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Burro Burro Phd UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI TRIESTE Sede Amministrativa del Dottorato di Ricerca IUAV – ISTITUTO UNIVERSITARIO DI ARCHITETTURA DI VENEZIA, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI FERRARA, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI SALERNO, UNIVERSITA’ DEL PIEMONTE ORIENTALE “AMEDEO AVOGADRO” NOVARA, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DEL SANNIO – BENEVENTO, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI MESSINA, UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI NAPOLI “FEDERICO II”, UNIVERSITA’ PRIMORSKA DI KOPER, UNIVERSITA’ DI KLANGEFURT, UNIVERSITA’ DI MALTA Sedi Convenzionate SCUOLA DI DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN SCIENZE DELL’UOMO, DEL TERRITORIO E DELLA SOCIETA’ INDIRIZZO IN GEOPOLITICA, GEOSTRATEGIA E GEOECONOMIA - XXIII CICLO (SETTORE SCIENTIFICO-DISCIPLINARE M-GGR/02) LA REPUBBLICA POPOLARE CINESE TRA NECESSITA’ ED AMBIZIONE DI UN’ADEGUATA STRATEGIA GEO-CULTURALE DOTTORANDO RELATORE Dott. ANDREA BURRO Chiar.ma Prof.ssa MARIA PAOLA PAGNINI Università degli Studi “Niccolò Cusano” - Telematica ANNO ACCADEMICO 2009-2010 Verschlossnen Augs, ihr Wunder nicht zu schauen, durchzog ich blind Italiens holde Auen. R. Wager, Tannhäuser. 2 INDICE INTRODUZIONE 5 LA CINA LABORATORIO DI NARRAZIONI GEOGRAFICHE IN BILICO FRA TRADIZIONE ED INNOVAZIONE 1.1 Falso immobilismo e miti fondatori 11 1.2 Evoluzione dell’impero cinese: centralizzazione e frammentazione 14 1.2.1 Dalle origini all’epoca dei Tre Regni 14 1.2.2 Dalla dinastia Tang alla dinastia Song 20 1.2.3 Dalla dinastia Yuan alla dinastia Qing 24 1.3 L’incontro con l’Occidente: crisi e tentativi di modernizzazione 36 1.3.1 Il pendolo della storia: centralità e localismi 36 1.3.2 Le pressioni occidentali e la fine dell’impero 38 1.4 Fra tradizione e modernità: nascita del nazionalismo cinese 43 1.5 Dcadenza, occupazione e guerra civile: la Cina nella prima metà del XX secolo 48 1.6 Il maoismo: una fase di transizione? 58 1.7 La sfida della coesione 65 FONDAMENTI E PROIEZIONI IDEOLOGICHE E CULTURALI DEL NUOVO ORDINE CINESE: ARMONIA, ORDINE ED ASCESA PACIFICA 2.1 Dalla chiusura all’apertura: il progressivo ritorno della Cina sulla scena globale 68 2.2 Deng Xiaoping: modernizzazione nel nome della tradizione 71 2.3 Geografie della riforma 77 2.4 L’impatto e il dilemma culturale delle riforme: quale direzione? 84 2.5 La seconda fase delle riforme e la retorica dell’unità 96 2.6 Il ritorno di Confucio 106 2.7 Confucianesimo e Daoismo: tra alternanza ed opposizione 117 2.8 La geopolitica della coesione 122 3 2.9 Il rapporto fra tradizione e modernità: una svolta? 127 POTENZIALITÀ E LIMITI NELL’AFFERMAZIONE DI UN SOFT POWER CINESE 3.1 Un necessario salto di qualità 129 3.2 Il tema dell’identità 133 3.3 Il dibattito sul soft power in Cina 140 3.4 La sicurezza culturale e la cultura della sicurezza. 148 3.5 Il drago guarda a sud 157 3.6 Il drago guarda ad ovest: il nuovo “Grande Gioco” e la Cina in Asia centrale 168 3.7 La tigre e il dragone: il ruolo cinese in Africa. 178 CONCLUSIONI 188 4 INTRODUZIONE Dalla loss of China alla presence of China Negli anni successivi al 1949, anno di fondazione della Repubblica Popolare Cinese, il dibattito sui motivi della loss of China occupò un posto tutt’altro che secondario in Occidente, arrivando a livelli particolarmente critici negli Stati Uniti soprattutto nell’ambito dei tristemente noti eccessi maccartisti. Come noto a farne le spese fu in particolar modo Owen Lattimore (1900-1989), geografo e sinologo accusato, ingiustamente, di essere un cospiratore al soldo del comunismo sovietico. Erano in molti negli Stati Uniti a non riuscire a darsi una spiegazione, strategicamente e politicamente valida, del fatto che con la definitiva sconfitta dell’esercito di Chiang Kai-Shek e la sua fuga sull’isola di Taiwan, la Cina fosse precipitata dall’”altra parte” del mondo, in aperta ostilità nei confronti del blocco capitalista. Ciò nonostante lo scarso ed ambiguo supporto offerto dai sovietici alla fazione maoista e nonostante l’ingente sostegno finanziario e militare fornito dagli americani alla forze nazionaliste. Incomprensibilmente il cinese e comunista Mao Zedong aveva avuto la meglio sul cinese ma metodista Chiang Kai-shek, considerato più vicino e più facilmente assimilabile nel blocco occidentale. Non è da escludere che a Washington proprio la conversione alla fede metodista avesse in qualche modo contribuito a convincere molti circa una maggiore affinità culturale col generalissimo. Secondo la teoria della loss of China la causa di tale disastroso esito dello scontro tra nazionalisti e comunisti non andava imputato tanto all’incapacità da parte dell’amministrazione americana di comprendere le dinamiche geopolitiche, sociali e culturali in atto in Cina in quello specifico frangente storico, bensì all’opera di sabotaggio messa subdolamente in atto da parte di alcuni cittadini americani allora attivi nel contesto cinese di quegli anni i quali, fatta propria l’ideologia comunista, si sarebbero abilmente applicati per portare al fallimento la strategia americana. Owen Lattimore, che era stato nominato dal presidente Roosvelt consigliere di Chiang Kai-shek, per il fatto di aver intuito e sottolineato con un certo anticipo le ragioni che avrebbero portato alla sconfitta di Chiang Kai-shek al successo dei comunisti di Mao si trovò a dover fronteggiare le drammatiche conseguenze di un processo pubblico senza precedenti: colui che poteva, al di fuori di ogni ragionevole dubbio, essere considerato uno dei più autorevoli esperti della realtà cinese nel suo complesso, nonchè profondo conoscitore della realtà geo-culturale cinese, veniva palesemente e assurdamente accusato di essere uno dei principali strateghi della loss of China. Pur avendo trascorso gran parte della propria esistenza nella convinzione che fosse indispensabile promuovere in Occidente, e negli Stati uniti in particolare, una adeguata consapevolezza geografica circa il ruolo della Cina, per anni si trovò ad essere totalmente emarginato dal mondo 5 accademico americano, alla stregua di un vero e proprio nemico interno.1 La vicenda di Owen Lattimore, sulla quale si è qui scelto di richiamare l’attenzione in apertura, risulta per molti aspetti strettamente legata al contesto politico, ideologico e culturale di quello specifico periodo storico. Sarebbe tuttavia un errore non intravedervi i segni di una sostanziale inquietudine nei confronti dell’opera e del ruolo del geografo e di certa geografia in generale. Pur essendo una geografia caratterizzata da un’impostazione teorica e metodologica oggi difficilmente accettabili nella loro integrità, l’opera di Owen Lattimore spicca ancora oggi per il tentativo di trovare una chiave geografica alla comprensione della Cina che tenga conto delle prerogative culturali dell’immenso paese asiatico, in quella prima metà del XX secolo flagellato dalle tempeste della frammentazione territoriale e dello scontro ideologico.2 È un approccio alla geografia che già in partenza sembra non dare per scontate tutta una serie di coordinate culturali, in genere date erroneamente per scontate ed affatto messe in discussione nella costruzione di quella che era la narrazione geografica allora prevalente in Occidente. Non è un caso che una delle opere per cui il geografo e sinologo americano è ancora oggi citato porti il titolo The making of Modern China del 1944, evidenziando un approccio apparentemente più storico e culturale che geografico. Si tratta in realtà solo di una apparente assenza della geografia, mettendo in evidenza un approccio che, nella comprensione dei complessi processi di incontro/scontro di civiltà, tiene sonto della necessità di superare il puro e sempluce approccio del comparativismo storico, culturale, aprendo ad una visione complessa in cui è fondamentale l’apporto delle grafie, intese non da ultime come geografie. Pur non potendo riconoscere in maniera esplicita - all’interno di narrazioni profondamente impregnate delle teorie realiste - la validità di un approccio geografico e culturale post-comparativista che avrebbe di fatto disconosciuto la pretesa scientificità del discorso geografico occidentale e attribuendo validità all’esistenza di diverse narrazioni geografiche, l’opera di Owen Lattimore lascia tuttavia intravvedere un’ambivalenza di fondo, non estranea all’esperienza biografica dell’autore, americano di nascita ma cresciuto in Cina. Sorge il dubbio che proprio questa ambivalenza abbia costituito il motivo che ha portato ai sospetti e alla condanna dell’autore. Se le vicende umane hanno sovente dimostrato la natura complessa, ma possibile, del processo di accettazione, elaborazione o comprensione di alternative narrazioni storiche o culturali, in modo altrettanto evidente hanno dimostrato come la natura 1 Un esauriente ed interessante ricostruzione della complessa vicenda umana ed intellettuale di Owen Lattimore si può trovare in Robert P. Newman Owen Lattimore and the “Loss” of China, University of California Press, Barkeley and Los Angeles, 1992. 2 Le teorie di Lattimore furono particolarmente influenzate nella fase iniziale dall’opera di Ellsworth Huntington (1876-1947) e di Karl August Wittfogel (1896-1988), al quale si deve, in modo particolare, il suo interesse per l’area asiatica. Nella fase centrale dei propri studi Lattimore operò tuttavia un sostanziale ridimensionamento rispetto a questo approccio fortemente determinista, riservando particolare attenzione nei confronti delle teorie comparativiste dello storico inglese Arnold Toynbee (1889-1975). Quest’ultimo - in netto contrasto con le teorie spengleriane circa il carattere “biologico” alla base del processo di nascita, crescita
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