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The Morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían Language of the Brazilian Amazon

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The Morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían Language of the Brazilian Amazon THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE MORPHOSYNTAX OF TUPARI,´ A TUPIAN´ LANGUAGE OF THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS BY ADAM ROTH SINGERMAN CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2018 Copyright c 2018 by Adam Roth Singerman All Rights Reserved This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my maternal grandmother, Anne Roth (1921–2012). Table of Contents List of Figures ......................................... xi List of Tables ..........................................xiii Acknowledgments .......................................xvi Abstract . .xxiii 1 Introduction ........................................ 1 1.1 The linguistic situation in Rondoniaˆ . .2 1.2 Prior scholarship on the Tupar´ı language . .6 1.3 Fieldwork methodology and data . .9 1.4 Theoretical assumptions and the issue of abstractness . 12 1.5 Organization of the rest of the dissertation . 15 1.6 Orthography and glossing . 17 2 The nominal domain .................................... 23 2.1 The strong pronouns and the weak nominative enclitics . 25 2.1.1 The strong pronouns . 25 2.1.2 The set of weak nominative enclitics . 29 2.1.3 Unique properties of the third person weak nominative enclitic . 33 2.1.4 Comparison with previous descriptions . 37 2.2 Proclitic pronouns . 42 2.2.1 Proclitic pronouns . 42 2.2.2 Evidence for a null third person proclitic . 44 2.2.3 Coreferent/disjoint distinction in third person proclitics . 46 2.3 Possession . 50 2.3.1 Normal possession . 50 iv 2.3.2 Relational possession / intrusive h ...................... 52 2.3.3 Second person plural wat- and intrusive h .................. 56 2.3.4 Tupar´ı does not have three noun classes . 60 2.4 Case marking and postpositions . 62 2.4.1 The nuclear case -et/-t ............................ 64 2.4.2 Locative -pe .................................. 71 2.4.3 Instrumental-lative -m/-o ........................... 73 2.4.4 Oblique -ere/-re ................................ 77 2.4.5 Case stacking . 81 2.4.6 Postpositions . 84 2.5 NP-internal modification and the question of ‘adjectives’ . 87 2.6 Number in the nominal domain . 92 2.6.1 Number marking on pronominals . 92 2.6.2 The optional plural morpheme -’eat ‘MANY’................ 94 2.6.3 Interpretive flexibility of numerically bare NPs . 97 2.7 Conclusion . 98 3 Verbal morphology ....................................101 3.1 The verbal templates . 103 3.2 Verbalizers (position S1) . 107 3.2.1 -ne˜ ...................................... 108 3.2.2 -ka ...................................... 111 3.2.3 -kat ...................................... 114 3.2.4 -ki ....................................... 115 3.2.5 -’ot ...................................... 118 3.2.6 Summary of verbalizing morphology . 119 3.3 Valency-manipulating prefixes (positions P3, P2, and P1) . 121 3.3.1 Causative m-/o-˜ ................................ 121 v 3.3.2 Comitative-causative ete-/ite- ........................ 125 3.3.3 Intransitivizing e- ............................... 130 3.3.4 Reciprocal eue- ................................ 132 3.3.5 Summary of valency-manipulating prefixes . 136 3.4 Reduplication of verbal roots (positions P2, P1, and 0) . 136 3.5 Adverbial prefixes and noun incorporation (positions P5, P4, and P3) . 141 3.5.1 Dismissive tat- ‘just, aimlessly, without purpose’ . 142 3.5.2 Quantificational erote- ‘all, entirely’ and urut- ‘two, both’ . 144 3.5.3 Evidential-like tom’en- ‘without someone being aware’ . 146 3.5.4 Procrastinative pean-˜ ‘first’ and negative tareman-˜ ‘not again’ . 148 3.5.5 Noun incorporation as demonstrated by pean-˜ and tareman-˜ ........ 151 3.5.6 Summary of adverbial prefixes . 153 3.6 Suffixal morphology (positions S2, S3, S4, S5, S6, and S7) . 156 3.6.1 Resultative -pse/-pn˜ e/-psira˜ (S2) and evidential -pne/-psira˜ (S5) . 157 3.6.2 Conditional -kot’oy (S5) . 158 3.6.3 Near past -t and durative tense -pbi’a (S7) . 161 3.6.4 Adverbial focus -ap (S7) . 163 3.7 Deverbalizing morphology . 166 3.7.1 Passive-like -psit ............................... 167 3.7.2 Nominalizer -ap ............................... 168 3.7.3 Actor nominalizer -at ............................. 172 3.7.4 Summary of deverbalizing morphology . 174 3.8 Conclusion . 176 4 The auxiliary system ....................................178 4.1 Person marking on lexical verbs and auxiliaries . 181 4.2 The auxiliaries related to ‘go’ . 187 4.2.1 The AUXgo series in the present and in existentials . 187 vi 4.2.2 The AUXgo series introduces intermediate past tense gradations . 191 4.2.3 The relationship between the AUXgo series and the lexical verb ‘go’ . 193 4.3 The multipurpose auxiliaries ’e and a ........................ 196 4.3.1 Basics of ’e and a ............................... 196 4.3.2 The same-day past . 197 4.3.3 The present progressive and present existentials . 199 4.3.4 Concerning the positional contrast between ye˜ and ’e ............ 202 4.4 The future auxiliaries and their relationship to ’e and a ............... 203 4.4.1 The near future . 204 4.4.2 The distant future . 210 4.4.3 Morphological decomposition of the distant future . 215 4.5 Habitual auxiliaries . 218 4.5.1 Present habitual auxiliaries . 218 4.5.2 Temporally unspecified habitual auxiliaries: ’eka and aka .......... 220 4.6 Auxiliaries of movement and of doubt . 224 4.7 Discussion of the Tupar´ı auxiliary system . 228 5 Headedness, tense, and pronouns in the Tupar´ı clause . 233 5.1 Head-finality at the lower levels of the Tupar´ı clause . 235 5.2 Head-initiality in the CP layer . 240 5.2.1 The clause-typing particles . 240 5.2.2 Second position effects in Tupar´ı are a syntactic phenomenon . 243 5.3 Mixed headedness in the TP . 250 5.3.1 An overview of tense marking . 250 5.3.2 How do the suffixes -t and -pbi’a end up at the right edge of the predicate? 255 5.3.3 How do the particles ko/ke, opot˜ and kut end up in second position? . 260 5.3.4 Evidence for a phonologically null C layer . 265 5.3.5 Summary . 268 vii 5.4 Reassessing the erstwhile ‘subject pronouns’ . 272 5.4.1 The basic distribution of the weak nominative enclitics . 273 5.4.2 Analysis: the Tupar´ı clause contains an Agr head . 277 5.4.3 The true pronominal arguments . 282 5.5 Using the weak nominative enclitics to reassess the set of tense morphology . 285 5.5.1 Null tense marking with verbal predicates . 285 5.5.2 Null tense marking with nominal predicates . 287 5.5.3 Enclitic placement in negated clauses confirms the existence of a null tense suffix on nominal predicates . 290 5.5.4 Summary . 291 5.6 Conclusion . 292 Appendix 5.A An alternative position for weak nominative enclitics in superficially tenseless verbal clauses . 297 Appendix 5.B Textual evidence for the internal coherence of the category of Tense . 298 6 Evidentiality, clause typing, and physical position . 304 6.1 Background on evidentiality . 306 6.2 Prior descriptions of evidentiality in Tupar´ı ..................... 308 6.3 Morphophonological properties of evidential -pne/-psira˜ .............. 309 6.4 Morphosyntactic properties of -pne/-psira˜ ...................... 313 6.5 The meaning of -pne/-psira˜ with first person subjects . 317 6.6 The relationship between -pne/-psira˜ and clause typing . 320 6.6.1 Evidential contrast is maintained with assertive particles pa’a and ta’a ... 321 6.6.2 Evidential contrast undergoes deictic inversion in non-biased interrogative contexts . 324 6.6.3 Evidential contrast is neutralized with clause typers that express uncer- tainty, doubt, or surprise . 326 6.6.4 Interaction between -pne/-psira˜ and ’aet ‘NEGATIVE LAMENT’...... 332 viii 6.6.5 Summary: how evidentiality interacts with clause type . 333 6.7 Evidential -pne/-psira˜ requires a presupposition of commitment to p: evidence from finite embedded clauses . 337 6.8 Resultative morphology as the diachronic source of Tupar´ı evidentiality . 344 6.8.1 Basic properties of resultative -pse/-pn˜ e/-psira˜ ............... 345 6.8.2 Telling the evidential and the resultative apart: four diagnostics . 347 6.8.3 Discussion . 352 6.9 Conclusion . 358 Appendix 6.A Concerning the differences between the adverbial prefix tom’en- ‘with- out someone being aware’ and evidential -pne/-psira˜ ................ 363 Appendix A Phonological description ............................366 A.1 Phonemic inventory and phonotactics . 367 A.1.1 Vowels . 367 A.1.2 Vowel length . 369 A.1.3 Consonants . 370 A.1.4 Phonotactics . 373 A.1.5 Marginal/restricted phonemes . 374 A.2 Stress . 377 A.3 Phonological processes affecting consonants . 378 A.3.1 Consonant lenition processes prior to vowel-initial suffixes . 378 A.3.2 Consonant cluster simplification process . 381 A.3.3 Labial gemination triggered by the third person weak nominative enclitic e 383 A.4 Phonological effects of the theme vowel -a and related affixes . 384 A.5 Loanword phonology . 389 A.6 Revisiting four claims made in previous literature . 390 A.6.1 Does.
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