaign at elections general election. The alliance of peace party, and the Radical cause benches and to follow as an MP: it was Independent Liberals that had was set back by the years of war ‘to unite the working classes and defeated Macaulay was at an end. against Russia. Bright was among rather than the honest portion of the middle Free Churchmen continued to those who paid the electoral classes who were disposed to go back Charles Cowan, Macaulay’s price in the 1857 election. The with the with them.’9 conqueror. The Dissenters loyal to following year he was on holi- Scottish He won election in 1865 on a McLaren thought little of Cow- day in Scotland when a by-elec- narrow electorate. By 1868, with an’s abilities, and when Macaulay tion occurred in Birmingham. Whigs, was the urban working man largely agreed to stand again for the McLaren convened a meeting at enfranchised, his Independent other seat now vacated by a Whig his Edinburgh home to persuade ready to Liberal appeal had a larger and MP, the McLarenites calculated his reluctant brother-in-law to dependable audience. The busi- that they could displace Cowan. stand. The pair hastened to the assist Bright ness of electioneering through McLaren was confident that he Midlands and Bright was returned public meetings and canvass- would add to his own support for the seat he went on to repre- in the strug- ing depended on support by the the second votes of Macaulay’s sent for thirty years. ward committees that annu- backers as well as Cowan’s and Despite Macaulay’s retirement gle ahead. ally returned McLaren’s allies to the Tory candidate’s. Sectarian through ill health in 1856, there the council. In the 1865 contest issues including Maynooth still was no prospect of an Independent They had McLaren’s eldest son, John, can- loomed large at public meetings Liberal coup against the Whigs. vassed with his friends in afflu- and in the newspapers, which Cobden hoped that McLaren worked on ent and therefore less favourable openly backed one or other of the would look beyond Edinburgh: areas. He reported: ‘We have not religious factions. But, despite ‘For Heavens sake come into the reform bills. a majority in the New Town as the unpleasant atmosphere (from House for one of your Scottish a whole but I am told that in the which Macaulay kept clear by boroughs, or try an English one ‘You are a Old Town the majority is over- not appearing in Edinburgh at that you may endeavour to set up whelming.’10 His father topped all), it was not religious affilia- something better in the House very “steam the poll, but it took until 1868 to tion that decided the outcome. than the present forlorn state of engine” displace the Whigs with a second Poll books published after elec- the representation of Scotland.’7 successful Independent Liberal. tion day showed that an elector’s But McLaren would not be drawn for work at McLaren’s first parliament was occupation was the main determi- beyond Edinburgh where the dominated by the Reform Bills nant of how he voted.6 McLaren arch-exponent of lawyers’ Whig- figures and and he was in no doubt that the scored heavily among merchants gery, James Moncreiff, became franchise should be extended and shopkeepers but had scant MP in 1859 and in arguments,’ as widely as possible. As events support among lawyers and other Palmerston’s government. Mon- unfolded and the initiative passed professionals, who formed a large creiff had represented The Scots- Bright told to Disraeli, McLaren found proportion of the limited elec- man in a libel case successfully the enemy to be feet-dragging torate. He did not win enough brought by McLaren three years him. Whigs, and he was willing to vote

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 23 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland against the Liberals by joining the The nexus of radical family voluntary system would always so-called ‘tea-room’ dissidents alliances be inadequate and underfunded. who put pressure on Gladstone One difficult issue for both He addressed the contentious not to wreck Disraeli’s bill. He McLaren and his wife Priscilla, issue of religious instruction by was one of a small minority of with her deep commitment to saying that the Bible and Shorter MPs supporting John Stuart Mill’s women’s rights, was the role of Catechism should be in the cur- amendment to give women the John Bright in Gladstone’s gov- riculum, but a parent had the right vote. When it came to the sub- ernments. Despite his Radical to withdraw his child from the sequent Scottish Reform legis- principles and popular reputation, teaching of them. McLaren knew lation, McLaren’s fact-finding he proved a disappointment to what he was talking about on skills were deployed on seeking the McLaren family, most nota- education: as a young councillor to obtain more seats for Scotland bly in his lukewarm attitude to he had founded thirteen schools and to spread them more equita- women’s issues. He and McLaren for thousands of poor children in bly according to population. His still worked together but there is Edinburgh, using surplus funds in belief that Scotland was poorly scant evidence of their impress- the trust established by Geordie treated by comparison with Eng- ing a Radical agenda on public He was never Heriot, jeweller to James VI and I. land and Wales was at the heart affairs. That, it has to be said, was McLaren was in the forefront of of his parliamentary involve- down to Bright’s ineffectiveness as in favour of a campaign, growing in strength ment. It contributed to his being a Cabinet minister, linked to his from the 1870s, to disestablish given the ‘Member for Scotland’ bouts of ill health, rather than to restoring a the Church of Scotland. This nickname, at first probably as a any slackening of pressure from posed a problem for Gladstone gentle dig at his omnipresence in McLaren and Radical colleagues parliament when he became MP for Midlo- debates, which for a man in his on the back benches. Increasingly, thian where many of his voters late sixties was remarkable. He as McLaren established a parlia- in Edinburgh were disestablishers. McLaren was no proto-Scottish National- mentary reputation, he and Pris- argued that the prime minister ist but sought equity, efficiency cilla took a prominent place in the and in the had disestablished the Church of and economy and was as good a nexus of Radical family alliances Ireland, but Gladstone in his sec- cheese-parer as his party leader which came almost to mirror last months ond government had Irish pre- Gladstone had been when Chan- those of the Whig dynasties that occupations of another sort that cellor of the Exchequer. Why, he formed the bedrock of Gladstone’s of his life precluded action in Scotland. He typically asked, did it cost £6,000 governments. Frederick Pen- wrote to McLaren in typically to run the Lunacy Board in Scot- nington, MP for Stockport, and he railed convoluted terms: ‘Were the cause land but only £3,800 in Ireland his wife were particular friends of disestablishment sufficiently and £20,000 for the whole of with whom McLaren and Priscilla against powerful and mature to force its England?11 would stay, from the mid-1870s, Gladstone’s way to the front in defiance of His own bills to get rid of either at their London home dur- all competition, its friends need Edinburgh’s clerical tax failed ing the parliamentary session or at plan for not be deterred from bringing largely for lack of time (until the their country house in the Surrey it into activity and prominence government eventually inter- hills. English and Scottish Radi- Irish home at head quarters. But if it has not vened to resolve the matter once cals had aims in common: oppo- reached that very advanced stage, and for all). It was this frustration sition to the entrenched position rule, but he my opinion is that the measure that led McLaren to question the of the established Church, par- is more likely to be thrown back administration of Scotland. He liamentary and electoral reform, wanted a than pushed forward by endeav- was never in favour of restoring commitment to the pursuit of ours to bring the Government or a parliament in Edinburgh and peace. Only differing circum- Secretary Parliament to entertain it.’12 in the last months of his life he stances north and south of the As a champion of work- railed against Gladstone’s plan for border would impose different of State ing men, McLaren was put to Irish home rule, but he wanted a policies. Many non-Anglicans the test when the trade unions Secretary of State for Scotland to were against a national system of for Scot- sought repeal of the Criminal be appointed instead of the bur- primary education unless it was Law Amendment Act in 1873. He den of Scottish affairs falling on secular and removed religion from land to be had voted for the legislation two the Lord Advocate. He spoke for the classroom. Robert Dale, a years earlier on the ground that a majority of his country’s MPs prominent Birmingham Congre- appointed the outlawing of picketing during when he asked Prime Minister gationalist, wanted to campaign industrial disputes posed no threat Gladstone in 1869 to consider in Scotland against the bill that instead of to the overwhelming majority of ‘the propriety of providing some finally gave Scotland a govern- the burden workers who opposed intimida- additional means for the transac- ment-supported system in 1872. tion. Although, at a 40,000-strong tion of public business connected McLaren was among those who of Scot- trade-union demonstration from with Scotland.’ A commission to persuaded Dale to stay at home across Scotland, he listened to take evidence was appointed but since it had taken over twenty tish affairs denunciations of himself as a self- nothing came of it. McLaren, years to reconcile the conflicting interested large employer, his however, could take credit for interests that had stood in the way falling on confidence was not dented and paving the way for the young of a much-needed improvement he predicted that he would not Lord Rosebery to persuade Glad- to school provision. Unlike many the Lord suffer at the forthcoming elec- stone to reform Scottish govern- United Presbyterians, McLaren, tion: ‘I would be returned at the ance in the 1880s. ever the realist, knew that a Advocate. head of the poll,’ he told his son.13

24 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

He was proved right: working- The care- to get out of Parliament, which by Scottish Liberals to address class Liberal voters still looked seems as difficult for me as it is for the social problems which were to middle-class leadership rather fully cho- you to get in.’14 increasingly being laid at the door than finding representation from By 1879, John was adopted of government rather than being among their own. But the elec- reographed for Wigtown Burghs and pro- left to voluntary commitment. tion brought two new concerns. posed the vote of thanks to Glad- The division of large cities into The first was that his fellow MP cortege stone at the opening rally of the single-member constituencies did since 1868, , defected first Midlothian campaign. His radicalism no favours, accord- to a new force known as the through the father attended the festivities ing to Priscilla Bright, who in ‘Advanced Liberals’, trade-union for the great man at Lord Rose- the wake of the 1885 poll pro- led. The Edinburgh Liberals were city and the bery’s house, having hurried nounced that all four Edinburgh now in three camps: traditional outpouring back from receiving the free- seats were ‘once more in the hands Whig, McLaren’s Independents dom of Inverness, testimony to of the Whigs, only they dare not and the Advanced newcomers. of tributes his Scotland-wide reputation. be exactly what the Whigs of old Secondly, the Tories had put up Gladstone’s subsequent victory were.’15 She was correct on both a credible candidate who, though were a Vic- in Midlothian was narrow com- counts: the new MPs did not pro- defeated (as was Miller) looked to pared with McLaren’s across the mote her husband’s causes but pose a growing threat, which they torian norm, city boundary, but John’s was nar- neither were they just a coterie clearly were in other parts of the rower still, and he lost the seat at of landowners and legal bigwigs. country where Disraeli had won a but McLaren the by-election prompted by his McLaren had ensured that the convincing victory. becoming Lord Advocate. He party had moved on, broaden- attained a fought another by-election unsuc- ing its appeal and mobilising cessfully, and in 1881 it was agreed thousands of activists. The new In search of a united party position in by Gladstone, Bright and the chief Scottish Liberalism that engaged Over the next six years the search whip that McLaren senior should the recently enfranchised voters, was for Liberal unity. McLaren Scottish life be persuaded to stand down in urban and then rural, many of had created an electoral force and favour of his son. The old man whom were members of churches ensured that, at the very least, his which makes took some convincing, but John broken away from the Church supporters and the city Whigs at last had an easy election to win. of Scotland, kept Unionism and shared the spoils, which they did regrettable His problems were only begin- Labour at bay until after the First in1874 with the election of Lord ning. He annoyed Gladstone by World War. Then its failure to Provost James Cowan as the sec- the way asking to become a privy counsel- recognise the importance of gov- ond MP. The Liberals’ organisa- in which lor, and he fell out with William ernment in tackling social prob- tion across Britain was inferior Harcourt, who as Home Secre- lems made all Liberals vulnerable. to the Tories’, and the splitting his name tary was his ministerial superior In his final months, McLaren of Liberal votes cost them seats. and was a difficult colleague for broke with Gladstone over Irish As the party leadership sought has faded politicians more adept than John home rule and resigned the presi- to establish a degree of control McLaren. A vacancy on the Court dency of Edinburgh South Lib- from the centre, with the Chief from public of Session bench gave ministers eral Association. His son Charles, Whip William Adam at the helm, the opportunity to remove him as MP for Stafford since 1880, was aided by James Reid in Scotland, memory. Lord Advocate and MP. on the other side of the growing McLaren came under pressure The Liberal unity of the 1880 Liberal divide, but it was Bright’s to bring the Edinburgh factions election soon disappeared as views that concerned McLaren together. He remained lukewarm Gladstone’s government wres- most. Priscilla recorded that he but did not stand in the way of his tled with Irish disruption in par- ‘was greatly concerned at the eldest son John, who worked hard liament and adventures abroad, silence maintained by my brother to help create the united party especially in Egypt, that smacked John Bright on the matter, when that gave the Edinburgh Liber- of Tory jingoism. In Scotland, there were so many wishing to als a resounding victory in 1880. church disestablishment came to know his opinion, for really few John for years was torn between the fore. Because English radical men think for themselves and the law and politics. He sought Liberals led by Joseph Chamber- Gladstone never had become the his uncle John Bright’s help in lain never understood its grip on Shibbolith [sic] of the Liberal securing a salaried legal position, party activists, his efforts through party.’16 Bright avoided having to without success. He then decided the National Liberal Federation express immediate opposition to that occupying a parliamentary to focus on social issues barely the Home Rule Bill in the Com- seat would make him the obvious penetrated north of the border. mons by travelling to Edinburgh candidate for Lord Advocate if the McLaren remained an ardent for McLaren’s funeral in April Liberals won the next election. disestablisher. His son Walter 1886.17 Bright was again called in aid but unsuccessfully fought Inverness The carefully choreographed was pessimistic about his chances Burghs in the 1885 election on the cortege through the city and south of the border: ‘As a rule they issue against a ‘Church Liberal’, the outpouring of tributes were [English boroughs] do not like that is an adherent of the estab- a Victorian norm, but McLaren Reform Club candidates. I mean lished Church of Scotland. Dun- attained a position in Scottish those chosen by W. Adam or any can McLaren, still combative in life which makes regrettable one who is supposed to be active retirement, now stood in the way the way in which his name has in London for the party … I want of the change of approach needed faded from public memory. On

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 25 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland his deathbed, the eighty- the cause. The family monu- Vol. 4., letter to Hannah, 30 13 ECA, Box 3, McLaren to Wal- six-year-old received a letter ment in the graveyard under July 1847. ter McLaren, 25 August 1873. from Thomas Lipton, the tea the Castle rock has become 5 Manchester City Library, J. B. 14 NLS, MS24801, Bright to John merchant, and the scientist encrusted with a century of Smith papers, MS923.2 S343. McLaren, 25 December 1878. Sir William Thomson (later soot from the nearby railway. 6 The 1852 poll book has been 15 ECA, Box 2. Priscilla McLaren, Lord Kelvin) asking him to analysed by Graeme Morton in in Inverness for her son’s cam- address a Liberal Unionist Willis Pickard is a former news- Unionist Nationalism: Governing paign, sent daily letters to rally in . There was paper editor and rector of Aberdeen Urban Scotland 1830–1860 (East her husband house-bound in a hagiographical biography University. He is a trustee of the Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1999). Edinburgh, 18 November to 2 of McLaren two years after National Library of Scotland. 7 Cobden papers, CP 107, Cob- December 1885. his death.18 His sons Charles His book The Member for den to McLaren, 6 March 1857. 16 ECA, Box 3, Priscilla to a and Walter maintained a fam- Scotland – A life of Duncan 8 Edinburgh City Archives friend Mary, 28 November ily presence on the Liberal McLaren will be published by (hereafter ECA), McLaren 1886. benches of the Commons Birlinn in spring 2011. papers, Box 2, Bright to 17 Keith Robbins, John Bright until almost the First World McLaren, 28 December 1859. (London: Routledge & Kegan War.19 One of his daughters, 1 National Archives of Scot- 9 The Scotsman, 2 January 1859. Paul, 1979), p. 256. Agnes, qualified among the land. Dalhousie papers, 10 National Library of Scotland 18 J. B. Mackie, The Life and Work first batch of woman doctors GD/45/14/642. Andrew (hereafter NLS), John Scott of Duncan McLaren (Edinburgh: and, converting to Roman Rutherfurd to Fox Maule, 20 Oliver papers, MS24785, John Nelson, 1888), two vols. Catholicism, encouraged November 1837. McLaren to Priscilla McLaren, 19 Walter McLaren represented nuns to run medical mis- 2 Ibid., 25 June 1838. 11 June 1865. Crewe (with gaps) from 1886 sions. Priscilla’s long wid- 3 West Sussex Archives, Cobden 11 Hansard, July 22 1870. until his death in 1912. Charles owhood – she died in 1906 papers, 1-8 (MF1-8) and No. 71 12 H. C. G. Matthew (ed.), The lost his Stafford seat in 1886. – was devoted to the cause of 4 Thomas Pinney (ed.), The Gladstone Diaries (Oxford: He was MP for Bosworth from female suffrage and her belief Letters of Thomas Babington Clarendon Press, 1968–94), 1892 and became the first Lord that Liberal leaders could be Macaulay (Cambridge: Cam- Vol. 10, Gladstone to McLaren, Aberconway in 1911. persuaded to see justice in bridge University Press, 1976), 22 December 1881. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ Supervisor Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman, University of Leicester; [email protected]. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East uk. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected]. and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers Liberal Unionists relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Francis; [email protected]. Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. ac.uk. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, [email protected]. 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected].

Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 The Lib-Lab Pact Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

26 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11