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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with with permission permission of the of copyright the copyright owner. owner.Further reproduction Further reproduction prohibited without prohibited permission. without permission. ADVOCACY NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
AND SUSTAINABLE HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
IN POST-WAR LEBANON
by
Rose Hanna Debbas
submitted to the
Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences
of American University
in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
in
Sociology
Chair imih Farsoun
Kenneth Kusterer
Gay Young
Dean of the College / ^ -** Date 2000
American University
Washington, D.C. 20016
M EW C W D nV E R S in LBftAK
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Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ® COPYRIGHT
by
ROSE HANNA DEBBAS
2000
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. For Edward, whose encouragement, patience and support have made this all possible; for my children, Ibrahim, Nadine and Michele, whose love and pride have given me strength; and for my sister Amal, who has stood by me always.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ADVOCACY NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
AND SUSTAINABLE HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
IN POST-WAR LEBANON
BY
Rose Hanna Debbas
ABSTRACT
The primary purpose of this research is to explore the role of advocacy Non-
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in post-war Lebanon. Specifically, it focuses on
the contributions of advocacy NGOs to the process of sustainable human development.
Sustainable human development is defined in this research as development that provides
for economic growth and equitable distribution of the benefits of growth; a democratic
political system that respects human rights, freedom, gender equity and the rights of other
marginalized segments of the population; a functioning healthy civil society; and finally,
a sustainable environment.
This research shows that the contributions of advocacy NGOs in Lebanon
continue to be marginal and limited, due to internal organizational challenges, namely,
lack of funds, lack of commitment and lack of professional human resources. A
patriarchal culture and a sectarian political system and culture were shown as basic
challenges to their work and contributions. Regional politics and interference were
ii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. shown to be equally important negatively contributing factors.
This research also demonstrates that advocacy NGOs in Lebanon are contributing
mainly to the democratization process of the political system.
Furthermore, this research shows that the role and dynamics of advocacy NGOs in
developing countries differ significantly from those in developed countries, which makes
it imperative for advocacy NGOs in Lebanon to redefine their advocacy role or expand it.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PREFACE
GIVE THEM NOTHING LESS THAN PRIDE
Know them, for they are family, friends and loved ones Whose faces have been blurred by time and distance; Listen to them, for they are family, friends and loved ones Whose voices have been muted by agony and fear; Reach out to them, for they are family, friends and loved ones Whose hands have been frozen by apathy and despair; Smile to them, for they are family, friends and loved ones Whose eyes have gone dry with sadness and grief; Love them, for they are family, friends and loved ones Whose hearts have been crushed by suffering and sorrow. Give them nothing less than pride, For they are family, friends and loved ones Whose dignity has been tested by hardships and need. Let their faces shine with laughter Let their voices echo with hope Let their hands feel abundance Let their tears run with joy Let their hearts fill with tolerance Let their dignity soar and soar.
Rose Hanna Debbas
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My heartfelt appreciation goes to my professors: Samih Farsoun, my chairperson,
who has provided me with valuable advice, input and guidance throughout the research
project; Kenneth Kursterer, whose approach to sustainable human development gave me
valuable insights into my research; and Gay Young, whose careful reading and comments
on my dissertation were very beneficial to its final form and content.
V
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER ONE
THE ROLE OF ADVOCACY NGOs IN POST-WAR LEBANON
Introduction
This dissertation will investigate the role of Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGOs) in post-war Lebanon. Specifically, it will focus on advocacy NGOs as vehicles
and agents of social change, and on their contribution to Sustainable Human
Development (SHD). Advocacy NGOs are those organizations which, although partially
involved in relief and/or service delivery efforts and small-project community
development, have a scope of action which goes beyond traditional and limited
developmental functions into a more vision-oriented, theoretically-based development
strategy targeting basic changes in the existing social structure. David Korten, in his book
Getting to the 21st Century, says, "The critical development issue for the 1990s is not
growth. It is transformation. Our collective future depends on achieving a
transformation of our institutions, our technology, our values and our behavior, consistent
with our ecological and social realities."1
In his experience with NGO work, Korten identified a definite pattern of
evolution within the NGO community, away from the more traditional relief activities,
and towards greater involvement in catalyzing larger institutional and policy changes.
1 David C. Korten. Getting to the 21st Century. Voluntary Action and the Global Agenda. (West Hartford, Conn: Kumarian Press, Inc. 1990), 4.
1
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“The pattern seemed to involve three identifiable stages or generations of strategic
orientation, each moving further away from alleviating symptoms, toward attacking ever
more fundamental causes."2 Relief and welfare NGOs are known as first-generation
NGOs; these started from relief and charity efforts, primarily related to religious
organizations. Their activities consist mainly of delivering welfare services to the poor.
They focus on meeting immediate basic needs through direct action, such as provision of
food, shelter, and health services to individuals and families. Many of these
organizations were originally created to help victims of wars and natural disasters. Their
assumption typically is that, as a result of their short-term assistance, the beneficiaries
would be able to resume their normal lives. Those organizations, at their early stages,
rarely theorized why these assisted people had unmet needs. Although their effort
remains an essential and appropriate response to poverty needs and disaster, their
approach as a development strategy is little more than temporary alleviation of symptoms
of underdevelopment.
The second-generation NGOs of the 1970s which Korten identifies focus on self-
reliance strategies, and undertake community-development style projects in areas such as
preventive health care, farming practices, and infrastructure improvement. Their objective
is to sustain benefits beyond the period of the NGOs' active involvement. "The welfare
versus development debate became quite active in the late 70's."3 Thus, many NGOs feel
the need for a more developmental approach. Their implicit theory of development
3 Ibid. 115. 3 Ibid. 118.
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assumes local inertia as the heart of the problem. They blame tradition, isolation, lack of
education and proper health care for the state of underdevelopment. They believe that the
situation can be improved by intervening to help communities realize their potential
through raising consciousness, improving education, providing small loans, and
introducing new technologies. Second-generation NGOs see their role as mobilizers of
communities and people. They believe that improving the individuals' skills, and
developing their economic resource values will bring about the desired change, consistent
with the ancient oriental proverb: "Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day; teach
him to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” However, many of these interventions
proved to be nothing more than a more sophisticated way of providing relief and services.
They were building long-term dependency on the assisting NGO. Although some of
them addressed patterns and exploitative relationships at the community level, they failed
to look beyond local power structures into national and international systems that
maintain this state of underdevelopment. In most cases, their activities paralleled those of
governments, with no attempt to address the failures and inadequacies of government
agencies and the service providers.
Third-generation NGOs look beyond individual and local communities needs, and
seek changes in specific policies and institutions at the local, national, and global levels.
Third generation strategies focus on creating a policy and institutional setting that facilitates, rather than constrains, just, sustainable and inclusive local development action. The underlying theory of third generation strategies is grounded in an assumption that local inertia is sustained by structures that centralize control of resources, keep essential services from reaching the poor, and maintain systems of corruption and exploitation. Creating the necessary changes often depends on working simultaneously to build the capacity of the
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people to make demands on the system, and working to build alliances with enlightened power holders in support of action that makes the system more responsive to the people.4
NGOs of this third generation find themselves working in a catalytic role rather
than an operational service/delivery role. Most NGOs involved in this strategy find
themselves, in one way or the other, working with governments. Working with
governments, however, can present a serious challenge to NGOs: to be able to draw the
thin line between cooperation and co-optation, and between confrontation and
preservation of their autonomy.
Recently, a growing number of NGOs in Lebanon have become aware of
the need to exert greater leadership in addressing the underlying causes and dysfunctions
of the institutional settings and national policies regarding the sectors within which they
work. This study will focus on third-generation NGOs in Lebanon that are committed to
the transformational challenge.
The history of NGOs in Lebanon is very similar to their history in industrial
countries, which dates back to the mid-nineteenth century. Lebanese NGOs started as
charity and relief organizations directly affiliated with religious institutions. In 1909, a
law was passed in Lebanon legalizing the establishment of such organizations. This act
gave non-governmental organizations strong momentum, a first under the Ottoman rule,
and later under the French mandate. The growing role of NGOs in Lebanon paralleled
the socio-economic changes that were taking place there and echoed the discrepancies in
development in various regions of the country.
4 Ibid. 121.
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During the two decades following independence, the development of the NGO
community in Lebanon reflected the sectarian composition of the Lebanese society. In the
sixties, during the tenure of President Fouad Chehab (1958-1962), the Lebanese
government mounted an effort to build a modem state based on long-term development
planning, with an attempt to involve the NGOs in the process. Many NGOs came into
being, with a new formulation of their role. They were gradually moving away from
charity and relief into small-scale community development. This was accompanied by
increased public awareness regarding fundamental issues related to equality, development
and peace. However, there remained a large regional unevenness in their numbers as well
as their geographical distribution, which reflected the existing inegalitarian socio
economic conditions of the different Lebanese regions.
During the 15 years of the civil war, and in the absence of a government able to
cope with the rapidly mounting problems of the Lebanese citizens, NGOs played a major
role in alleviating some of the difficulties and preventing total social collapse. NGOs
collaborated with local communities, a malfunctioning public sector and international
organizations. In spite of the sectarian divide, NGOs struggled to support a coherent
image of Lebanese society by giving generously, without discrimination, wherever their
services were needed. The Red Cross, Caritas, Secours Populaire, AMEL, the YMCA,
and the YWCA are a few examples of such organizations.
Although the Taef Agreement of 1989 put an end to the fighting in Lebanon, it
did not extend its panacea to the fractured Lebanese society, nor did it address the
inherent structural defects of Lebanese society, such as a sectarian political system and
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uneven regional sectarian and sectoral development, but it certainly brought peace. As a
result, Lebanon was removed from the list of disaster areas in the world, and international
donations, which were generous during the war, shifted away to other areas of the world.
In the post-civil war period, NGOs were faced with a monumental task, yet were
seriously short of funds. They found themselves in a situation completely different from
the one before and during the war years. They were faced with substantial changes in the
scope of their work, the issues, the need for a different level of professionalism, the
funding, the role of the government and the NGOs’ relationship with the government.
Some NGOs came to realize that the war was not the cause of all those needs and
problems. In fact, it was a symptom and a direct result of those unmet needs and
problems that plagued Lebanese society.
NGOs in Lebanon are currently experiencing a crisis of identity and a strong need
to redefine their roles under the current economic and political transformations that are
taking place in the country.5 Accordingly, NGOs in Lebanon are reassessing their future
role. This study will focus on this new role and effort in terms of their contributions to the
development process in Lebanon.
The objective of this exploratory study is to shed some light on the present
performance and assess the future potential of those NGOs that had committed
5 Antoine Haddad. Lebanese NGOs: Guidelines for a Common Strategy, (manuscript), 199S.
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themselves to an agenda of change. It is primarily concerned with the issues that
advocacy NGOs are currently raising and pursuing to affect a qualitative transformation
in the Lebanese social structure.
The NGOs are neither the only, nor the most important sector that can affect a
change in any given society, but, without them, any country would certainly be a lesser
place. It is hoped that the findings and recommendations of this study will be useful to
the Lebanese people, the Lebanese NGO community, the Lebanese Government as well
as local and international donors.
Background of the Study
Since independence in 1943, Lebanese Governments have been trying to bring
about social cohesion in Lebanon, particularly among the several sectarian communities
that constitute Lebanese society. The structure of Lebanese society has long been
characterized as one with strong vertical cleavages. In fact, the consolidation over time
of the parameters of poverty and religion have rendered those cleavages more
pronounced, and have led to the development of separate, parallel and competing
institutions, at the informal and the formal levels resulting in fractured civil and political
society.6 Lebanese society has experienced fragmentation at many levels: social,
economic, political, and cultural. The 16-year civil war was the ultimate manifestation of
the failure of a fractious society in which "uneven economic development produced sect-
6 Samih Farsoun. Cultural Pluralism and Social Class in Lebanon, in Toward a Viable Lebanon. Halim Barakat ed., (Kent, Great Btitain: Mackays of Chatham Ltd. 1998), 109.
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classes that are differentiated, unevenly stratified, polarized and antagonistic."7 The
mending of this tom social fabric and the construction of a more amalgamated and
integrated society require great efforts at multiple levels. In the absence of social
institutions with cross-cutting loyalties, as well as a defined economic policy and a
welfare safety net, a strong efficient government, effective political parties, active trade
and labor unions, strong leadership and a coherent national ideology, the NGOs have a
significant role to play.
The importance of NGOs lies in their ability to work at different levels of society.
Although they may not be able to effect quick and radical changes, their peaceful,
incremental, multi-level gradual effect can contribute positively to a new civic culture
and a comprehensive constructive change.
The 16-year civil war led to the ultimate collapse of a malfunctioning social
structure. Although the Lebanese insist, and often rightly so, that the war was a foreign
war fought on Lebanese soil, the fact remains that the fractious social structure had
allowed regional and international forces to wreak havoc with the country.
Uneven socio-economic development had been one of the most significant
underlying factors contributing to the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. Disparities in
regional and sectarian development played a significant role in Lebanon's destabilization.
Rebuilding Lebanon must solve not only the original problems that led to the conflict, but
also those that have emerged and multiplied as consequences of the war. Efforts should
not concentrate on rebuilding the past, but rather on looking into the recent and emergent
7 Ibid. 100.
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realities of the country.® Priorities must be given to equitable development among
different sectarian communities, classes and religions.
Post-war efforts of the Lebanese government have concentrated mainly on
physical and infrastructure rebuilding. Social and human reconstruction has been given
less emphasis and attention. A more people-centered approach toward development is
sorely needed. NGOs have helped and continue to do so in the areas of health, education,
and housing. They have tried to fill in where government services have been absent or
insufficient. However, it is only recently that they have started to address social policy
matters regarding healthcare, rights of the disabled, women, children, senior citizens,
human rights and environmental issues. NGOs also serve a political function: they help
increase people's participation in the political process. They provide a voice and political
empowerment to members, and force governments to be open and more responsive.9 As
members of a civil society, they contribute to the process of increased democratization.
By most accounts, Lebanon has been the only non-authoritarian country in the
Arab world. Political power has not been monopolized by one community or one small
group, although it was highly concentrated in the hands of bourgeois Maronites. The
Lebanese Constitution of 1926, which established the state as a parliamentary democracy,
is virtually the oldest functioning quasi-democratic constitution in the Arab world. The
workings of the Lebanese political system were modified in 1943 by Al-Mithaq Al-
* Nasser Saidi. In Peace for Lebanon? From War to Reconstruction. Deirdre Collins ed., (Boulder and London: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 1994), I9S. 9 James H. Weaver, Michael T. Rock and Kenneth Kusterer. Achieving Broad-based Sustainable Development. (West Hartford, Conn: Kumarian Press, 1997), 214.
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Watani (the National Covenant) which established a modified power-sharing, sectarian,
consociational political system. The system was further modified in 1989 by the Taef
Agreement which redresses demographic and political imbalances that had developed in
the 60's and 70's, and distributes power in a fairly broad spectrum."10 However, the
record shows that, while there are elements of democratic politics in Lebanon, the
practice of politics has been far from democratic. For eight years following the Taef
Agreement, the new political system was dominated by the troika of the President of the
Republic, the Speaker of the House and the Prime Minister, none of whom is directly
elected by the people. The Taef Agreement, contrary to its claims, has reinforced
sectarianism throughout the State. Corruption is rampant and money plays a more
important role among politicians than any democratic procedure or civil society
pressures. Even stronger than economic self-interest is external influence, especially that
of Syria and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Added to that is a low level of
accountability between politicians and their constituencies. As a result, politicians are
more attentive to their paymasters, and citizens are rarely able to hold their
representatives accountable. There is also the lack of practicing democracy among the
Lebanese in their day-to-day lives. NGOs have been exerting some effort to increase
people's participation, lobbying to improve the electoral process, and holding politicians
to a higher standard of accountability.
NGOs also serve some ideological functions. They help develop a sense of
citizenship among people. They contribute to constructing a national identity, a national
10 Paul Salem. Rene Moawad Foundation Conference in Washington, D.C. June, 1995.
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ideology and a political culture. The intertwining of citizenship and religious identity in
Lebanon makes the formation of a coherent national identity and a tolerant political
culture a difficult task. The fragmentation of the economic and the political structures of
the Lebanese society has been reflected at the ideological level. Two major strains have
plagued the Lebanese ideological structure. The first strain is that between the Arabness
of Lebanon and its Western orientation. The second strain is that between secularization
and sectarianism. Various NGOs have contributed, to varying degrees, toward the
intensification or the dilution of these strains.
The protracted civil war in Lebanon has also engendered apathy and a sense of
powerlessness among the Lebanese population. People became preoccupied with living
in the present and lost hope in the future. Lynellyn Long, in a paper presented in
Washington, D.C. at the Rene Moawad Foundation Symposium (1995), suggested that
studies from her Balkan experience showed that, in times of conflict, NGOs usually fend
off against apathy and despair, and in post-traumatic times, help people recreate their
lives. Lebanese NGOs seem to be making some effort toward peace-building,
reconciliation, and empowering the Lebanese people. This study will investigate the role
of advocacy NGOs in helping Lebanon follow a more sustainable human development
strategy, in an attempt to move beyond the structural and ideological fault lines that have
plagued the country since its founding.
It is hoped that the findings and recommendations of this study will be of value to
the Lebanese people and NGO community, government officials and international donors
in their efforts to achieve a sustainable human development.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Why Advocacy?
There are two types of considerations involved in choosing advocacy NGOs:
practical considerations and theoretical ones.
Practical Considerations
Focusing
There is no exact figure for the number of NGOs functioning in Lebanon. Records
in the Ministry of the Interior suggest that their number runs into the thousands. "Beirut
alone totals 1,100 associations, 300 of which are significant, and 50 of which can be
considered large and influential, with staffs of over 10 people, yearly budgets of over
$100,000, and branches and activities throughout the country."11
A survey by the Mouvement Social Libanais found that there are probably over
2,000 associations including clubs, organizations, leagues, councils and forums.12 Zuheir
Hatab, in a study of Muslim associations, puts the number of Lebanese associations at
3,327, among which 1,318 are exclusively Muslim. When I asked two of the most active
and influential people in the Lebanese NGO community about the number, both Ghassan
Sayyah and Kamel Mhanna suggested 12,000 as a good estimate.
"Paul Salem and Maya Araji. Associational Life and public space in Beirut: Dialectics of Unity and Diversity, (manuscript), May, 1997. 12 Zuheir Hatab. In Ibid.
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An in-depth study of such a large and diversified NGO community is beyond the
capability of a single researcher. Hence, focusing on this type will make the study more
meaningful.
Avoiding Duplication
Recently, there has been a surge of interest in the NGO community in Lebanon,
which motivated many researchers to conduct studies on the subject.
Fadia Kiwan has studied the work of women in Non-Governmental
Organizations, as did Izzat Beydoun and Dalai Bizri. Salem and Araji studied the
associational life in Beirut and Antoine Haddad conducted a study on the "Collectif des
NGOs,” an umbrella organization with 14 members. Accordingly, an emphasis on
advocacy groups is both theoretically and historically more relevant.
Novelty of the Subject
In fact, advocacy NGOs are more or less a recent phenomenon in the Lebanese
NGO community. No past studies have been conducted on this subject, and, to the best
of my knowledge, none are underway now.
Theoretical Considerations
While practical considerations tend to delimit the study and make it more focused
and comprehensive, the theoretical considerations remain more important.
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In a study on the role of NGOs in community development, undertaken for the
Economic and Social Council for Western Asia (ESCWA), Shahida al-Baz finds that the
effectiveness of the role of NGOs in bringing about development based on public
participation is related to the paradigm through which we look at the organizations. She
compares two paradigms: the functional paradigm and the structural paradigm.
The functional paradigm takes into consideration the functions of the NGO in
terms of service delivery to the poor and the needy, and in fulfilling the needs of certain
sectors of the population. It usually addresses problems after they happen. They are
usually known as welfare/service delivery organizations. These NGOs bear part of the
government’s responsibilities, and their effort could sometimes alleviate tensions
produced by social inequalities. They may even play an economic role in increasing
income, production and employment. However, these organizations do not aim at a
structural change in the social system. In fact, most of them work within the scope of
maintaining the status quo. In general, these organizations do not encourage citizen
participation. Their role is to reproduce the dependency relations, and passivity that
dominated the NGO sector historically in many societies.
The structural paradigm, on the other hand, is related to the participatory role of
NGOs in the social and political transformation, being one of the basic elements of the
social structure. Under this paradigm, the role of NGOs is looked upon in relation to
other social institutions such as the government and the market. This role is characterized
by being sustainable, rather than temporary, a role promoting empowerment rather than
maintaining dependency. The structures are usually well planned and not adhoc. This
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structural paradigm views those organizations as institutions with specific laws, rules of
procedure, and with defined values to be pursued. These types of organizations go
beyond welfare/service delivery into a developmental role that enhances capabilities,
empowers and defends target sectors of the population. Despite the fact that some of
these organizations continue to provide welfare and services, their basic role still remains
that of supporting the interest of specific groups, and defending them in order to be
legally accepted within the social structure.13
How Are Advocacy NGOs Defined in the Field?
Based on the World Bank’s international work with more than 240 large and
small NGOs, Richard Estes classifies NGOs into five categories: "community
associations, service providers/intermediaries, contractors, cooperatives and policy
advocacy groups." According to Estes, policy advocacy groups operate at the local,
national and international levels. Their primary purpose is to serve as advocates for
groups of persons whose unorganized actions tend to be politically ineffective. Many of
these groups focus on environmental, health and public safety issues. "Given their social
change orientation, advocacy groups often come into conflict with government officials,
but they also contribute towards larger political processes. Advocacy NGOs therefore,
13 Shahida Al-Baz. The Role of Arab Civil Associations in Community Development. Economic and Social Council for West Asia (ESCWA). June 1998.5.
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often serve as catalysts for collective action among poor persons in societies
unaccustomed to such behavior."14
Estes states that advocacy NGOs exist at three levels. The community-level
NGO, whose activities are similar to those of political parties, usually promote
corrections of an actual or a perceived injustice. Due to their confrontational attitude
towards the government, they are very often subject to repression.
The indigenous, intermediary NGOs are organizations that represent the
powerless in their fight for policy change. The members of these organizations often
consist of persons who have been disenfranchised by the power structure, e.g. union
members, religious communities, and others.
International advocacy NGOs are groups that attempt to influence policy changes
at national and international levels. Their activities are usually centered on specific issues
such as the environment, minority rights, women, the survival of children.
Nabilah Hamzah, in a study of "Sustainable Human Development and the
Role of NGOs: the Case for Arab Countries,”15 uses three categories for NGOs:
1. Managerial Associations, which are NGOs active in the sports sector, or with
youth, children, environment or education. They provide a training ground for volunteer
work and the spreading of teamwork culture among the young generation. It may involve
training of members in the art and skills of social management.
14 Richard J.Estes. Internationalizing Social Work Education: A guide to Resources For a New Century. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work 1992), 12. 13 Nabilah Hamza and Adnan Shaabouni. Sustainable Human Development and the Roie of NGOs: The Case for Arab Countries, (manuscript) September, 1999.
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2. Direct Social Intervention Organizations, which are NGOs that are involved in
social phenomena such as poverty, need, illness, juvenile delinquency, illiteracy,
handicrafts, and technical training. They may provide a decent opportunity for volunteer
work among youth, and for utilization of both national human resources and national
financial capital.
3. Protest Organizations, which are politically-oriented organizations which have
national demands aimed at developing political practices in the country, as well as
improving the status of the population’s basic human rights and living conditions.
It seems clear from the above discussion that no one scheme of classification can
be applied to any group of organizations. However, in line with the interest of the study,
we notice a common trend which runs through these classifications: the distinction
between organizations whose activities are palliatives for the symptoms of malfunctions
of the social structure, and those organizations that act directly or indirectly to modify the
social structure.
One must be aware here that there are some grassroots organizations that
challenge the existing social structure, but not by pushing for increased economic
egalitarian development, increased democratization and improved environmental
awareness and practices. There have been grassroot organizations in the world that took
societies back into more authoritarian and undemocratic regimes and orders. However,
these cannot be considered to be advocacy groups working towards sustainable
development, order, peace and stability.
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What is Advocacy?
In English, the verb "advocate" means "to summon, to counsel, to speak in favor
of, to recommend, to support or defend a cause and to plead on another's behalf."16
The term "advocacy" cannot be found in the Arabic vocabulary. In fact, there is
no word in Arabic that corresponds exactly to the English meaning of advocacy, and none
that can reflect the exact meaning. This fact has proved to be a sort of nuisance to the
Arab NGO community. So, whenever they refer to this type of organization, they either
use the term in English despite its ambiguities to the Arab reader, or they supply a term
that is thought to serve the purpose. Some use the Arabic phrase for "defense
organizations,” Jamiyat Difaiyah, designating organizations that defend a cause or an
issue. Others call them "demand organizations," Jamiyat Matlabiyah, referring to
organizations that place or impose some demands on the government or other ruling
bodies. Still others call them "protest organizations," Jamiyat Ihtijajiah , meaning that
they raise consciousness and voice protests regarding specific issues on their agenda.
Others call them "support organizations," Jamiyat Mousanidah, meaning that the
organizations support certain groups of people, issues or causes. And to describe these
organizational functions, they are very often called "transformation organizations,"
Jamiyat Tghyiriah.
What is significant about the above discussion is that the different Arabic
translations of the term "advocacy” define and identify the different functions or activities
16 Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, 1999.
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that advocacy organizations engage in: protest, support, demand and defense, and,
ultimately, transformational.
I define advocacy organizations as those organizations that strive to increase
people's participation in the decision-making process on issues affecting their lives, by
speaking up and drawing society's attention, and by pressing decision-makers toward a
solution. Their strategies may vary from monitoring and spreading information, to
lobbying for policy and institutional changes.
Types of Advocacy Organizations
Advocacy organizations may vary in terms of:
1. Membership
Advocacy organizations may be grassroots organizations working for their own
members, such as disabled people, senior citizens, or members of a certain profession; or
they could be groups working on behalf of others, such as organizations working for
children's rights, the mentally disabled, detainees or political prisoners.
2. Issues
Some organizations may target issues that benefit the general population, such as
protection of the environment or anti-corruption and traffic safety campaigns. Others
may focus on issues whose benefits target a specific sector of the population, such as
foreign labor, or rural development.
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3. Strategy
Advocacy organizations may be well-established groups with a long-term strategy
of intervention such as human rights organizations; or they could be event-based
groupings created to lobby for a specific event, such as the Lebanese Association for
Democratic Elections that was formed to monitor and encourage people to vote during
the municipal elections; or the National Women’s NGO Committee that was formed to
prepare for the Beijing Conference in the Summer of.1995.
How Do Advocacy NGOs Work?
Before addressing the question, one should examine the more basic and essential
question: Where do we start with change?
I posed the above question to an informal gathering of some active NGO people.
Different responses were heard such as “it starts with changing the laws,” “we should
start by changing ourselves." and "we should start in schools and among the youth." Yet
another participant mentioned the change in the election system, and still another said "it
starts with the man on the street.” The most interesting answer is that change starts at all
levels, for change is a comprehensive development project which cannot be successful
unless it moves simultaneously on different levels.
Progress is no longer equated with growth in terms of the market value of
economic output, and continued economic growth is no longer considered the only hope
for the poor. The new paradigm in development is a commitment to growth with equity,
increased democratization and environmental protection, all of which are essential
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requisites for sustainable development. The level of development of a country is no
longer measured by its GNP alone, but rather by its egalitarian distribution of wealth and
income, by the level of respect for human rights and public freedoms, as well as the
degree of people's participation in the decision-making process. Economic, social and
educational change does not succeed unless there is the political will to bring it about,
and the political will cannot exist amid ignorance, poverty, exploitation, and foreign
occupation. Hence, change involves an interrelated effort at all levels of society. Not all
advocacy organizations have the ability to work at all levels, and it is not necessary to do
so. In fact, different organizations may be doing complementary work, thus fulfilling the
goal without wasting efforts on duplicated work. Organizations practicing advocacy may
be engaged in one or more of the activities that advocacy work entails.
Advocacy Activities
Monitoring
An advocacy NGO has the responsibility of monitoring the state of affairs, either
for the country in general, or on a specific issue. Monitoring involves research studies,
gathering of information and data on the subject, formal documentation, objective
analysis of the findings as well as recommendations for action. However, monitoring is
insufficient unless this information is turned over to the parties concerned: both those
who are affected by the state of affairs, and those who have the power to change or amend
it.
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Consciousness Raising and Education
Educating the public about certain issues is one way of bringing about change,
and education is the first step toward change in attitudes and behaviors which may
eventually lead to effective action. Education may start in schools and universities, and
starting with youths is a long-term strategy with a multiplier effect that materializes over
time. Consciousness-raising and education can be accomplished through conferences,
workshops and open forums. Information can range from being highly sophisticated and
scientific, intended for intellectuals and scholars, to being simplified and direct,
depending on the audience addressed. Publications, pamphlets and media reporting are
another way of disseminating information and raising public awareness about issues.
Legal Pursuit
Advocacy organizations can be manifested as a form of a legal pursuit. They may
sue on behalf of legal persons, real people, or certain organizations. This is one of the
most effective and direct ways of addressing violations and defending people against
exploitation. Legal pursuit involves defending people or organizations as well as suing
violators and rebutting and vacating certain decisions and decrees.
Administrative and Legislative Pressure (Lobbying)
Advocacy NGOs are known more for this function than for the preceding ones.
They are better known as pressure groups that attempt to bring about changes in social
policies and in the legal system.
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On the administrative level, they lobby for the application of fair domestic laws,
as well as for international laws that are part of agreements ratified by the home
government.
On the legislative level, they lobby for the abrogation or amendment of unfair
laws, as well as for the introduction of new laws.
As for lobbying for changes in the social policy, advocacy NGOs work on three
levels: legislation (discussed above), budget, and services.
Lobbying Tools
NGOs can resort to various means of lobbying, from the most peaceful ones of
private audiences with people in power, to the most disruptive within the margin allowed
at that moment, such as sit-ins and demonstrations.
On the other hand, their tactics may vary from lobbying using simple letters or
faxes and petitions, to proposing sophisticated and elaborate proposals of laws to
legislative bodies. They may vary from distributing pamphlets, to executing a nationwide
television and media campaign.
Of course all of this depends on the nature of the organization, its human
resources, its funding, as well as the level of professionalism involved. It is rare that one
single organization can carry out all of the above activities, simultaneously. Yet to be
considered an advocacy organization, an organization should be involved in at least one
of the activities noted above, namely: monitoring, consciousness-raising or lobbying.
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From the previous discussion, we conclude that advocacy NGOs are looked upon
as agents of social change. It is only fair to mention here that NGOs are not the sole
players, nor the sole elements in society who bear the responsibility for this change.
However, they form one important element of society which embodies the potential for
correcting structural malfunctions that undermine stability and sustainable development.
In the case of Lebanon, the 16-year war was evidence of a total collapse of a
malfunctioning social and political system. Although the importance of regional and
international responsibility for the crisis of Lebanon should not be ignored, the fact
remains that deep-rooted domestic problems should be addressed in such a manner as to
render the overall system less fragile or susceptible to external interventions.
This study is not concerned with how to bring about peace and order for Lebanese
society. Temporary peace and order can be imposed by an authoritarian regime, or a
neighboring hegemonic state, such as is the current case with the Syrian military presence
in Lebanon. Rather the concern of this study is more to find a sustainable peace for a
country exercising full independence and sovereignty. The imposed peace, for which the
Lebanese are partly grateful and partly very uneasy, has had a taxing influence on
Lebanese society. Many of the problems that the Lebanese society suffers are further
complicated and multiplied by the Syrian military presence. The Israeli occupation of
southern Lebanon, which ended in June 2000, has had a most destructive and devastating
effect on Lebanese society. Therefore, solving these problems becomes a more complex
issue which involves regional and international intervention. In this study, the
performances of the Lebanese advocacy NGOs will be assessed, taking into consideration
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this relevant regional and international dimension, in terms of their contributions to
sustainable development.
The Research Question
The purpose of this study is to explore how, if at all, advocacy NGOs in post-war
Lebanon are contributing positively to the process of sustainable human development.
Given the regional and international constraints, the study focuses on how
successful these organizations have been, in addressing economic growth and socio
economic disparities, the political system and its provisions for human rights, freedom
and good governance, as well as environmental sustainability in Lebanon. Organizations
will be studied in terms of the following aspects and how these aspects affect their
advocacy role.
1. Age, organizational structure and constituency;
2. Financial status, budget and sources of funds;
3. Relations with the national government, and with local, regional and
international NGOs and other parties;
4. Internal and external challenges; and
5. Issues raised by these organizations.
Answering the above questions helps me to measure the contributions of
advocacy NGOs to the level of sustainable human development in Lebanon. The
indicators used to measure their contribution are of three kinds. First, there will be an
attempt to see if the issues they raise are relevant to the problematic of sustainable human
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development. Second, quasi-quantifiable indicators (in terms of the end results of their
efforts), such as ratification of international covenants, amendment of unfair laws,
revocation of laws, as well as introducing new laws will be used to evaluate their
contributions in terms of the application of existing laws, which are also a good indicator.
Another good indicator is the seriousness of the issues omitted intentionally or
overlooked. Third, inasmuch as their contribution to social consciousness and public
awareness is a long-term process, no quantitative assessment of their contributions can be
made. There will be a qualitative evaluation of the effect of the means used to achieve
their long-term strategy.
The Significance of the Study
There has been little interest in Lebanon with respect to advocacy organizations.
Review of the literature shows no special reference to the subject. A study of
environmental organizations and of one which works on disability issues, may be in
process; but no comprehensive study has examined the diversity of this type of
organizations, namely human rights, women's issues, children’s rights, rights of the
disabled, senior citizens, drug addicts, as well as environmental problems, all of which
address issues and marginalized groups that form the focal point of interest of sustainable
human development.
This study will cover a large variety of these issues and social groups. It will
address advocacy NGOs both in their emerging role and in their potential significance.
Focusing on this type of NGO, which is relatively new to the Lebanese scene, will be
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informative about their role in post-war social reconstruction efforts, and about what is
being done to avoid another national tragedy. It will attempt to shed some light on how
efforts can be improved or amended. The diversity of the issues will allow for a
comparative assessment of their differential effect on the development process. It may be
beneficial to the NGO community to learn where to concentrate their efforts and how to
diversify. It may also enlighten the Lebanese Government on social policy issues and on
the importance of involving civil society in the decision-making process. The study will
also raise new questions for further research, such as the importance of collaboration
between NGOs and other elements of civil society, namely labor unions, political parties,
media and ultimately the Government.
The Nature of the Study: Subject Method and Procedure
The Lebanese advocacy NGOs are the subject of this study. Specifically, it is an
exploratory study of the contributions of this type of NGOs to sustainable human
development. The newness of the advocacy NGOs in Lebanon and the absence of
research on the subject leaves this study open to some interesting findings. Furthermore,
the multitude of factors affecting sustainable human development in Lebanon, be they
domestic, regional or international, marks the study as complex in nature, and ideal for
further research.
The study relies on personal interviews, both structured and semi-structured, as
primary sources of information on these organizations. Secondary data is also used,
including content analysis of their statement of mission, publications, or other literature
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on the subject, as well as participant observation in organizations, conferences and
workshops.
Several members of organizations provided inside information on the NGO
community. Informal discussions with members of the NGO community proved very
useful and informative and led to clarification of some questions that were unanswered in
the interviews.
Organization of the Study
Chapter Two focuses on theories of sustainable human development, and the role
of civic society in the process of development.
Chapter Three focuses on the methodology of the research, sources of data, as
well as limitations and challenges encountered in the process of data collection.
Chapters Four provides a concise analytical history of Lebanon, and a profile of
sustainable human development in post-war Lebanon.
Chapter Five provides data reporting on Lebanese advocacy NGOs.
Chapter Six provides a review of issues raised by advocacy NGOs in Lebanon.
Chapter Seven assesses the contributions of advocacy NGOs to sustainable human
development in post-war Lebanon, provides an analysis and a summary of findings, a
conclusion, a theoretical reconsideration, and recommendations.
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SUSTAINABLE HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, CIVIL SOCIETY
AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Sustainable Human Development
The basic research question of this study is to examine whether advocacy
NGOs in Lebanon are contributing positively to the process of sustainable human
development and if so, how. To answer this question, the concept of sustainable human
development should be defined, and the actors involved in the process identified, namely:
the state, the market and civil society. This chapter will review the existing literature on
theories of sustainable development, civil society and NGOs.
In a paper entitled "Sustainable Human Development and the Role of NGOs,”
Nabilah Hamzah argues that four international phenomena led to the reassessment of
development theories, namely: the threat to the environment, the failure of previous
development policies, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and globalization and the spread
of liberalism. These, in turn, engendered three crises: the crisis of the state (loss of
authority, legitimacy and credibility), the crisis of the market (loss of social
accountability), and the crisis of knowledge (inability to cope with cultural specificity).17
17 Nabilah Hamzah and Adnan Shaabouni. Sustainable Human Development and the Role of NGOs: the Case for Arab Countries, (manuscript), September 1999,5.
29
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The three crises allowed for the emergence of a new theory of development and a
new definition of sustainable human development:
Sustainable Human Development is the enlargement of people's choices and capabilities through the development of social capital that provides for the needs of the present generations in the most equitable way, without endangering the needs of future generations. This definition realizes that development starts with people, and does not happen unless people are responsible for its conditions, and that development is a product of a collective effort based on voluntary initiatives, without pressure or prodding, and the interest of different sectors are interconnected and should be viewed in terms of long-term strategies. And development cannot be sustainable unless it is based on a perspective that pays attention to future generations.18
This new approach, contrary to the traditional development approaches that
emphasized a single path to development, namely the transfer of technology and financial
capital, and attributed underdevelopment to traditional cultures and local restraints,
emphasizes diversity and differences, and allows for various roads to development and
for countries to choose their own paths. It puts the human being at the center, and focuses
on human development, education, and institution building that empowers the individual
through collective effort. This approach is based on social capital rather than financial
capital.
Social capital, which is inherent to development, unlike material capital and
human capital which are both tangible, exists in relationships between individuals, and
may be defined as a voluntary form of social organization. The social capital empowers
the individual to take decisions and helps people, as a collectivity, to arrive at decisions
without negating each other. Social capital is not formed by a decree or passed by a law.
“ Banuri, Ibid., 7.
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It comes into being through human ethical interaction, and starts at the grassroots. It may
start small and grow upward, its base constantly and organically linked to civil society.
Thus, empowerment came to be a basic concept in the sustainable human
development vision. By empowerment is meant putting people in a position that allows
them full participation in decisions and mechanisms that guide their lives and destinies.
These decisions and mechanisms should not be arrived at in their absence, without the
people being able to express their needs, problems and wishes. This notion entails
participation in political life, and the strengthening of professional civil associations.
Weaver, Rock and Kusterer make a distinction between two models of
development that "vied for the attention of the developing world. Most countries adopted
capitalist- or market-oriented approaches to development, but a significant number of
countries followed a socialist alternative.1'19
The laissez-faire approach of the capitalist mode relied mainly on the market,
trusting that it would provide for people's needs. It emphasized private ownership of the
factors of production, markets for the factors of production, the capitalist firms, and
commodities markets. In this approach, "the actions of private individuals bring about
development, guided by the invisible hand of competition. Competition among firms
results in efficient allocation of resources, innovation, and economic growth.”20 The
government role in this approach is minimal and limited to establishing and protecting
19 James H.Weaver, Michael T.Rock and Kenneth Kusterer, Achieving Broad-based Sustainable Development (West Hartfortd, Conn: Kumarian Press. 1997), 58. 20 Ibid., 59.
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private property, enforcing private contracts and providing public goods and quasi-public
goods.21
Social discontent with the laissez-faire approach and with government legislation
that followed to remedy its side effects, led to a more interventionist approach to
development and the adoption of a more assertive role for governments. This was a
govemment-guided Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) policy that promoted
protectionism and established multiple exchange rates to encourage the importation of
capital, intermediate goods and raw material. The government replaced the market with a
central planning agency to plan the economy, allocate resources, control prices and
administer foreign aid. "As a result of the ISI approach, many developing countries
experienced rapid economic growth and industrialization. By the 1960s, however, the
viability of ISI was being subjected to close scrutiny and heavy criticism."22 Corruption,
income inequality, fiscal deficits, slowdown of agricultural productivity, and
unemployment increased. Hence, ISI proved to be no better than a laissez-faire policy in
providing sustainable development.
By the early 1970s, economists realized that there was a growing level of
inequitable income distribution, an increase in absolute poverty as well as a growing rate
of unemployment. This led to a search for a new development approach that would
promote growth with equity. Some economists recommended labor-intensive exports to
reduce unemployment; others focused on land reform and improving the agricultural
21 Ibid., 60. 22 Ibid., 63.
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sector; still others emphasized the basic-need human approach and recommended
investing in human capital, and a group insisted on a safety net strategy provided by the
governments to provide necessities for those who cannot provide for themselves.
Parallel to these three capitalist models were Soviet development strategies being
adopted in other parts of the world. Impressed by the extraordinary performance of the
Soviet Union, and skeptical about capitalism and its instability, while also associating
their underdevelopment with colonial and imperialist policies, some third world countries
followed an alternative path, namely state socialism. "By State Socialism, we mean an
economic system in which the means of production are owned by the state rather than
privately, and in which decisions about resource allocation are made by the government
rather than through markets."23
Russia experienced rapid industrialization and, in no time, became the second
largest industrial power in the world, and Communist China experienced similar gains.
However, these transformations were accomplished at the expense of human rights, rule
of law, and accountability. In both countries, rapid growth gave way to slower growth,
and the socio-political aspects of the socialist model acted as fertile breeding grounds for
political opposition. Environmental degradation notwithstanding, the ultimate argument
that socialism is an alternative path to development became less tenable, especially with
the collapse of the Soviet Union.
In lieu of the above models, Weaver et al., introduce the BBSD approach, whose
four basic elements are “a healthy, growing economy undergoing structural
23 Ibid., 70.
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transformation; an economy in which the benefits are widely distributed; a political
system that provides for human rights and freedom, effective governance, and a political
economy that is consistent with preservation of the environment."24 They insist that
development has a political component, and "that freedom and democracy must be
accorded a priority equal to economic growth in any definition of the goals of
development,’' and that unless "particular attention is paid to what happens to women, to
civil society, and to human rights and democratic freedoms, development will fall short
of its goals."25
In a manner similar to Hamzah, they make a clear distinction between material
capital and human capital, and define social capital as social connections or relations that
have been established and can be drawn upon. They define social capital as a production
asset which, when strengthened and formalized, results in the building of civil society,
the network of non-governmental, non-profit organizations.
In his book Getting to the 21st Century. David Korten identifies three global
crises that led to the reassessment of traditional development approaches and the
emergence of a more people-centered approach, namely: an increased number of people
in absolute terms living below the poverty line, the threat to the environment and
increased communal violence. He outlines the three basic needs of global society that
any development strategy should address: justice, sustainability and inclusiveness.
Justice does not require equality of income, nor does it require that the productive be required to support the slothful. It does require, however, that all people have the means and the opportunity to produce a minimum decent
24 Ibid., 13. 25 Ibid., 28,29.
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livelihood for themselves and their families... Sustainability does not require that nature be left untouched. It does require, however, that each generation recognize its obligation for stewardship of earth's natural resources and ecosystem on behalf of future generations... Inclusiveness does not mean that everyone must enjoy equal status and power. It does mean that everyone who chooses to be a productive, contributing community member has a right to the opportunity to do so and to be recognized and respected for these contributions.26
Korten believes that most institutions on which the world relies for solving these
social, economic and environmental problems, are creations of a growth-centered
developmental vision, and are therefore unfit to challenge it. Yet, when proponents of a
growth-centered vision went on the defensive, due to failures of their policies, they
countered with structural adjustment policies. The assumption here was that, if the poor
were suffering, it was because there was not enough growth. So, instead, they launched
an attack on structures that restrain growth, rather than on those that restrain justice.
When they introduced growth with equity, they simply were pushing for more growth,
and "sidestepping needed structural reforms and then correcting benefit distribution
problems by strengthening social services to make up for deficiencies in basic needs
through the redistribution of surpluses."27 An equity-led sustainable growth on the other
hand, starts with equity by breaking down unjust structures, thus making equity the
foundation of a broad-based integrated growth. Korten believes that only a people-
centered approach to development is able to bring about a qualitative change.
This vision looks to justice, sustainability and inclusiveness as the defining principles of authentic development. It views development as a people's movement more than as a foreign-funded government project. It looks to
M David C. Korten. Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary Action and the Giobai Agenda. (West Hartford, Conn: Kumarian Press. Inc., 1990), 4. 17 Ibid., 73.
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government to enable the people to develop themselves. It seeks a synthesis of the change objectives of the environmental, human rights, consumer protection, women's and peace movements. It seeks a new human consciousness in which the more nurturing, enabling and conserving dimensions of female consciousness gain ascendance over the more aggressive, exploitative and competitive dimensions of male consciousness that have so long dominated the social and economic life of human societies.28
George Corm, a Lebanese economist and political scientist, currently serving as
Minister of Finance in the Lebanese government, defines sustainable human
development as a process that entails four basic elements: investment in human
resources; wide participation in the development process, and equal distribution of
development benefits; institutional and legal system-building to facilitate application
of economic policies; and government intervention to guarantee the justice of
benefits and participation among all sectors of the population.29
I will use the BBSD approach to assess the state of sustainable human
development in Lebanon. However, I tend to agree with the United Nations
Development Program (UNDP) report that the cultural dimension of development has
been underdeveloped in the concept of sustainable human development. An examination
of the increasing number of recent ethnic and sectarian conflicts around the world dictates
that more attention be given to the role of the homogeneity of the social fabric and the
corresponding political culture.
Ibid., 5. 29 Corm in Nabilah Hamzah and Adnan Shaabouni., Sustainable Human Development and The Role of NGOs: The Case for Arab Countries, (manuscript), 1999, 19.
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Civil Society
The above discussion of the new approaches to development shows that recent
development theories have made a remarkable shift from focusing mainly on the state and
the market, to bringing in a new actor, civil society. Thus, it becomes imperative to look
into the theoretical implications of the concept, its role and its prospects in general, and in
relation to the Arab world and, in particular, to Lebanon.
The concept of civil society, which had been dormant since Alexis de
Tocqueville, has reappeared in Western and Latin American social science discourse
since the mid-1970s. In a paper entitled The Problematic o f Civil Society, Samih Farsoun
tries to answer the question as to why such a concept, so pivotal to understanding the
social and political dynamics of our modem times, experiences currency at certain times
and lies dormant at others. His thesis is that
under certain social conditions, e.g. changing world order, fiscal crisis of the state, civil wars, economic crisis, etc...certain social forces, whether social classes, ethnic or sectarian groupings, or social movements, mount political action to defend their interests vis-a-vis the oppressive state and exploitative classes. At that moment or historical juncture, intellectual and political practices bring forth the issue of civil society (or its institutions), its autonomy from the state, and its claim to social, economic and political power in opposition to the state.30
Cohen and Arato link the resurgence of the civil society concept, at the theoretical
level, to the disintegration of the hegemonic paradigms (Pluralism and Neo-Marxism)
and, at the empirical level, to the political upheaval in Eastern Europe, "the early modem
30 Samih Farsoun and Lucia P. Fort. The Problematic of Civil Society, Intellectual Discourse and Arab Intellectuals (manuscript), 1996, 3.
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concept of civil society was revived first and foremost in the struggle of the democratic
opposition in Eastern Europe against socialist party-state."31
For Richard Madsen, the renewed impetus for the discussion of the term ‘civil
society’ among twentieth century American social scientists came
from increasing concern about the fragmentation of society through the ‘rights revolutions’ of the 1960s and 1970s, and the triumph of the laissez-faire market ideology in the 1980s. The renewed discussion of civil society began in Eastern Europe, driven by the efforts of dissident intellectuals, first to find a counter-force to totalitarian regimes, and then, again led by their efforts, to find a new basis for the social order after the collapse of these regimes. Citizenship and civil society have thus emerged as central topics in response not just to theoretical concerns, but to urgent public concerns about the profound transformation in societies around the globe at the end of the twentieth century.32
In an essay entitled "The Return of the Citizen," Kymlicka and Norman attribute
this recent renewed interest in citizenship to a natural evolution in political discourse
"because the concept of citizenship seems to integrate the demands of justice and
community membership."33 They also add that this interest
has been sparked by a number of recent political events and trends throughout the world, increasing voter apathy and long-term welfare dependency in the United States, the resurgence of nationalist movements in Eastern Europe, the backlash against the welfare state of Thatcher's England, the failure of environmental policies that rely on voluntary citizen cooperation and so forth.34
31 Jean L.Cohen and Andrew Arato. Civil Society and Political Theory. (Cambridge, Mass, The MIT Press, 1992), 15. 32 Richard Madsen. “Citizenship and Civil Society: A Framework of rights and Obligations in Liberal, Traditional, and Social Democratic Regimes,” Contemporary Sociology. (Washington., July 1999). Vol. 28, Issue 4 (456-457). 33 Ronald Seiner, ed. Theorizing Citizenship. (Albany, N.Y: State University of New York Press, 1995), 283. 34 Ibid., 283.
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Inasmuch as NGOs constitute one of the many elements that comprise civil
society, the need arises for a definition of the concept of civil society as well as its role in
bringing about positive social change.
Civil society is a contingent concept that should be contextually defined. The
term has acquired different meanings at different times, for different social scientists, and
within different paradigms. Literature on the subject is so diverse that sometimes one
wonders if the discussion is about the same concept. The meaning of civil society differs
in terms of its composition (what it encompasses), nature (oppositional versus
mediational), relation to the state (reformist versus revolutionist), relation to the economy
(inclusive vs. exclusive), as well as its future prospects (optimistic vs. pessimistic).
Two divergent traditions have shaped modem views on the concept of civil
society: the pluralist tradition and the Marxian tradition. At the center of the controversy
between the two traditions lie two interrelated but basic issues. One is epistemological
and the second is an interrelated political, economic and social issue. The
epistemological issue raises some general questions such as what is basically just, fair,
and good? What is more important, equality or liberty? Who is more important, the
individual or the community?
On the other hand, the controversy over the political, economic, and social issue,
the epistemological basis notwithstanding, raises three main relevant questions regarding
the nature and role of the democratic state, the type of economy or mode of production,
and the nature and role of civil society in the process of democratization.
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To summarize the Marxian position on the above issues, we can conclude that in
the Marxian tradition a capitalist democratic state is a contradiction in terms. The
capitalist state is coercive and repressive, and should be overcome. The capitalist mode
of production abuses and alienates the masses, and should be replaced by communism,
which "through the annulment of private property" is a necessary premise for "positive
humanism to come into being."35
The Marxist tradition sees civil society in the historical context of a capitalist
society, where civil society is assumed to be oppositional to the state, until, ultimately, it
takes over the state which eventually becomes part of civil society in a state of ‘socialized
humanity,’ where antagonistic classes no longer exist, and people's needs are met, and
people's private and public life are reconciled in a state of human emancipation and
dignity. Hence, for Marx, "civil society embraces the whole material intercourse of
individuals within a definite stage of development of productive forces, embraces the
commercial and industrial life of a given stage and... transcends the state and the nation
although, on the other hand, it must assert itself in its external relations as a nationality,
and internally, must organize itself as a state."36
This ideal ‘human society’ of the Marxian vision was further developed and
operationalized through the Gramscian description of how civil society operates. For
Antonio Gramsci, the capitalist state is repressive and coercive. It uses both coercive
ideological institutional tools, as well as police power to exert hegemony over the masses.
" Marx in Robert C. Tucker, ed. The Marx-Enaels ReaJer. (New York, NY; W.W.Norton &. Company, Inc.), 121. 36 Ibid. 133.
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Civil society comprises all these institutions, be it family, schools, political parties, or
legal systems. Within this civil society, exploited classes, at the right historical moment,
mobilized by the "organic intellectuals," would build a counter hegemony and mount a
war of opposition, and conquer the state.37
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the failure of state socialism (mistaken for
communism or socialism) in Third World countries led to the current world-wide trend of
the adoption of the pluralist politics and the capitalist mode of production. Nonetheless
the Marxian theoretical tradition, says Farsoun, "has been kept alive in Wallerstein's
world system theory, Frank and Amin’s dependency theory and Taylor's articulation of
the modes of production school."38
Questions currently raised regarding the state are not "state or not state," but
rather how much state? Questions currently raised regarding the economy are no more
capitalism or socialism, but rather how much more or how much less privatization, and
how much more or how much less laissez-faire?
Within this pluralist discourse, the concept of civil society becomes most controversial, in
terms of its definition, role and prospects.
" Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, trans. and ed. by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey N. Smith. (New York, N.Y.: International Publishers, 1971). 38 Samih Farsoun and Lucia P. Fort, The Problematic of Civil Society. Intellectual Discourse and Arab Intellectuals.” (Manuscript), 1996. f1\
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Definition of Civil Society
It was Alexis de Tocqueville, in the early nineteenth century, who first noticed the
tendency of Americans to come together in groups. "In no country of the world has the
principle of association been more successfully used, or applied to a greater multitude of
objects than in America."39 De Tocqueville believed that equality with freedom cannot be
secured by abolishing or reducing state institutions to a minimum. Authority is needed to
avoid confusion and disorder, yet political power should be distributed among many
hands to avoid despotism, namely separate legislative, judiciary and executive powers.
He saw civil associations as crucial barriers to state power and despotism. He saw civil
associations lying beyond the immediate control of state institutions, going beyond
narrow private goals, and protecting the minorities from tyranny by the majorities, and
argued that an independent pluralist' civil society is a condition of democracy. To de
Tocqueville the term civil society is reserved for that domain in which individuals join
together, free from the control of either state or church. However, in his later discussions
of civil society, religious associations became one example among others, within the
broader class of civil associations.
In their seminal work “Civil Society and Political Theory,” Cohen and Arato
define civil society as "a sphere of social interaction between economy and state,
composed above all of the intimate sphere (especially the family), the sphere of
associations (especially the voluntary associations), social movements and forms of
39 Alexis de Tocqueville. Democracy in America. Vol. 1. Phillips Bradley, ed., (New York, N.Y. Vintage Books, 1945), 198.
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public communications. Modem civil society is created through forms of self
constitution and self-mobilization."40
Larry Diamond defines civil society as the "realm of organized social life that is
voluntary, self-generating, (largely) self-supporting, autonomous from the state, and
bound by a legal order or set of shared rules,"41 and one which has several tenets. First,
civil society concerns are public, not private. Second, civil society relates to the state
without being a part of it, through pressure brought to bear to redress policy and expose
government corruption. Third, civil society is marked by pluralism and diversity,
reflected by independent mass media and cultural institutions. Fourth, civil society is
market-oriented and rejects central economic planning. Fifth, civil society is distinctive
between different groups which represent different constituencies, and that no one can
claim to represent the whole society.42
Role of Civil Society
Literature on the role of civil society reveals divergent views ranging from the
very conservative role restricted to promoting civic commitments, building citizenship,
providing public and quasi-public functions, to the more politicized and emancipatory
role of advocacy, involving defense of public freedom, human rights, women, the
environment and the marginalized. While Edward and Foley see a revolutionary prospect
40 Jean L. Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory. (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992), ix-xi. 41 Larry Diamond in Nabilah Hamzah and Adnan Shaabouni, Sustainable Human Development and the Role of NGOs: The Case for Arab Countries, (manuscript), September 1999,5. 42 Ibid., 5.
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in the role of civil society as it organizes itself, not just to perform public functions
independently of the state and corporate power, but also to defend social autonomy,
promote policy changes and, in the extreme, regime change, Cohen and Arato warn
against this over-zealous emancipatory conception of civil society. Based on lessons from
history and empirical experience, they advocate a less revolutionary concept of civil
society. They introduce the idea of self-limitation, which, they insist, should not be
confused with the strategic constraints on emancipatory movements.
Movements rooted in civil society have learned from the revolutionary tradition that these fundamentalist projects lead to the breakdown of societal steering and productivity and the suppression of social plurality, all of which are then reconstituted by the forces of order only by dramatically authoritarian means. Such an outcome leads to the collapse of the forms of self-organization that in many cases were the major carriers of the revolutionary process: revolutionary societies, councils and movements. Paradoxically, the self-limitation of just such actors allows the continuation of their social role and influence beyond the constituent and into the constituted phase.43
It is worth noting here that, in a manner similar to the definition of civil
society, the role of civil society should be defined contextually. The role of civil
society differs theoretically and empirically, depending on the nature of the state and
the economy. The role of civil society, in a liberal, well-functioning democratic and
developed society, differs dramatically from the role of civil society in an
underdeveloped country, governed by an authoritarian regime and an inequitable
economic system, regional and international intervening factors notwithstanding.
43 Jean L. Cohen and Andrew Arato. Civil Society and Political Theory. (Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press. 1992), 17.
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While most of the literature on the role of civil society emphasizes its
positive aspects, there remain some scholars and social scientists who are skeptical
about its prospects. Michael Walzer sees civil society as a realm of fragmentation
and division, and believes that even when civil associations defend a universal creed
and are open to new members, they continue to be particularistic. Inasmuch as they
coexist with other associations that defend other universal creeds, and compete for
new members, the danger lies in strengthening these groups and intensifying the
differences among them.44 Another cautious view of the role of civil society is
advanced by Keith Whittington, who, reconsidering de Toqueville's analysis of the
American scene, remarks that Americans suffered not from a lack of civil
associations but from conflicting goals among social and political groups.
"Sometimes those conflicts arose from the direct self-interest of various factions
within society. At other times, however, political conflicts arose not from competing
interests but from competing visions of the public good derived from and re-enforced
by unrelated associations."45
Despite the divergent and sometimes opposite views regarding the discourse,
definition, role and the prospects for civil society, Cohen and Arato remain
optimistic about the contribution of civil society to democracy. Their approach
envisions a synthesis between a democratic state, a tempered market economy and a
44 Michael Walzer. Rescuing Civil Society Dissent. (Winter 1999), Vol.46. Issue 1., 62-67. 45 Keith E. Whittington. Revisiting Tocqueville’s America: Society, Politics, and Association in the Nineteenth Century. American Behavioral Scientist. Vol 42.21-32.
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reflexive civil society. And although they anchor their modem concept of civil society in
the three current debates within the field of democratic theory [namely, elite vs.
participatory democracy, rights-oriented liberalism vs. communitarianism, and welfare
state vs. neo-conservatism] their synthesis avoids any one of the above alternatives and
refuses to correct state paternalism, with an unregulated market economy, considered
another form of colonization of society. Their synthetic project would “seek to
accomplish the work of social policy by more decentralized and autonomous civil
society-based programs than in traditional welfare states and the work of economic
regulation by non-bureaucratic, less intrusive forms of legislation, focusing on procedures
rather than results. In our view, this synthetic project should be described not only by
Habermas's term "the reflexive continuation of the welfare state", but also by the
complementary idea of the reflexive continuation of the democratic revolution. The
former arises in the context of western welfare states, the latter in that of the
democratization of the authoritarian regimes.”46
Civil Society in the Arab World
As with the international controversy over the concept of civil society, the
Arab intellectual discourse has been equally split and diverse. "Social scientists are
not in agreement on the usefulness of the concept or its precise definition. This
debate divides academics not only of the North, but also of the South, some of whom
46 Jean L.Cohen and Andrew Arato. Civil Society and Political Theory. (Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press. 1992), 26.
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see in the concept an ideological product exported by the now post-industrial center to
intellectuals of the periphery to perpetuate its dependency."47 Al-Sayyid lays down three
reasons for the skepticism around the concept: First, “no common definition of the
concept of civil society can be established. Second, "the 1980s resurgence of the concept
could be an effort on the part of conservative scholars to assert that civil society and the
capitalist economy are inseparable." Third, “this concept is merely a new device to repeat
often-heard discourses about civilized nations, development, modernization, and so on.
According to them, conservative scholars strive to rescue discredited notions of
modernization by reformulating their essential argument, largely of an ideal nature, using
the older terminology of civil society."48
Al-Sayyid believed that scholars in the Arab world also differ over the
definition of the term. Some reject the concept categorically and believe that what is
needed for the time being is the strengthening of the Arab state to be able to execute
the development project, and to hedge against penetration by foreign powers.
Islamist intellectuals refuse the term ‘civil society’ as an imported concept that
stresses membership in a particular community, qualified as civil, as distinct from
any other community, particularly one based on religion. Some liberal nationalists
have opted for keeping the concept while adapting it to Arab culture, still others have
kept the original concept of civil society yet split over the Lockean pluralist approach
and the Marxian perspective. Al-Sayyid remarks that the disagreement over the
47 Mustapha Kamel Al-Sayyid. The Concept of Civil Society and the Arab World. In Civil Society in the Middle East. Augustus Richard Norton, ed., Vol. 1 & 2. (Leiden, E.J. Brill Publishers, 1994), 131. 41 Ibid., 133.
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concept has enriched the discourse, and that "if the concept of civil society could be
reformulated, instead, to suggest this balance of forces, without linking it necessarily
to a particular economic system, or at least considering it in association with
capitalism as a research hypothesis, that concept may prove useful indeed."49
Al-Sayyid believes that the definition adopted for civil society constitutes the
dividing line of the components of civil society in the Arab world.
However, there is a general consensus that political parties and secondary
associations are in it. Professional associations, business groups, trade unions,
private societies, social clubs, literary and scientific clubs, as well as neo-traditional
institutions that "combine primordial and modem formal organizations and purely
religious associations" would fit in as well. "More problematic in this respect would
be traditional groups that have not yet acquired a formal organization." Islamists
claim that they are a prominent component of civil society, since they enjoy the
support of large numbers of citizens, and are active in various areas of social action,
thus reflecting the vitality and innovative disposition of wide strata of the population
who had hitherto been excluded from politics."50
Al-Sayyid believes that under recent economic and political liberalization
projects in the Arab world, two groups are being marginalized, namely: trade unions
and urban and rural masses. "As for the urban poor and peasants who do not possess
organizations acting on their behalf, they find no place for themselves in an emerging
49 Ibid. 133. 50 Ibid. 137.
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civil society."51 As for the actual presence of an active civil society, Al-Sayyid
believes that there is a general consensus among Arab intellectuals that civil society,
no matter how it is defined, is absent in the Arab countries. For civil society to
flourish and survive, a political order should be present that guarantees the citizens'
rights, with a wide public space provided. Neither of those two conditions is
fulfilled, at present. This does not deny the fact that an emergent civil society could
be present in some Arab countries that have more or less embarked on some form of
liberalization
Samih Farsoun, on the other hand, tries to show how the intellectual Arab
discourse has been a reflection of the socio-economic and political events taking place in
the Arab word, with special emphasis on how regional and international issues and
interventions have helped shape the discourse.
Two sub-periods of intellectual Arab history were highlighted by Farsoun: the
first is between 1940 and 1967, and the second between 1967 and 1980. The discourse of
the first period was consumed by the ideas of de-colonization development, political
independence, and vigilance against western neo-colonialism, and gave only lip service to
the question of democracy. Relations between state and society were underplayed in
favor of developmentalism and the strengthening of the state.52 Arab nationalism and
state socialism dominated the Arab political culture of that period. The 1967 defeat of the
Arab countries by Israel brought an end "to the Arab discourse of nationalism, socialist
51 Ibid. 140. 52 Samih K. Farsoun, and Lucia P. Fort. The Problematic of Civil Society, Intellectual Discourse and Arab Intellectuals, (manuscript), 1996.
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economic development and the importance of a strong state.”53 Two alternative
ideological currents emerged as a result of a self-appraisal project after the defeat: a
radical social revolutionary current spearheaded by the re-emergent Palestinian liberation
movement and an alternative radical fundamentalist Islamic movement.54 Farsoun
remarks here that, although some leftist Arab intellectuals stressed the need for thorough
revolutionary reconstruction of Arab society, few critics analyzed the nature of Arab
societies and their class structure, with the exception of Sadiq el-Azm who argues "the
Arab state was unconnected to its citizens. The absence of modem institutions leaves the
citizen loyal, not to the state, but to the family, clan and the kinship group. Instead of
building a modem civil society, the defeated Arab regimes reverted to the old discredited
diplomacy of the pre-war years.”55
It was not until 1980 that the questions of civil society, human rights and
democracy gained ascendancy in the Arab intellectual discourse, paralleling what has
been going on in other parts of the world. However, Farsoun sees that "the last two
decades witnessed a major transformation of Arab intellectuals. An ideological, and
political shift has occurred: from anti-imperialism to America as savior, from anti-
Zionism to compromise with Israel, from national liberation to neo-liberal politics, from
Arab socialism to unregulated capitalism, from support of movements for popular power
to parliamentary politics, and from the belief in social justice to that of individual
53 Ibid., 23. 54 Ibid., 24. 55 Ibid., 26.
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enrichment and status consciousness."56 And it is through this pluralist discourse that
Arab intellectuals currently look at civil society.
In her book Toward Civil Society in the Middle East. Jillian Schwedler presents
two current debates about civil society in the region. The first debate argues that civil
society is almost nonexistent, weak, or disorganized. The second debate sees civil society
in the Middle East as emerging and active. Elie Kedourie supports the view that civil
society is absent, and attributes that to the region's Islamic culture. Bernard Lewis argues
that there is only a limited number of independent social and political organizations in the
Middle East, some of which do challenge state authority. Peter Mansfield argues that the
Middle East lacks a viable civil society, because the organizations that do exist are co
opted by the state, and thus rendered ineffective. Antoine Messara believes that there is a
lot to be done on the legal, political, and cultural levels, to foster the development of civil
society in the Arab world.
Supporters of the second debate are more optimistic about the prospects of civil
society in the Middle East. Richard Norton, who rejects the culturalist explanation for
the scarcity of democracy in this part of the world, attributes this tendency to the
weakening of civil society by the authoritarian regimes. Nonetheless, in his article "The
Future of Civil Society in the Middle East", he states: "Given the integral connection
between civil society and democracy, the long term prospects for successful
democratization in Lebanon, Egypt and Iran may be better than commonly assumed."
However, his confidence in civil society to bring about radical social, and political
56 Ibid., 28.
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change is limited. "Nonetheless, civil society did not topple regimes, as the regimes
crumbled from internal corruption and hollow claims of legitimacy."57
In fact, Middle East scholars have used and abused the term ‘civil society’, in
their quest for the democratization of the Arab world. "The real concern of some
observers, and many Arab intellectuals as well, is the ease with which the term civil
society has been turned into a political football." Aziz Al-Azmeh had warned of this
danger as long ago as 1994, when he observed that "both, regime and Islamist opposition
in the Maghreb, were claiming civil society as their own, thus threatening the democratic
process itself."58
I define civil society as the sum total of all social relations and social organizations that
exist in the public space situated between the individual and the state. These are relations
and organizations that people enter into voluntarily or that evolve willfully, with the
development of social needs, and not on the basis of ties between individuals that precede
the act of intellectual choice. From within this pluralist discourse of the modem state and
the current world-wide trend toward a market economy, these organizations and social
relations may act as mediating, tempering, fending and if necessary opposing bodies, to
the arbitrary power of the state and the forces of market economy. Components of this
modem civil society are trade and labor unions, professional groups, the media, non
governmental organizations with all their diversities,
57. Augustus Richard Norton. The Future of Civil Society in the Middle East. Middle East Journal. (Spring 1993), Vol. 47, Issue No. 2,211. 51 Aziz Al-Azmeh. Civil Society in the Middle East. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies: Exeter, (November 1998), Vol 1. & 2.
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non-profit and non-public educational institutions as well as political parties. Although
some of these organizations and political parties may be religious in constituency and
base, they still can be considered part of civil society as long as they defend and represent
their members' interest within a pluralist discourse of tolerance and a participatory
decision-making process. By tolerance here is not meant civil and polite acceptance of
the "different other" but a more aggressive tolerance that allows the other to compete
democratically in the decision-making process as an adversary. However, history and
experience have demonstrated that organizations and political parties based on strictly
religious ideologies or strictly ethnic affiliations exhibited anti-democratic tendencies,
lack of tolerance, and ultimately annulled the desired overlapping of interests that emerge
with cross-sect and cross-ethnic organizations of a secular nature. Here lies the
problematic of civil society as an ideal type and as an analytical tool to understand the
role of civil society vis-a vis the state and the economy, and the more empirical and
contextual role that civil society actually plays in the democratization process. Being
aware of this differentiation between theory and practice contributes to our understanding
of the ‘not-so-often’ positive role of civil society.
Social capital, on the other hand, may be defined as a voluntary form of "social
connections or relations that have been established and can be drawn on,”59 which "is
embodied in relations among people; it calls for their activation with a view to expanding
their capabilities, choices and participation to achieve their common interest."60 Social
59 James H. Weaver, Michael T. Rock and Kenneth Kusterer. Achieving Broad-based Sustainable Human Development. (West Hartford, Conn: Kumarian Press. 1997), 209. 60 Richard J. Estes, http://caster.ssw.upenn.edu/~restes/isw/chapter34.html 0323/97:28.
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capital, as a concept, has been used by social scientists also as an ideal type, similar to the
concept of civil society, with the assumption that those social relations are value-laden
with good intentions and moral and ethical values. I tend to agree with James Coleman's
conception of social capital as a neutral concept both morally and ethically and that it can
easily enhance and improve performance among ‘good organizations’ as well as among
‘not-so-ethical ones.’ Viewed from this perspective, the role of social capital again, as
with that of civil society, should be studied empirically and contextually. Within this line
of thought, the role of the Lebanese civil society and of Lebanese social capital formation
will be assessed through NGOs' contributions to the processes of development and
democracy.
Non-governmental Organizations
Definitions and Classifications
A major difficulty that a researcher faces when dealing with non-governmental
organizations is the definition of the term and the classification or typology of their
multiple forms. The diversity of NGOs strain any single definition or classification.
Until 1983, there was no consensus among the World Bank staff as to what defines an
NGO. However, in their later publications, they offer the following definition:
NGOs are private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment and provide basic social services or undertake community development. The term applies to any non-profit organization which is independent from government. They are typically value- based organizations which depend, in whole or in part, on charitable donations and voluntary actions. Although NGOs have become increasingly
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professionalized over the last two decades, altruism and voluntarism remain key defining characteristics.61
Richard Estes defines NGOs as: "those non-profit, voluntary organizations that
carry a broad range of development functions with and on behalf of people. The vast
majority of these organizations exist outside of government, thus their programs emanate
more from the expressed needs of people, rather than from governments."
Nevertheless, the terminology varies around this sector, acquiring different labels
in different parts of the world and even within the same country. For example, in the
United States they may be called ‘private voluntary organizations,’ in the Arab world
they are called ‘civil associations,’ and in Africa ‘voluntary development organizations.’
Sometimes, the sector is referred to as the ‘third sector,’ the ‘independent sector,’ the
‘non-profit,’ the ‘philanthropy’ and ‘charity sector,’ the ‘exempted sector,’ the ‘voluntary
sector,’ or the ‘assosciational sector.’
In a study entitled "In search of the non-profit sector: the quest of definition"
Salamon and Anheir try to show how each of the above terms focuses on one aspect of
what this sector represents, at the expense of neglecting other characteristics. Hence the
name ‘voluntary sector’ focuses on the voluntary effort of people involved in
management and operation, despite the fact that many activities within this sector may be
executed by paid staff. The name ‘philanthropy sector’ focuses on charitable donations
that these organizations acquire from private donors, despite the fact that these donations
usually constitute a small portion of the organizations' budgets. The term ‘independent
sector’ focuses on the independent role that these organizations play in relation to the
61 Richard J.Estes. Ibid.
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state and the economy; however, it is well known that the lines between these sectors are
not so impermeable. The term ‘non-governmental organization’ that is often used in
developed countries indicates the absence of relation between those organizations and the
government, despite the fact that many organizations work closely with governments and
some of them are government-dependent. ‘Non-profit sector’ indicates that these
organizations do not work for profit, nor do they distribute profit to those who work for
them.
The author continues to develop a composite and more comprehensive definition
that entails the following criteria for an organization to be counted as a non-govemmental
organization:
An institutional structure (not an adhoc gathering) that is independent of the government (though it does not exclude government grants or cooperation with the government), non-profit oriented (it can make profit but the profit it makes should go to the primary goal of the organization), autonomous and able to run its own affairs, apolitical (is not connected to political parties but can engage in political awareness campaigns), and involves a certain measure of voluntary work.”62
The fuzziness of the definition adds to the difficulty of classification, inasmuch as
there are no impermeable lines between different organizations, nor are there exclusive
categories. David Korten identified four types of NGOs:
1. Voluntary organizations (VOs) that pursue a social mission driven by a
commitment to shared values. They depend on these values to mobilize financial and
62 L.M.Salamon and H.K. Anheir In search of the Non-Profit Sector: the Question of Definitions. Paper presented to the third international conference of research on voluntary and non profit organizations. Indiana University, Indianapolis March 1992.
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human resources. Being value-rdriven, they are immune to the political agenda of
governments or economic forces of the market place;
2. People's organizations (POs) that represent their members' interest. They have
member-accountable leadership and are substantially self-reliant.
3. Public service contractors (PSCs) that are third party organizations that
function as market-oriented, non-profit businesses serving public purposes. They are less
likely than VOs to engage in advocacy or controversial issues that may risk their
prospects with donors or governments.
4. Govemment-non-govemmental organizations (GONGOs) that are created by
governments to serve as instruments of government policies.63
According to Richard Estes, the World Bank classifies NGOs into five categories:
Community Associations; Policy Advocacy Groups; Service Providers; Intermediaries;
Contractors and Cooperatives. The World Bank also classifies them in terms of their
functions as: operational/developmental NGOs and advocacy, policy-change-oriented
NGOs.
Historical and Theoretical Overview
Recently, there has been growing interest among social scientists in non
governmental organizations as part of their interest in civil society. With the recognition
of the limitation of governments came the awareness of the important role that NGOs can
63 David C. Korten. Getting to the 21st Century. Voluntary Action and the Global Agenda. (West Hartford, Conn: Kumarian Press, 1990), 2.
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play in the process of development and democratization. Thus NGOs came to be looked
at as a major bridge between society and the state, and between the individual and public
life. Although this interest started in the western, developed countries, in no time it
spread to the people of the south and other underdeveloped countries and most
conspicuously, to the countries of Eastern Europe.
However, the worldwide spread of this phenomenon does not allow for
generalizations about the revitalization process that those NGOs are undergoing. For the
specificities of the social, economic, political as well as the ideological structure of each
country, along with its particular history, one must determine the mode of development of
its NGO sector. Nevertheless, some common features and characteristics continue to be
prevalent, namely the fact that, all over the world, NGOs began in close relation to the
church or other religious institutions, and they all started as charity and welfare
organizations, delivering services and goods to the poor and the needy.
Roles of NGOs have been changing, in a trend that is parallel to the worldwide
changes in the theory of socio-economic development. The goal of the broad-based,
sustainable human development approach, which is an equitable, participatory, and
environmentally sustainable development, is replacing the narrower goal of economic
growth, which has dominated traditional development thinking since World War II.
Rather than being simple recipients of the new development thought, NGOs have been
contributing positively to its formulation both through practice and through advocacy.
The three global crises of poverty, environmental stress and communal violence
that gripped the world in the 1980s, demonstrated the failure of the trickle-down approach
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to development, and the conventional theories and practices that earlier prevailed. There
emerged a realization of the need for a more people-centered approach and a more grass-
root participatory effort to development. Furthermore, there emerged a need for a radical
transformation of institutions, values, technology, and behavior, a transformation that will
enable the people to meet the challenges of the current ecological and social realities.
NGOs that lack the awareness of this need and the flexibility to adapt to new
development-thinking, will find themselves functioning in an obsolete and truncated
fashion. And more often than not, they may be contributing, unknowingly, to the
perpetuation of poverty and dependence. Luckily, a growing number of NGOs around
the world are becoming increasingly aware of their potential and expanding roles, and
thus are reviewing their agendas and strategies. The general pattern currently pursued
among NGOs is a trend away from relief and welfare, toward a greater involvement in
community development as well as institutional and policy changes.
People have always come together in associations, both secular and religious.
Until the late eighteenth century, corporate and communal organizations dominated
European society. In France, they were aimed at the defense of established privileges,
rather than acquiring new rights and benefits. In England, as early as 1780, special
purpose associations became a modular form of organizations, such as anti-slavery
organizations. In America, religion was also the cradle for associational development,
and by the early nineteenth century, the U.S. enjoyed a rich network of religious
associations. This later led to special purpose associations formed across denominational
lines for the pursuit of some specific secular purposes such as temperance, abolitionism,
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and feminism, and still later, these associations became centers for collective action.
However, it was not until 1970, with the crises of the welfare state in the developed
countries, and the gradual rolling-back of services offered by the state, that an increasing
need for the services of NGOs developed.
Governments took a different view of this situation. While Great Britain looked
at this sector as an alternative and independent sector of the state, and considered private
donations as its primary source of funds, Germany and France, on the other hand,
encouraged this sector and financed it to fend off against communism.
Early theorizing about this sector goes back to Emile Durkheim, who emphasized the
socio-cultural role of NGOs. He believed that great psychological and social benefits
accrued to people who were affiliated and part of a network. He associated the growing
number of secondary group formations with the breakdown in modem times of the family
and the church, and to the need to find alternative means to tie them together in a freer
and more voluntary fashion.
Economists of the western world theorized about NGOs in terms of their relation
to the state and the market. While the state offers public goods in terms of services and
grants in exchange for loyalty and order, the private sector offers private goods in
exchange for profit, and the NGO sector offers goods whose exchange value is
determined by the cost of the commodity and the principle of sharing, and not by profit.
For Uphoff, "each sector operates out of a distinctive logic: for the state, that of
hierarchical authority; for the market, that of profit and loss; for the voluntary sector, that
of voluntarism. These logics determine the peculiar form of action and the particular
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problems of action in each sector."64 From this perspective, contributing factors to the
existence of this sector are social heterogeneity and the presence of social entrepreneurs
who have the urge to start these initiatives in order to satisfy a public need. These are
people who, in times of crises, capitalize on religious and ethnic conflicts, and use the
services they offer to attract more supporters. A fundamental assumption of the above
perspective is the structural limitations of the state and the market.
The second form of theorizing about this sector is in terms of "filling the gap"
concept. Here, the size of the NGO sector is seen in a negative relation to the size of the
welfare state. The fewer services the welfare state offers, the larger the need for the third
sector. However this theory assumes a certain level of development, and the presence of a
relatively independent commercial and professional middle class.65
It is obvious that all these theories are based on the pluralist discourse of the
western state and the market economy. Despite their valuable input, a lot remains to be
known of the way these NGOs function in other parts of the world, and how different are
their dynamics. During the cold-war years, western social scientists started to look at
civil society and NGOs from a more structural perspective. This was reflected in their
emphasis on the role of civil society in combating totalitarian regimes, as evidenced by
their support of human rights organizations and solidarity movements against socialist
states in Eastern Europe. Western capitalist countries began to show more interest in and
64 Norman Uphoff. Grassroots Organizations and NGOs in Rural Development: Opportunities with diminishing States and Expanding Markets. World Development. Vol 21 (4), 607-622. 65 Shahida Al-Baz. Arab NGOs on the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century. (Cairo, Egypt: International Press, 1997), 21.
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support of NGOs of the third world, in their strife for human rights, thus becoming
channels for the globalization process of the western culture. Thus political scientists
began to look at these organizations as agents of social change and democratization.
They emphasized the importance of political participation of various sectors of the
population in the decision-making process, and insisted that no development is likely to
succeed without the parallel development of democracy; hence these organizations came
to be looked at as a means through which disenfranchized segments of the population
could articulate their needs and demands, thus widening the civil structural base of
democracy. They attribute their early start in the traditional religion of societies to the
fact that people usually have two ways of articulating their grievances, formal and
informal means. In the absence of formal means, due to authoritarian governments and
lack of democracy, people resort to informal institutions. Hence, the safest way for them
to articulate their needs and voice their discontent is through religious institutions that
guarantee them a certain measure of security vis-a-vis the state.
The consequences of such a trend have been noted to have a disintegrative
influence on societies that are composed of a heterogeneous social fabric, by contributing
further to the fissure among different religious and ethnic groups, and increasing the
likelihood of civil conflict. On the other hand, non-religious or secular organizations that
cut across sectarian and ethnic lines bind people together in overlapping relations and
interests, and come to have pluralist concerns, thus diminishing the chances for civil
conflict.
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The history of the development of NGOs in different parts of the world reveals the
diversity of their experience and the lack of the ability to theorize in general terms about
them. For example, the democratization process in Latin America was not a consequence
of economic development but rather a result of increased poverty and marginalization.
And Latin American NGOs of the 1970s distinguished themselves from relief and welfare
organizations by politicizing their development projects, and turning them into
empowering and emancipatorial mechanisms. Those NGOs worked closely with the
Catholic Church, but independently of political parties and labor unions. They received
financial assistance from international organizations and USAID. The role played by
NGOs in Latin America is a clear demonstration of the transformational role that NGOs
can play, as well as the influence that foreign countries can exert on third world countries,
through the infiltration of local NGOs.66
As for the Arab world, many factors have contributed to the flourishing of this
sector; religion, notably, has had a major influence on it. The zakat system in Islam and
the tithe system in Christianity both emphasize principles of help and assistance to the
poor and the needy. Another factor that contributed positively to the increase in the size
and activities of NGOs in the Arab world is the cohesiveness displayed by Arab societies
during wars and national struggles. Still other, more recent factors are the decline of the
Soviet Union and the loss of the socialist Arab states of their theoretical backing and
credibility, the actual failure of the statistic development policies in the Arab world, and
increased levels of poverty and higher unemployment rates. Furthermore, the
66 Ibid. 27.
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predominance of market economy and the globalization of this trend by the United States
as the leader of the capitalist world, entailed a call for privatization and increased
democratization. The debt crises in the Arab world allowed the World Bank to impose its
structural adjustment policies as conditions for the extension of loans. As a result of the
gradual reduction of services offered by the government, at a time when these services
were sorely needed, great segments of the population resorted to forming their own
organizations to be able to meet those needs, while others resorted to specifically Muslim
institutions for the provision of these services, and for the articulation of their grievances.
This was one of the major factors leading to the emergence of Muslim fundamentalism.
The predominance of authoritarian regimes in the Arab world has contributed negatively
to development of the NGO sector. Even where there are laws that protect the formation
of these organizations, the application of the laws has been less than desirable, in
particular toward advocacy organizations whose agendas are more politicized than
service and welfare organizations. Lately, however, a growing number of human rights
organizations, women's rights and environmental organizations, have called for more
freedom and democracy, a trend which is positively correlated with cultural and
educational levels of Arab societies. Advocacy NGOs in Lebanon, like those in other
Arab countries, are a recent phenomenon, yet differ in terms of the sectarian composition
of the Lebanese society and the special relations with western and Arab countries that this
composition has engendered.
This chapter has reviewed existing literature on the concepts of sustainable human
development, civil society and non-governmental organizations. It introduced the
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sustainable human development approach, the equity-led people’s approach, and the
broad-based sustainable development approach. The latter will be used as a guideline to
assess the state of affairs in post-war Lebanon. This chapter provided the reader with
theories and definitions of civil society, its role and prospects, and focused particularly on
NGOs as one element of civil society that is of special concern for this study.
The above discussion of theories of development, civil society and NGOs shows
that recent literature has highlighted the role of civil society in the sustainable human
development process. It shows that, when healthy and vibrant, civil society may
contribute positively to the democratization process. It also shows that there are times
when civil society may promote further conflict and confrontation, burden the state, and
paralyze the markets. Nonetheless, NGOs in general, and advocacy NGOs in particular,
are shown to be important elements of civil society that contribute to the development
process. Their role and contributions are affected by the nature and role of the state and
economy of the particular country in which they function, as well as the nature and role
of the other components of civil society, such as the media, labor unions, and the political
parties.
The Lebanese NGO sector, and more specifically the Lebanese advocacy NGOs,
are both a product and a producer of the specificities of the state of affairs of the
Lebanese society, the Lebanese state, and the Lebanese market forces, as well as of
regional and international politics. Thus, their contribution to the democratization of
Lebanese society will be studied in terms of their age; local, regional and international
circumstances that led to their initiation; their organizational structure and practice that
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evolved in response to social needs and problems; and their financial status and sources
of funding as well as their interaction with the government, the private sector and local
and international NGOs. What is of equal priority to the relevance of the issues they raise
are their internal and external challenges that impact directly on their efficiency and level
of success in their efforts.
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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This present field research explores the role of advocacy NGOs in post-war
Lebanon, and their contributions to sustainable human development. The estimate of the
number of NGOs currently functioning in Lebanon ranges from 2,000 to 12,000
organizations. However, the focus of this study is advocacy NGOs, which constitute a
small percentage of the total NGO sector. As stated earlier, the focus on advocacy NGOs
had two concerns: the practical consideration, to make the study more focused and more
in-depth, and the theoretical consideration, to focus on NGOs that are committed to an
agenda of structural social change.
This chapter will describe how the research was designed and pursued. In
particular, it will describe the preliminary procedure and field inquiry, the sampling
design and the selection process, sources of data, the questionnaire preparation and
modification, permission for entry, the conduct of the actual interview, participant
observation, weaknesses and strengths of methods, data reporting and data analysis,
validity and reliability of data, cooperation of respondents, and difficulties encountered in
the research process.
67
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Preliminary Procedures and Field Inquiry
My primary interest was to familiarize myself with the work of NGOs in
Lebanon, in a general manner. Hence, my first point of entry was through governmental
sources, in particular, the Ministry of the Interior, in order to obtain an official directory
of NGOs functioning in postwar Lebanon. Lack of computerization and lack of proper
documentation produced negative results, which led me to seek other sources.
First, I appealed to personal friends who work at the Economic and Social
Council for West Asia (ESCWA) and the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) for advice on the research process. Other friends who are active in the NGO
community were also approached.
Second, I carried out two preliminary and informal interviews with the two most
active and best known members of the NGO community: Mr. Ghassan Sayyah, president
of the Young Men Christian Association and founder of the Lebanese NGO Forum that
comprises nine of the largest organizations in Lebanon, and Dr. Kamel Mouhanna,
president of AMEL Association, and founder of the "Collectif' of the NGOs that
comprises 13 national organizations and six international ones.
Third, I attended a number of NGO conferences, where lists of attendees, issued
at the door, contained names and telephone numbers of the respective organizations.
Moreover, I tried to familiarize myself through these conferences with well-known names
and faces, as well as with topics and issues in the NGO community. I made it a point to
talk to key people, and introduce myself to them, in order to establish a personal rapport
that might later help with a positive response, when seeking interviews and appointments.
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Fourth, as a member of the board of the Rene Moawad Foundation, and a
committed volunteer both in Washington, D.C. and Lebanon, I was asked to help in the
production of a quarterly magazine that the organization devoted to Non-Governmental
Organizations. The effort allowed me to gain access to media sources and provided me
with high-level NGO contacts.
Fifth, I carried out ad hoc interviews with five organizations, as well as other
sectoral organizations, which provided me with lists of particular types of organizations.
Sixth, I reviewed magazines and publications of certain organizations, as they
were available.
Seventh, I reviewed available literature on the NGO sector in Lebanon.
The above search resulted in:
1. A 1999 UNDP list of 133 names of organizations, including names of national
or indigenous organizations, affiliates of international organizations, as well as
international organizations working in Lebanon;
2. A list of 148 organizations that belong to the Lebanese Woman’s Council;
3. A list of 19 human rights organizations;
4. A list of 60 environmental organizations;
5. A list of 42 children organizations belonging to the National Agency for the
Lebanese Child, an umbrella organization;
6. A list of 48 organizations belonging to the Lebanese Union for the Child
Welfare umbrella organization;
7. A list of 39 senior citizens' organizations;
8. A list of 19 organizations belonging to the "Collectif des ONG au Liban;"
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9. A list of 12 organizations belonging to the Lebanese NGO Forum;
10. A list of 75 NGOs, provided by the Environment Information Center;
11. A list of 82 associations for the disabled;
12. A list of 6 organizations that deal with drug issues;
13. A list of 15 international organizations, and
14. Names of youth organizations and organizations that work on democracy and
political participation were arrived at by snowballing procedures.
Once these lists were obtained, I checked for duplication. Subsequently, separate
lists were established for different specialties. However, I found myself well short of the
estimated 2,000 lower limit, let alone the 12,000 upper limit. Further investigation and
probing did not yield better results, and this will continue to be a challenge for any future
researcher on the subject, until such time as the Government of Lebanon documentation
system in order, and makes information more accessible to the public.
Sampling Design and Selection
Although the lists were sorted, and organized according to specialty. I did not
consider those lists as the subject population from which the sampling of the
organizations to be interviewed were selected. Inasmuch as I was conducting a
qualitative exploratory research, I saw fit to use purposive sampling procedures through a
multi-stage sampling process. It was obvious to me that the created lists of NGOs were
not all advocacy-type NGOs, since many of the names on the lists were outright
traditional, service and relief-oriented organizations, which neither engaged in advocacy
effort nor claimed to be interested in this type of work. Hence, the next step was to
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identify NGOs that are active in advocacy work in each sector. Any organization
engaged in one or more of the aforementioned forms of advocacy, whether monitoring,
consciousness-raising, legal work or lobbying, was counted as an advocacy NGO,
provided it was still active at the time of the research. The identification of these
organizations in each sector was not an easy task. It took considerable probing within the
NGO community, much follow-up on media reporting, intensive review of crucial social
issues and amendments of laws, and the identification the groups and organizations
which were behind the efforts. There were many interviews with organizations which
were later discarded when I discovered that advocacy was not on their agenda. In fact,
here is where the interaction of theory and research played the most important part. The
theory of sustainable development involved probing into issues of human rights, women,
children, environment, democracy, and other marginalized societal segments and issues.
It is through this lens that NGOs were sampled, to reflect those issues and segments of
the population, always keeping in mind the need to focus on those NGOs which are
committed to a positive change in the structures of society and in the status of the issue or
the group it represents, by examining underlying causes and avoiding palliative solutions
that increase dependency and maintain the status quo. The lists of organizations were
divided into nine categories: the environment, human rights, women, children, youth, the
elderly, the disabled, democracy, and drug issues. Sampling from different categories
took different forms. In terms of human rights and environment issues, all the NGOs on
the two lists were considered advocacy groups, hence the criteria for selection of the
sample were the level of activity of the organization, the importance and relevance of its
issues that the organization raises, as well as the reputation of the organization within the
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NGO community, the media and other social and political activists. Seven out of 60
environmental organizations, and eight out of 19 human rights organizations were
interviewed. As for the women's organizations, a review of the literature of women’s
organizations revealed that the majority of them focused on services, be they social,
humanitarian or educational. However, a thorough investigation within the NGO
community in general, and special acquaintance with women activists in particular, as
well as long and open-ended interviews with the current and previous presidents of the
Lebanese Women’s Council, put the number of advocacy women’s organizations active
in women’s rights and women’s issues at six, a very low number compared to those
organizations engaged in service delivery activities. Hence, all six out of six women’s
advocacy organizations were interviewed. As for the children’s organizations, the sorting
of organizations belonging to the two umbrella organizations for children yielded only 19
organizations that focus exclusively on children. The rest are multipurpose organizations
that cater, in one way or another, to children's needs. Of the 19 organizations, seven were
interviewed and these were the most vocal, known to be active in advocacy work related
to children’s issues. My investigation of youth organizations yielded only four, of whom
three were interviewed, and efforts to meet with the fourth were aborted at the last
moment. There are actually 39 organizations that deal with senior citizens, but most of
them are service-oriented or profit-oriented. Sorting out the list left me with a much
lower number of non-profit organizations. Yet, only three of these organizations were
active in lobbying for the elderly, and the rest were engaged in lobbying for funds for
their own institutions. Out of 82 organizations for the disabled, seven were interviewed,
and again the criteria for sample selection were similar to those for human rights and the
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environment. Out of six organizations engaged in drug issues, two were interviewed and
two out of two organizations involved with political participation and democracy were
interviewed. In total, 45 organizations were studied, six of which happened to be of
sectarian origin, with the remainder secular. On the other hand, 14 organizations were
grass-root, while the rest were second-party organizations.
Time and human capabilities, as well as a personal need for satisfaction with the
sample, determined the number of organizations to be interviewed, namely, 45
interviews, which constitute the sample on which data will be reported; five multipurpose
organizations which gave me an entrance and a sense of the NGO sector at work, three
organizations which were deemed irrelevant to the research, but nonetheless valuable in
contributing a different perspective on volunteer work.
Data Sources
Data sources used in this research were collected from the following:
1. Forty-five formal interviews with organizational representatives at the decision
making level;
2. Five informal interviews with representatives of five multipurpose
organizations;
3. Several informal discussions with members of NGOs, as well as with social
and political activists;
4. Attendance and participation in several conferences and workshops for NGOs;
5. Participant observation of various activities of advocacy organizations;
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6. Actual involvement in the NGO community by becoming a member of the
board of five organizations, and
7. Published documents about these organizations.
The primary sources of data in this research were the in-depth, face-to-face
interviews that I personally carried out with representatives of the different organizations.
Most of the time the interviews were conducted in Arabic, at other times they were in
English. The first part of the interview consisted of a semi-structured questionnaire, with
both closed and open-ended questions, where I tried to obtain specific information
considered essential to answer questions raised by this research. I kept probing for more
explanations and more information, in order to verify the answers given. The second part
of the interview consisted of open-ended questions that allowed the respondents to talk
freely about their organizations, how they were started and who started them, as well as
the history of their personal involvement in the organizations. Furthermore, the
respondents were asked to cite the issues that they had worked on in the past, the current
issues, as well as their future plans. At the end of the interview, they were asked to
evaluate their own efforts in terms of success or failure. Participant observation as well
as media reports of the organizations' activities were complementary sources of data,
used in the research process. To supplement and verify data, the researcher reviewed
various documents, publications and by-laws in English, French and Arabic, that were
written or published by the organizations themselves. Conferences and workshops were
another means of collecting information about these organizations.
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Preparing and Pre-testing the Questionnaire
Preparing the questionnaire for the interviews was guided basically by the
theoretical implications of the subject of this research, and the research objectives
outlined in the introduction chapter. Questions focused on five major areas that would
shed light on the role of these organizations: age, organizational structure, forms of
advocacy, and constituency of these organizations; their financial status, budget and
sources of funding; their relationship with the government, and other local and foreign
organizations; their internal and external challenges; the issues they raised, or are
currently raising; and their future plans. A sample of the typical interview questionnaire
used in conducting the interview is in Appendix A. A draft of the interview questionnaire
was reviewed by the chairperson of the dissertation committee, who commented and
suggested some changes and provided relevant and valuable advice, to make the
questions more focused. Several modifications were made to the questionnaire, after pre
testing it with a few organizations. Several questions prompted no answers, and hence,
were omitted, while others were added, as respondents volunteered valuable information
that the researcher did not expect or had not anticipated. Main categories that were added
were "other" and "give examples." Those preliminary interviews were not included as
data in the study.
Permission for Entry
Following the criteria cited above for the sampling of the organizations to be
interviewed, I began the task of collecting names and telephone numbers of the key
people in each organization, thus allowing myself the alternative of avoiding negative
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responses, by asking for the next person in line, who might be eligible to answer relevant
questions and fulfill the purpose of the interview. Arranging for the interview was the
next step that I performed, mainly through telephone calls to the organizations. When it
was difficult to reach the person concerned, I tried to contact the respondents on their
cellular phones, a common feature of communication in Lebanese society. However,
calls via cellular phones were begun with a sincere apology for the inconvenience caused,
giving the respondent the right to choose to discontinue the conversation if caught at the
wrong time. Largely, the responses were positive and encouraging; all responded
courteously and with great interest upon learning that I was conducting research as a
student at the American University in Washington. Most of them commented on how
urgently such a study was needed, and how interested they were in the results of the
completed research. I made it a point to stress and guarantee confidentiality of the
information, if he or she so wished, especially in the cases of statements that have
political implications that may threaten the safety of the respondent or his or her
organization. All the respondents were assured that I had a letter of permission from the
chair of the Sociology Department at American University, soliciting help from
respondents and testifying to the authenticity of the research and to the identity of the
researcher. (A copy of the letter is in Appendix B.) However, except for one respondent,
none of the other respondents asked to see this letter, questioned the authenticity of the
research or my intentions. However, I tried by every means possible to make it easy for
the respondents to agree to a meeting, by making myself flexible in terms of time and
place for the interview, always accommodating the respondent's time schedule and
workload. Sometimes I had to wait weeks before the respondent was available. I was
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always willing to call again if respondents sounded preoccupied with other problems.
However, in a country as small as Lebanon, where everybody knows everybody,
establishing rapport over the phone was one technique that I used to gain access to the
respondents' interest and attention. The mere mention of the name of a friend in common
or of a conference attended together was enough to break the ice and elicit a positive
response. I admit here that the response rate was 100 percent and the only interview that
was canceled was due to the inability of the researcher to arrive on time at the correct
address.
Conducting the Interview
As mentioned earlier, I always accommodated the respondent as to the place and
time of the interview. However, the respondent was alerted ahead of time that the
interview would probably last three hours, a time period that would, hopefully, be
without distraction, and that I would appreciate receiving all documents and publications
available at the time of the interview to help verify relevant information. I also alerted
the respondents before the interview that notes would be taken almost verbatim, and that
they would be quoted in the research unless the respondent expressed some reservation
on certain statements. Most of the interviews lasted around two hours, yet a few of them
went over three hours, due to the sociable attitude of the Lebanese people. I was always
courteously received and offered coffee and refreshments, since most of the interviews
were conducted at the organization offices. Two interviews were held at the homes of
two female respondents, and two interviews, with two male respondents, were carried out
in a quiet cafe, where the respondents treated me to coffee, an act that embarrassed me,
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inasmuch as I was the beneficiary of the interview. However, Lebanese hospitality and
the Lebanese patriarchal mentality would not accept it any other way. Whenever the
interview was at the offices of the organization, I made it a point to observe at the
premises, and to note the state of the offices in terms of space, neatness, quality of
equipment, as well as the number of staff or personnel. During the interview, I continued
to probe for more detailed answers and explanations. At the end of each interview, I
would ask the respondent for additional comments, and request any additional
information that he or she deemed relevant. After each interview, I reviewed my notes,
and reflected on the respondent's personal observations. I did that at the earliest possible
time, while all the information was still fresh in my mind, the written notes
notwithstanding. Each interview in Arabic was translated by me personally, and filed in
a separate file, along with all the documents provided by and about the interviewed
organization. Then each file was added to the other files of the same category, whether
human rights, children, women or others.
Participant Observation
Participant observation took place at two levels: first, in relation to the
organizations interviewed, and second, in relation to the NGO community in general, by
participating in other organizations as a full-fledged volunteer and member of the board.
As to the organizations interviewed, participant observation was mainly conducted at
their conferences and workshops, where I became acquainted with the issues they raised,
the level of their organization, their ability to attract audiences and participants, and the
caliber of the panelists, as well as the number of government officials who attended,
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whenever they were invited to participate. It also allowed me to get acquainted with the
social and political activists in Lebanese civil society, and sometimes with researchers
and activists from around the Arab world, as well as from other foreign countries. My
proficiency in Arabic, English and French made it easier for me to follow all the
discussions, since speakers often opted to present their papers in Arabic or French.
Fluency in these languages helped me in reviewing documents and brochures that were
often handed out at these conferences.
At the second level, I participated fully in the planning of conferences, social and
cultural events, fund-raising activities, suggesting new strategies and voting and running
for elections. The total immersion in the NGO community life allowed me to understand
and reflect more in-depth on the answers and the information given by respondents. For
example, when members of organizations complained about a shortage of volunteers, my
personal experience in the five organizations in which I am active helped me understand
better the seriousness of the challenge, and the urgent need for increased human
resources. When organizations complained about lack of response from the government,
I could identify with their complaint, having experienced similar difficulties in the
organizations to which I belong. One highlight of my participation was a ten-day
meeting in Cairo, Egypt, as a representative of the Young Women’s Christian
Association, at the World Council meeting. The meeting was very beneficial and
informative, giving me first-hand knowledge about how local and regional issues are
interrelated with international and global ones.
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Strengths and Weaknesses of the Methods
I used several methods of data collection, thus allowing the principle of
triangulation to compensate for the possible weaknesses of one method through the
strength of the other. Face-to-face interviews were the most efficient way of getting
accurate and current information on the state of the organizations and their work. They
allowed me to probe for meaningful data and aquire a more personal and subjective
familiarity with the organizations. Interviewing also guaranteed responses and left little
room for unanswered questions. However, interviews had also their own shortcomings in
the sense that I had a feeling sometimes that respondents tried to answer questions in
general terms and, when asked to elaborate, were not always able to justify their initial
responses. Besides, many times I felt that the respondents were trying to provide answers
that I would like to hear. To avoid this, I asked questions in multiple forms, to increase
the validity of the response. Participant observation had its own advantages, since it not
only acquainted me with the policies and issues of the organizations, but also proved
highly informative as a mode of research, due to the richness of the issues it tackled, and
the interesting information it provided. However, while participant observation was very
time-consuming and took great effort, the benefits made it all worthwhile. As for content
analysis, although it was very time-consuming due to the huge amount of relevant
literature provided by the organizations on issues of interest, it still allowed for quiet and
deep reflection on the relevance of the issues, their seriousness and the level of
professionalism, as well as the intellectual level of the way in which those issues were
handled. However, the subject of the research was so wide and varied, and the
organizations interviewed were of so many different types and styles, that no single
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method of inquiry could be sufficient, and the multiple methods used tried to cover as
much as possible given my specific time-frame and the personal capabilities.
Researcher as Participant
An important aspect of the strengths and weaknesses that should be discussed
here is my social location, as a researcher/participant in the research process. Needless to
say, as a participant researcher, I became involved consciously, but more often
unconsciously, in the issues being raised, a fact that may have affected the level of
objectivity of this research and one which makes it imperative for me to define my social
location.
First, my gender: My position as a female researcher may have affected my
judgment and biases toward gender-equity issues.
Second, my religion: Being an ardent believer in Greek Orthodox Christianity,
while at the same time a secularist in terms of education and political orientation, may
have influenced my preference for the direction of social change that I wish to see happen
in the Lebanese society.
Third, my educational background and peer group: Attending religion-mixed and
gender-mixed institutions such as the American University of Beirut may have affected
my social relationships and life-long friendships, allowing for a high level of tolerance
and appreciation of the “other.”
Fourth, my social class: Belonging to the upper-middle class of the Lebanese
society facilitated my entry into many organizations as well as access to sources of
information which, otherwise, would have been difficult to approach.
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Fifth, my cultural experiences: Having lived abroad and experienced different
ways of life and cultures may have helped me to get rid of some cultural biases that I may
have harbored before my exposure. This may have affected my inclination to support
and advocate some universal values and issues backed by international agreements,
which otherwise I may have opposed. However, the long years that I have spent in
Lebanon and the Arab world, my love for my country and my Arab cultural heritage may
have affected my judgment vis-a-vis Lebanese internal politics, Lebanese/Arab relation
and Lebanese/Israeli relations.
Data Analysis
Data analysis consisted of three concurrent flows of activities: data reduction, data
display and conclusion-drawing, and verification. Data reduction involved selecting,
focusing, simplifying, abstracting and transforming the data into meaningful information
relevant to the research questions. Collected data from the interviews and content
analysis are presented in a form that provides answers to questions in the questionnaire in
Appendix A. Findings about the organizations are presented in various ways, in this
report, some information is presented in tables and percentages, other information is
presented in verbatim quotations, still other findings are described and commented upon
by me.
Reliability and Validity
Reliability was sought by resorting to the method of triangulation. The use of
face-to-face interviews, along with participant observation and content analysis, provided
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a certain level of confidence in the reliability of the information collected. However, the
quality of the guided interview and the relevance of the questions posed were the means
to guarantee the validity of the findings and of the conclusions. The fact that I promised
the respondents to stick to the ethics of conduct of the sociological discipline gave the
respondents enough courage and interest to be open, truthful and genuine.
Almost all of the respondents seemed to be of a high level of intellectual ability
and were known to be of a high level of ethical integrity, which gave me confidence in
their answers. Although many of the respondents were very cordial to me, and rapport
was quickly established, this was not allowed in any way to influence my objectivity or
my judgment in my evaluation of the state of affairs of the organizations.
Cooperation and Difficulties
In general, all the people contacted for interviews were responsive and
cooperative, some more so than others, depending on their workload and the number of
staff or personnel helping them. In general, respondents were very courteous, highly
supportive and interested in the research project. They all thought that such a study was
badly needed, and that it was high time for an in-depth study of this type of NGO. They
looked forward to receiving the findings and recommendations, and most of all, to
gaining some insight and clues into how they could improve their financial status as an
organization, and how they could improve their members’ commitment and participation.
All of them were very generous in providing me with documents and written material
when it was available and many of them gave me valuable books about the issues they
raise. Limitations to the study were caused by a lack of documentation on the part of the
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Lebanese government and the organizations themselves. Three organizations said that
they lost much of their archives during the war years, as a result of fires and physical
destruction. The Israeli destruction of the electric power plants of Lebanon, which
occurred twice during the field study, took its toll on me; I had to climb tens of flights of
stairs as elevators came to a standstill. It also limited my work to daytime, and early
hours of the night, when standby electric generators were still operating. Another
limitation on the study was the fact that I wanted to conduct the interviews myself,
without any assistance, in order to increase the reliability and the validity of the research
process, which proved to be a very arduous task. No funding organization, no
sponsorship or power relationship influenced my sampling or my research procedures.
Thus the study preserved its scientific integrity, being indebted to no one, except my own
ethical and scientific commitment. In terms of the generalization of the findings, the
sample is considered quite adequate, having covered in some categories all the advocacy
organizations available; in others, where the advocacy organizations were numerous, I
made sure that the sample represented over ten percent of the sampling frame.
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HISTORY OF LEBANON AND SUSTAINABLE
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
This chapter provides the reader with a brief history of Lebanon and an
assessment of the state of sustainable human development. It will discuss the state of the
Lebanese economy, the state of the political system, the state of civil society and the
environment.
A Brief History of Lebanon
The Early Independence and Pre-war Years
At the end of the First World War, the victorious Allies were able to redraw the
political map of much of the world. The Ottoman Empire, "The Sick Man of Europe,"
had ceased to exist after 400 years, and the Turkish heartland was ultimately reconstituted
as the Turkish Republic. The Arab provinces were subsequently divided between Britain
and France as mandated territories.
In 1916, France and Britain signed a treaty, known as the Sykes-Picot Accord, to
carve up the Middle East into zones of French and British influence. In April of 1920, the
San Remo peace settlement between Turkey and the Allies gave France a League of
Nations mandate to control Mount Lebanon and interior Syria. On September 1,1920, the
French implemented the Patriarch Howayyik scheme, the primary preference of the
85
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Maronites, and officially converted little Lebanon into Greater Lebanon. And on May 23,
1926, the State of Greater Lebanon received a constitution that transformed it into the
Lebanese Republic. Broadly speaking, it is still the constitution in operation today.
Originally, the Maronites had wanted Lebanon politically for themselves and
although the first president was a Greek Orthodox, with a Sunni Muslim as speaker of
Parliament, the Maronites managed to secure for themselves all other key positions in the
government and in the administration and, ultimately, the Presidency of the Republic. In
Lebanon, however, the Christians on the whole had an advantage over the Muslims: they
were by and large, in rank and file, more familiar with the ways of the modem world.
This placed them in a position to provide the country with most of the needed
infrastructure. It also enabled them to provide a social veneer which covered the fragile
and faulty structure of the State, and the social tension which lay underneath, mainly due
to the uneven development of the different Lebanese communities and regions.
What Lebanon needed to be a success was political accord and an even rate of
social development among the different communities that had come to form its
population and the different regions it had come to comprise. These were two very hard
conditions to reach.
"The National Pact of 1943, an unwritten agreement between Maronite leader
Bichara Al-Khoury and Sunni leader Riad Al-Solh, laid the foundation of modem
Lebanon."67 It stipulated an elaborate power-sharing formula, on a sectarian, theoretically
67 Hani A. Faris. The failure o f peace making in Lebanon, 1975-1989. In Peace for Lebanon? From War to Reconstruction. Deirdre Collins ed., (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1994), 17.
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proportional basis. Under the terms of this pact or covenant, the Presidency of the
Republic and the post of head of the army were reserved to Maronites. The office of
prime minister was reserved for a Sunni Muslim, and that of speaker of the parliament,
for a Shia', with a ratio of Christians to Muslims in both Parliament and civil service of
exactly 6:5. The Christians would accept Lebanon's "Arab Face," while Muslims would
accept the country's sovereignty, and disavow any aspirations to union with a larger Arab
or Islamic state.
Equally relevant here is that this National Pact of 1943, besides being based on a
sectarian society, was predicated on an economy underpinned by an extensive
intersection of interests between Maronite bureaucrats and Sunni trading families. "The
intersection of interests manifested itself partially in the 1943 National Pact. It also
manifested itself in a less obvious but still significant manner, by way of an implicit
economic and social contract that provided political accord with a strong economic base.
The contract also fostered a pro-business policy environment with minimal government
interference, including bank secrecy laws, a free foreign exchange market and no income
or profit taxes. Other sectors and regions were virtually cut out of this ‘condominium’
and the prosperity it engendered."68
By the early 1970s there was a general feeling that the 1943 National Pact has
outlived both its usefulness and its demographic social base. While Maronites and
Sunnis outnumbered the Shia' and outperformed them in economic power, at the time the
“ Hussein A. Amery and Atif Kubursi. The Litani River: The Case Against Interbasin Transfer. Ibid. 180.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Covenant was brokered, the Shia’s ascendancy in numbers, and the social awareness and
political power they had recently achieved in recent years, rendered the dominance of
Maronite and Sunni elite obsolete and unacceptable to the rest of the Lebanese population
and in particular to Shia’ Moslems.
Two sets of conflicting issues were superimposed and mutually reinforced
cleavages in the Lebanese society. The first set was related to domestic problems:
regional disparities, socio-economic imbalances, sectarian rivalries and ideological
conflicts. “Imam Moussa Sadr, as his calls for investments in the South were ignored,
formed the Movement of the Deprived (later the Amal militia), thus for the first time,
giving a coherent voice for Shia's radicalism.”69
The other set of problems involved the Lebanese-Palestinian relationship.
For two decades, the presence of 300,000 Palestinians in Lebanon, barely registered on
the Lebanese political scene, and the Lebanese Authorities limited Palestinian penetration
of Lebanese life to investments by the Palestinian bourgeoisie and the provision of cheap
labor. However, the Arab defeat in the 1967 war against Israel changed the situation, and
the Palestinian refugees who entered Lebanon after the Six Day War swelled the
population of the Palestinian camps to 8 percent of the Lebanese population. In reaction
to the discredited Arab regular armies, various Palestinian military organizations
established themselves among the refugee camp population. Palestinian activities and
military pressures began to erode Lebanese sovereignty around the camps and on the
69 William Harris. Faces of Lebanon: Sects. Wars, and Global Extensions. (Princeton N.J.: Wiener, Publishers. 1997), 159.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. borders with Israel. "The Lebanese state developed its own methods of management,
including non-definition of Palestinian refugee status and rights, Lebanese Army control
of the camps, encouragement of migration and, occasionally, violence. Meanwhile,
Palestinians have pursued an equally tenacious struggle for official Lebanese recognition
of their national and civic rights."70
Israel's unrelenting raids on Palestinian refugee camps prompted them to form
alliances with Lebanese opposition forces in order to secure their presence in Lebanon.
At the popular level, most Christians were threatened by the Palestinian assertions,
especially that 85 percent of the Palestinians are Sunni Muslims, a fact that threatens the
confessional-based balance of power in the country. Although conservative, upper class
Sunnis were unenthusiastic about Palestinian radicalism, Sunni leaders had little choice
but to adjust to Muslim street pressures and identify themselves with the Palestinian
cause. "Gradually, a schism developed in Lebanese society between pro- and anti-
Palestinian resistance organizations which was superimposed in turn, on a long-standing,
unresolved issue that had divided the Lebanese since independence: Lebanon's identity
and role in the region and the extent of its ‘Arab’ obligations.”71
70 Rosemary Savegh. Palestinians in Lebanon: Uncertain Future in Peace for Lebanon? From War to Reconstruction. Deirdre Collins, ed., (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publisher. 1994), 97. 71 Hani A. Faris. The Failure of Peacemaking in Lebanon, 1975-1989. Ibid. 20.
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The War Years
On April 13,1975, the shooting of a Kataeb Party member at a church was
answered with the killing of 27 Palestinians on a bus. Three days of fighting left 300
dead, and thus the Lebanese civil war began. The war raged for the following 15 years,
separating the Christian and Islamic sectors of the population sharply on central issues:
the sectarian foundations of the Lebanese state, the power balance of the Lebanese state,
and the Lebanese-Palestinian relations. Fighting ebbed and flowed between and within
sectarian groupings, non-Lebanese factions and foreign powers notwithstanding. There
were massacres and counter-massacres, and atrocities were committed against humans
and nature. For 15 long years, chaos was the reigning paradigm.
Efforts at settling the conflict were numerous. Several peace conferences were
held at the local, regional and international levels. Arab and Western powers were
involved in the mediation, some out of a genuine will to help, still others to preserve their
own interests. Five serious attempts at reconciliation set the tone for the later discussions
of the constitutional changes that were enacted in the Taif Accord, and brought an end to
the Lebanese war. There is no need to say that different parties and powers came to these
negotiations for peace with rigid or flexible attitudes, depending on their positions on the
ground, be it a military victory or loss, or abandonment of a foreign power.
The Post-War Years
The Taif accord put an end to the war in Lebanon, thus the post-war years may
also be called the post-Taif era. The Taif Accord is an important document in the history
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of Lebanon, as some consider it the basis for "the Second Lebanese Republic." The Taif
Agreement is divided into four parts:
1. General principles and reforms;
2. The extension of Lebanese sovereignty to the whole territory of Lebanon;
3. The liberation of Lebanon from Israeli occupation, and
4. Lebanese-Syrian relations.
The document reaffirms the national pact of coexistence between the various
Lebanese communities. It stresses Lebanon's independence, unity, sovereignty, and its
parliamentary democracy, and also reconfirms Lebanon's "Arabness." With regard to
reforms, the document calls for equality of seats for Christian and Muslim communities
in Parliament, the transfer of the executive powers from the President of the Republic to
the Council of Ministers, and the strengthening of parliamentary powers. It provides for a
new electoral law, and includes provisions for the establishment of a Supreme Court, a
Constitutional Court, and an Economic and Social Council.
The Accord proposes a gradual process and certain steps to abolish the sectarian
system of power sharing, and the responsibility is entrusted to a national committee
headed by the President of the Republic. The agreement provides for the dissolution and
disarmament of all militias on the Lebanese soil, with a security plan aimed at extending
Lebanese authority over all of Lebanon, with the help of Syrian troops. With respect to
Lebanese relations with Syria, the Agreement provides for the re-deployment of Syrian
forces to the Beka' Valley two years after the constitutional reforms are adopted. It also
provides for the establishment of "privileged relations" with Syria, specifically in the area
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of security. Finally, it provides for the implementation of UN Resolution 425, which
demands the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops.
Reactions to the Taif Agreement vary among different sectors of the population.
But, in general, the Accord falls short of being favored. Discontent with the Taif
Agreement is based on three grounds: its legitimacy, its content, and its application.
There is a wide consensus among the Lebanese that this Accord is a high-jacking
of the Lebanese political will. Deputies who signed it have outlived their legitimacy and
credibility with most of the people, and in no way were true representatives of the
Lebanese people. Besides, these deputies themselves acted under a lot of Syrian pressure
and had very little room to maneuver, and Saudi "financial inducements" played a big
role in bringing about consent. "The supreme irony in all this is that the national will of a
people was smothered through the voices of its representatives. The law recognizes
situations like this with the term "national will abduction."72
From a theoretical point of view, the content of the Taif Accord is challenged by
Daoud Khairallah and Joseph Maila who believe that empowering a sectarian parliament
to the extent that it cannot be dissolved, unless it decides to dissolve itself, and then
entrusting it with the job of abolishing sectarianism is a contradiction in terms.73 The
Accord is further accused of having officially and formally established the basis for
Syrian hegemony in Lebanon. Although it talks about re-deployment of troops, it never
mentions the evacuation of Syrian troops from Lebanese soil.
72 Joseph Maila. The Ta’if Accord: An Evaluation. Ibid. 38. 73 Daoud, L. Khairallah. Secular Democracy: A Viable Alternative to the Confessional System. Ibid. 263.
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However, discontent is far more pronounced with the actual application of the
Taif Agreement. There is dissatisfaction with the redistribution of power, which in no
way has brought about improved relations among the different communities. The
governments that took office for eight years following the signing of the Accord have
been accused of implementing the terms selectively. Only those terms that maintained
Syrian hegemony and guaranteed the survival of the ruling elite (responding to Syria's
bidding) were applied. The "Defense and Security Pact" shackled Lebanese movement in
foreign policy, and annulled the role of the Lebanese Government in peace efforts and
negotiations. Other trade and commercial agreements that have been skewed towards
Syrian interests have flooded the Lebanese market with Syrian products, rendering
Lebanese products uncompetitive.
On the 24th of May 2000, Israel was forced by the Hezbollah resistance to
evacuate Southern Lebanon; however, final peace has not yet been established and 30,000
Syrian soldiers are still in Lebanon awaiting further developments in peace negotiations
between Syria and Israel. A new electoral law has recently been passed that continues to
accommodate and secure the reelection of traditional and sectarian leaders. The Social
and Economic Council has been formed, purportedly to address regional disparities,
socioeconomic inequalities, and comprehensive social policies. Sectarian politics and
patronage have played an important role in the formation of this council, which renders
its consultative marginal effectiveness even more marginal.
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After 15 years of war, the Taif Accord, once again reinforced and formalized
sectarian cleavages and sectarian politics, which have proved to be one of the major
challenges that Lebanese advocacy NGOs now face.
Lebanon and the Process of Sustainable Human Development
Before delving into the contributions of advocacy NGOs to the process of
sustainable human development in Lebanon, the current state of the country will be
addressed in terms of the basic components of the broad-based sustainable development
process, introduced in the previous chapter (Weaver, et al.):
1. The state of the economy. This will be studied in terms of the nature of the economic
system, macro-economic stability, economic growth, structural transformation of the
economic sectors and the distribution of growth benefits
2. The political system and the limits of democracy. This will be assessed in terms of
political stability, the nature of the Lebanese state and the Lebanese political system, the
state of governance as well as the state of civil society, human rights and sectoral issues.
3. The state and the sustainability of the environment. This will be assessed in terms of
preservation and management of resources, control of pollution levels and protection of
the ecosystem and bio-diversity.
Theories of sustainable human development have linked development to
democracy, irrespective of the direction of the causal relation between them. However,
observance of freedom, human rights and gender equality remain essential to the process.
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These issues, along with others, will be addressed and assessed in Chapter Six, in the
discussion of advocacy NGOs in Lebanon.
I base this assessment of the environment on a report prepared by the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 1996) in Beirut. Additional information is
obtained from reports by the NGO sector, sectoral studies, reports, research material and
literature on the subject.
The Lebanese Economy and Sustainable Human Development
Macro-economic Stability and Type of Lebanese Economy
Macro-economic stability is a prerequisite to sustainable human development, and
without it, any development remains impossible. Lebanon emerged from 16 years of war
economically devastated. The outbreak of the war in 1975 interrupted development and
destabilized the once-called miraculous economy of Lebanon. Since independence,
Lebanon had embarked on a liberal economic system that provided the private sector with
freedom of initiative and imposed no restrictions on currency transfer and external trade,
a feature that gave Lebanon a comparative advantage in the region, and transformed it
into an important trade and financial center. Between 1950 and 1960, Lebanon
experienced a rapid expansion of its service and banking sectors, which accounted then
for about two-thirds of the gross national product. Between 1965 and 1975 Lebanon
witnessed a saturation in the service sector and a contraction in the banking business, as
industry took a great leap forward. Export-oriented industry was mainly destined to Arab
markets. In the meantime, the performance of the agricultural sector continued to
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decline. The major institutions that stepped in to alleviate the deteriorating social
conditions around Beirut were social organizations that were extensions of Hezbollah, the
Amal Movement and other Shiite organizations.
Pre-war Economy
Up to 1975, the Lebanese economy was characterized by a high degree of
monetary and financial stability and, although the country experienced a deficit in its
balance of trade, this deficit did not at the time have a negative impact on the economic
and social situation in the country, as the overall balance of payments was in surplus.
The oil boom in the Arab world and the inflow of Arab capital combined with the
remittances of Lebanese citizens working abroad contributed to the strength of the
Lebanese economy. However, underlying this positive trend, the Lebanese economy
experienced some structural weaknesses and strains which continue to threaten macro-
economic stability and economic growth in the country even now. There were substantial
discrepancies in growth between the different regions of the country, with the major
growth concentrated in the city of Beirut. There was an inegalitarian distribution of the
growth, as 30 percent of the national income was concentrated in the hands of only 4
percent of the population, while 50 percent of the population earned only 18 percent of
the national income.74 There were also imbalances between the various sectors of the
economy, in favor of the service sector. The above trends took their toll on the
74 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Report. Profile of Sustainable Human Development in Lebanon, 1996.
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population, as agriculture was neglected and the rural population, impoverished and
abandoned, migrated in greater numbers towards the city, swelling the suburbs and
fostering an uncontrolled and chaotic expansion of Beirut and the surrounding areas.
War-vears Economy
The war inflicted heavy damage on the Lebanese economic infrastructure. It cut
national output by half, and ended Lebanon's position as a Middle Eastern entrepot and
banking hub. Two Israeli invasions and severe internal fighting affected the physical
infrastructure, and private and public institutions. Tourism ceased, trade and transit
activities shrank to a minimum, industrial establishments were extensively damaged and
production declined, and agriculture was almost ruined. Skilled workers migrated in
huge numbers, and the standard of the Lebanese labor force deteriorated. Investors
refrained from investing as, in addition to the brain drain, Lebanon witnessed a capital
drain. Inflation exceeded 400 percent in 198775 and the rate of exchange of the national
currency deteriorated. The erosion of the authority of the central government limited its
ability to collect public revenues, resulting in budget deficits and a large public debt.76
By the end of the war, the Lebanese economy was in shambles and post-war governments
had to start with negative indicators at all levels, in all sectors of the economy.
75 Ibid. 76 Ibid.
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Post-war Economy
In the first few years of the post-war era, the economy made a considerable
recovery at the macro-economic level. The currency experienced considerable
appreciation, inflation rates came down, and the balance of payments began to record
surpluses again as a result of large capital in-flows.77 However, growth again was
unbalanced and concentrated in the financial and the real estate sectors, at the expense of
agriculture, industry and export. By 1996, debt was spiraling up and the cost of servicing
the debt reached 37 percent of the general budget. Currently, it is estimated to be at 48
percent.78
Available data show that the Lebanese economy is currently in deep malaise.
Although per capita income grew from less than $1,000 in 1990 to $2,600 in 1995, it is
still only at about 50 percent of the 1974 level.79 As for unemployment rates, recent
statistics put it at 15 percent, excluding underemployment.80 Consumer prices had risen
by 11 percent in 1995, and the balance of payment figures were alarming. Neglect of the
agricultural sector and the concentration of land holdings and finance capital in the hands
of the few have impoverished the rural areas in Lebanon, and driven the rural population
below the poverty line.81 A general slide towards the disappearance of the middle class is
quite evident, with the burden of poverty weighing more heavily on Lebanese women,
77 Ibid. 71 Emerging Lebanon. The Annual Business, Economic and Political Review, (Ilby Road Oxford Business Group, 1999), 33. 79 UNDP Report, 1996. M Ibid. “ Ibid.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. who continue to earn much less than men. In terms of structural transformation, a higher
productivity index is nowhere evident in any sector of the economy be it trade,
agriculture, tourism or industry. The percentage of the budget that the Hariri Plan (for the
first prime minister after the Taif Agreement) "Horizon 2000" has allocated for
reconstruction is skewed toward investment in infrastructure instead of productive
sectors.82 "Horizon 2000" was adopted by the Hariri administration in lieu of a radical
policy of austerity with its attendant increases in taxes and duties, and an unpopular
cutback of expenditures. The present government, which took over in 1999, as Hariri
stepped down with the election of the new president, is trying to cope with the difficult
situation. The current minister of finance is an economist and a development specialist,
and a supporter of the sustainable development approach. He is currently struggling with
the heavy inherited debt burdens, the repeated costly devastation of the infrastructure by
Israeli aggressions and by an underdeveloped and politicized administration and
inadequate legislation, but he is unable to cope with the evolving circumstances.
The Lebanese Political System and Sustainable Human Development
Lebanon and Political Stability
Political stability is a basic prerequisite for sustainable human development.
However, political stability in any country is a function of internal and external factors.
Internal factors are determined by dislocations in the political, economic and social
12 Ibid.
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system, which may be exacerbated by regional and external interventions. External
factors, on the other hand, are basically acts of implicit or explicit aggression by other
members or groups of the international community. In both cases political stability and
civil peace are threatened.
Internal Factors
Since its independence in 1943, Lebanon experienced two rounds of instability,
one in 1958, and one extending from 1975 to 1990. Although different in duration and
intensity, regional and international influence and intervention moved in step with
internal structural malfunctions, and threatened not only civil peace but also threatened
and questioned the viability of the Lebanese polity in terms of its current geographical
and demographic definition both times. In both cases socio-economic disparities between
sects, classes, regions, and sectors interacted and polarized the population of Lebanon
along sectarian lines, with a few exceptional cross-sect alliances among secular political
parties and some non-governmental organizations. Both times, negotiations were
brokered between the fighting parties, either explicitly, or implicitly by the United States,
and civil peace was restored through compromises, without solving the underlying causes
of its disruption.
Lebanon and Israel
Apart from the 1948-49 Arab-Israeli war, Lebanon did not actively participate
militarily in the Arab-Israeli wars. However, the presence of a large number of
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Palestinians, displaced by Israel gradually drew Lebanon into the conflict. In 1978, Israel
invaded southern Lebanon in an attempt to eliminate Palestinian guerrilla bases. It
withdrew three months later, after a United Nations peace-keeping force was sent to the
area. Israel reinvaded Lebanon again in 1982, occupying the capital and forcing the PLO
to evacuate its headquarters. For seven weeks, Israel relentlessly bombarded the largely
Muslim half of Beirut by air, land and sea. As a result of the Israeli invasion 20,000
people, Lebanese and Palestinians were killed and extensive damage and destruction of
the infrastructure paralyzed the Lebanese economy. The United States brokered the
evacuation of PLO fighters to other Arab countries, and a multinational force of US and
Western European nations was deployed to Beirut to protect Palestinian and Lebanese
civilians. Israeli aggression continues to the present day to take place against Lebanese
civilians and the Lebanese infrastructure, with dramatic social, economic, political and
financial consequences, thus interrupting and limiting the prospects of sustainable human
development.
Lebanon and Syria
Observers of the Lebanese political scene agree that the Taif Accord has brought
peace to Lebanon, but they are skeptical of the sustainability of this Syrian
hegemonically-imposed peace, manned and enforced by 30,000 Syrian soldiers. The
fragility of this peace stems from the fact that it is militarily imposed by a foreign country
(the Arab brotherhood rhetoric notwithstanding), to whom segments of the population are
opposed. Christians, in general, are not happy with the Syrian military presence, or with
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the Syrian political hegemony over the decision-making process, whether in terms of
internal affairs or major foreign policy matters.
The Nature of the Lebanese Political System
Lebanon has been an independent country since 1943. It is a republic with a
democratic parliamentary system, and more specifically, a consociational democratic
system,83 based on a traditional sectarian formula, a fact that renders it an aberrant form
of democracy, one of sects and not of individuals. Legislative power is vested in the
parliament, elected directly by the people every four years. The parliament, in turn, elects
the president of the republic for a term of six years. Executive authority and powers are
in the hands of the Council of Ministers whose composition, similar to that of the
parliament, should be representative of the different confessional Lebanese communities.
Currently Lebanon has 27 ministries, six M ohafazahs (regions) 26 cadas (districts) and
700 municipalities. The main apparatus of control and monitoring are: the Civil Service
Board, the Council for Disciplinary Action, the Central Inspection Agency and the
Government Audit Office. All suffer from shortages of resources. Lebanon has a rather
well developed legal system and a good stock of laws that need updating and
modernization. A Constitutional Council has been established recently to oversee the
constitutionality of the laws, but it is only accessible to the president and members of the
parliament. Although Lebanon has been hailed as the only functioning democracy in the
” Michael C.Hudson. 1985. The Precarious Republic: Political Modernization in Lebanon. (New York: Random House, 1968).
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Arab world, the level of democratic practice is less than desirable. The confessional
quota system of parliamentary representation, gerrymandering, manipulation of vote
counts, low participation level of voters, and the external influences on the election
procedures, beg the question of how representative the Lebanese parliamentarians are of
the Lebanese population. Besides, out of 128 representatives, only three are women.
While many question the democratic nature of the Lebanese confessional/political
system, more people are concerned with the decision-making process, which has been
hijacked outside the geographical borders of Lebanon.
The State of Lebanese Governance
Another basic component of the political system is the state of governance.
Governance is the process of choosing, implementing and enforcing policies. Effective
governance is doing the job in an effective way. The level of governance efficiency is
affected by the source of its legitimacy, the highest being when it is derived from a
constitutional base and when backed by rational and legal procedures, and the lowest
being when it is based on threat or use of force. Effective governance entails the presence
of technical and managerial skills in public offices, accountability, predictability,
transparency and organizational effectiveness.
Looking at the state of governance in Lebanon shows that its efficiency is
challenged due to its "patronage/force" legitimacy base as well as the absence of the
above-mentioned factors. Patronage governance in Lebanon has drained its financial
resources, and adversely affected the state of the economy. The lack of accountability
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level of corruption in the administration and at the upper levels of the decision-making
process. Recently anti-corruption campaigns were launched by the new President and the
Cabinet of Ministers. However, these efforts were interrupted, due to political
considerations. Some efforts too, were made to reform the administration which suffers
from an over-staffed, unskilled, unproductive and unqualified personnel, appointed not on
the basis of merit but on the basis of confessional and patronage relationships. Moreover,
the system of remuneration is so poor that it has facilitated the spread of lack of
commitment, low attendance and poor performance. "The recent civil service reform
consisted primarily of shifts and appointments. At the senior level, ministers placed their
shadows in the administration, or fired others according to political considerations."84
Besides, the effort has been derailed by political and sectarian considerations, especially
the fact that employment in the public sector has served as a safety net, or as means to
diffuse the effects of high unemployment rates in the country.
The State of the Lebanese Civil Society
Literature on Lebanese civil society is scarce, although lately the concept has
gained more and more momentum due to global interest, as well as the significant role
that civil society played during the war years. Although there is a generally optimistic
and euphoric attitude about the prospects for civil society in Lebanon, and over-
M William Harris. Faces of Lebanon: Sects. Wars, and Global Extensions. (N.J.: Wiener Publishers, 1997), 230.
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exaggerated hopes for its potential, there are some who remain very skeptical and
cautious about an over-enchantment with the concept. In fact, for a civil society to
flourish and survive, a certain level of democratic political life should be present, and
civil society itself should be familiar with democratic practices. The existence of a
functional civil society implies a certain feeling of belonging to a political entity in which
citizens believe and have an interest in safeguarding. A prerequisite of civil society is a
sense of citizenship and loyalty to the national polity that overrides other loyalties and
affinities. The Lebanese citizen's loyalty is first and foremost to family and sect. The
Lebanese family ties and the sectarian ties were reinforced during the war years, as
central government weakened and parts of its functions were taken over by de fa cto
forces, and citizens were left to their immediate and extended families as well as their
sectarian communities, to act as their private safety nets. A state that trivializes its
citizens, pays only lip service to democratic practices and answers to peoples' needs
selectively in times of peace, depending on which class, sect or region they belong to, and
fails to give security and protection in times of war, can not possibly demand allegiance,
nor can such a state enjoy any legitimacy. In fact, such a state may add to the
fragmentation of civil society and alienate its citizens, by breeding competition and
antagonism among its different members or groupings.
In an article on democracy and the marginalized sectors of the Lebanese society,
Nawwaf Kabbarah elaborates on the current state of affairs regarding the development of
civil society in Lebanon. Kabbarah believes that the Lebanese society is still in a
transitional stage, moving from a system of tribal and sectarian divisions to a more
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unified entity under a unified political composition. In fact the pre-war Lebanese
political system was unable to secure civil peace for two reasons: The first reason is that
the Lebanese sectarian power-sharing formula minimized the public sphere for various
segments of the population. In order to keep the confessional balance many civil and
social rights of sectarian minorities and other groupings organized around something
other than the confessional identity were sacrificed including workers, women and
employees. The second reason is a lack of political maturity among the Lebanese people
and, in particular, the people in power. Lebanese people lack the knowledge and the
understanding of the meaning of a democratic nation and institution-building. In fact,
almost all social groupings try to abuse the public space provided within the political
structure, and try as much as possible, to improve their own positions, without working
toward deepening and widening this public space.85 During 17 years of fighting, different
confessional groups tried to secure victories, hoping to monopolize power, and rule the
country. However, the war years revealed a real divide in the Lebanese community
between traditional isolationist elements of the society and the modem national groupings
with their more open and tolerant attitudes. It was these modem organizations such as
trade unions, NGOs and syndicates that played a significant role in preventing any militia
or a certain sect from establishing hegemony over civil society. In fact it was these
organizations that have safeguarded what was left of the democratic life in the country.
And one may even argue that it is these organizations that will move the traditional and
15 Nawwaf Kabbara. Democracies and The Oppressed Classes. In Lebanese Studies Presented to Joseph Moehaizel. (Beirut, Lebanon: An-Nahar Publisher 1996), 257.
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sectarian society into a democratic and civil one. So, despite the fact that, at the
beginning of the war, traditional forces and militias were able to control those
organizations for a while, it was not long before the militias and political parties were
discredited by their own constituencies. In addition, the war led to the establishment of
hundreds of relief and service organizations that provided help and support without
discrimination. These organizations acted as a national shield against violence and war.
There were union strikes, teacher strikes, and marches across Lebanon by the disabled, all
expressing their opposition to the language of war and destruction. Despite their short
history, these organizations were able to produce new forms of organization, as well as a
new secular and unified national and democratic discourse that calls for national unity,
democracy and respect of human rights. And what is interesting about these particular
organizations is that they were able, during the war years, to overlook their specific
interests, for the sake of the common good of the country. These organizations were not
defending the political position of a certain sectarian community or a particular region,
but rather they were taking upon themselves the task of defending all the marginalized
sectors of the Lebanese society, be they the disabled, women, children, laborers, or
environmental issues. Yet, above all, they were defending democracy as a desirable
political system and as a way of life. However, traditional structures are still in full force,
not allowing these new social groups to lead the country into a qualitative shift from
primordial and sectarian allegiances to a modem feeling of loyalty and citizenship.
Kabbarah further states that the latest parliamentary elections of 1996 are a
witness to the hegemony of the traditional sectarian discourse over the processes of
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candidacy and voting, despite a great effort on the part of these modem organizations to
push in the other direction. This dominance of the sectarian discourse, argues Kabbarah
could be one of the worst by-products of the war, rendering the Lebanese people more
isolated in their own sectarian communities and enclaves.
In an article about the Lebanese civil society and the construction of a democratic
state, Fadia Kiwan defines civil society as,
the space that stores peoples' abilities to establish voluntary relations within the frame of a modem state, and allows them to work and live in social relations that are independent of the state, and it is this space that gives people the power to avoid the state and its authoritarian and totalitarian power, and hence tries to restrain the state and challenges impediments to the state's democratization.86
She believes that the introduction of the Western model of the state into our part
of the world has brought with it the permeation of our ideological discourse, with terms
that are alien to our historical and social composition: ‘citizenship’, ‘civil society’ and
‘democracy-building.’ Hence, if we assume that civil society is an identifiable entity, we
should keep in mind that this entity is characterized by the specificities of time and space,
and hence cannot be replicated.
Yet, if we accept the concept of civil society as that juxtaposed space or common
point where pro- and anti-government people meet, then we can consider civil society as
an analytical tool that will allow us to understand the relationship between the state and
society, and the means for establishing democracy. On the other hand, Kiwan says that
we should make a distinction between civic society and civicl society. In Arabic, the
16 Fadia Kiwan. Civil Society in Lebanon and Building the Democratic State. Ibid. 109.
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words for civic society are Mujtamah Madani, or what corresponds to the imported ‘civil
society’ term that is associated with the Western, modem nation state. It encompasses
those organizations and associations that were established after the creation of the nation
state. On the other hand, civil society in Arabic is Mujtamah Ahli, and it corresponds to
those traditional associations that existed prior to the nation-state, and acted
independently of people in authority. Hence, in Lebanon and in the rest of the Arab
world, we can talk about a ‘civil’ and a ‘civic’ society that exist simultaneously, different
in composition and relations, yet interrelated in some areas, especially in building that
space between them and the state.
Kiwan sees that Lebanese society has been historically characterized by the
presence of a public space in opposition to the state. "Some opposed the polity, others
opposed the government, and still others opposed the people in power.”87 And within this
public space, political parties may be included, whenever they are not in power. Kiwan
introduces two ideas related to the development o f‘civic society’ and ‘democracy-
building’ in Lebanon. First, she tries to show how the period between 1922 and 1975, in
the history of Lebanon, has created a certain public space that allowed for the
development of a multi-secular civic society with trade unions, labor unions and political
parties, as well as cultural organizations, as its main components. Second, she tries to
show that this particular modem, secular and multi-confessional civic society formed a
belt of resistance against the war and those who propagated it.
87 Fadia Kiwan. Ibid, 110.
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Yet, despite the fact that one cannot claim that it was those organizations that
were responsible for stopping the war, one may argue with confidence that it was this
civic society that has saved the Lebanese state from total collapse, and the society from
further fragmentation. However, this nascent civic society did not continue to flourish
and develop as expected in post-war Lebanon. Kiwan attributes this failure to the fact that
the Taif Accord that put an end to the war, did not provide for a genuine reconciliation
among the different sectarian communities, and left sectors of the population feeling
marginalized, thus retreating into their sectarian enclaves. And besides, political parties
which have lost their popular credibility as well as their ideological basis have failed to
reorganize themselves around common national issues that would allow for cross-national
interaction and the building of national cohesion.
Finally, the prolonged occupation of southern Lebanon by Israel until its very
recent withdrawal in Jun 2000 kept the political scene in jeopardy, and held the Lebanese
society in a state of constant uncertainty and disagreement over a coherent strategy or a
well-defined foreign policy. This being the case, Kiwan sounds mildly pessimistic about
the prospects for civic society in Lebanon. She believes that the kernel of this civil
society is still present, yet it has lost the deep and wide popular support that it enjoyed
during the war years, due to the deteriorating economic conditions that preoccupy the
people, as well as the absence of an effective political power able to correct the
malfunctions. What is more detrimental to the prospects of civic society in Lebanon she
adds, is the misinterpretation of what democracy means to people in power. People are
free to have their own opinions on all issues, but that does not mean their voices will be
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heard. Second, a great majority of the Lebanese population is now convinced that the
Lebanese decision-making process does not lie within the Lebanese political system, nor
within Lebanon's geographical borders, but rather outside, in neighboring Arab countries,
whether considered as ‘friends’ or ‘brothers,’ a conviction that affects the Lebanese civil
society in a very negative way.
Paul Salem, in an article entitled "Politics and Culture: Toward an Arab Agenda
for the 21st Century," warned that we should not expect our path to democratization to be
similar to that of Eastern Europe, but that our democracy should be "homegrown." He
continues to say
Recent hopes that civil society organizations and institutions will be the engine for democratization, as was the case in central and Eastern Europe, has also proven exaggerated. To begin with, civil society, in large part, is not civil, democratic, tolerant, inclusive, pluralistic, voluntaristic and participatory as optimistic liberals would like to think. In Lebanon, civil society, in a sense, helped drag the society into civil war. In other countries, civil society is the seat of exclusionary, atavistic, authoritarian, patriarchal and other non-liberal groupings. Those institutions and organizations that we recognize as carrying civic values, and participating in pushing toward a civil and political system based on pluralism, rule of law and democracy, are indeed in the minority. Left to its own devices, civil society would probably drift away from liberal democracy toward other original forms of group association and value.88
Civil society does not necessarily need to be a melting pot, where all other
identities of its members are diluted or devalued, but rather it must be characterized by a
certain level of civility and tolerance that allows for diversities. However, the history of
the Lebanese society has never been one of a tolerant and cohesive coexistence, let alone
88 Paul Salem. Politics and Culture: Toward an Arab Agenda for the 21“ Century. Middle East Policy. Washington. (June, 1999), Vol. 6. Issue 4. 146-156.
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a melting pot. In fact, Lebanese society is marked by vertical cleavages, and, more
specifically, sectarian ones. There are currently 18 sects in Lebanon, belonging to two
major communities, the Christian and the Muslim. Along this cleavage line, many of the
Lebanese formal and informal institutions are split. The two communities are
differentiated from each other culturally, socially and politically. However, this
differentiation should not be understood in terms of religious differences alone, but in
terms of a long and complex historical process that goes back to the mid nineteenth
century, while its economic roots go as far back as the sixteenth century. The theoretical
explanation not withstanding, the current Lebanese society is seriously fractured across
the sectarian fault line and the Lebanese civil society reflects the same fractured image.
At the cultural level, sectarian differences are manifested in the use of languages, as
Christians, and in particular Maronite Christians, tend to be, and revel in being
Francophones. Congruent with this language differentiation is an ideological
differentiation about the identity of Lebanon. While Muslims insist that Lebanon is an
Arab country no less so than Syria, Jordan or Iraq, Maronite Christians tend to talk about
the special identity of Lebanon, and try to trace it back to the Phoenician people and talk
about ‘Lebanonism’ as opposed to ‘Arabism.’
At the social level, there has always been a sectarian geographical distribution of
the Lebanese population, Sunnis in Beirut, Tripoli and Saida, Maronites in Mount
Lebanon, Shi'as in the Beka'a and Akkar, and Druzes in the Chouf mountains, while the
Greek Orthodox are mainly in Koura, in North Lebanon. The war has not helped to
change this sectarian demographic distribution. On the contrary, it has reinforced it, as
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thousands of people were displaced, and they usually retreated into their own sectarian
enclaves. However this geographic sectarianism, in turn, reinforced the other divisions
among other institutions: sectarian schools and universities and hospitals. Each
community developed its own institutions catering primarily to its own congregation.
However, the educational segregation had serious repercussions on the quality of
education for certain sectors of the population, as well as a disintegrating effect on the
young generations. Even financial institutions are segregated, and their funds are raised
from different sources, mainly Arab sources for the Muslims, and Western governments
and organizations, for the Christians.89 However, some cross-sectarian organizations of
civil society do exist in the country, and these are basically political parties, trade unions
and some non-governmental organizations and the media. Ideally, these are the elements
of civil society that play a major role in the democratization process by keeping a check
on the arbitrary power of the state and the market. The following discussion will present
a brief description of the state of affairs of these elements and the limitations and the
challenges that they face.
The State of the Media in Post-war Lebanon
Historically, the media in Lebanon have enjoyed a relatively high level of
freedom, and Beirut has always served as a haven for Arab dissidents to voice their
grievances against Arab governments. However, "the laws of 1962 sanctioned press
49 Samih Farsoun Cultural Pluralism and Social Class in Lebanon. In Toward a Viable Lebanon. Halim Barakat, ed., (Kent, Britain: Mackays of Chatham Ltd. 1998).
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freedom and set limits prohibiting the publication of news that endangered national
security, or attacked heads of state."90 During the early years of the war broadcasting
remained limited, but in the mid 1980s dozens of private radio and television stations
appeared on the airwaves. The publicly owned Lebanese Television was under strict
orders and restrictions not to broadcast any news that may threaten national security, or
undermine social cohesion. People turned to other, more reliable sources for their news,
and this gave rise to several unlicensed TV stations and radio stations. Unlicensed media
were a symbol of wartime anarchy, and tarnished the prestige of a state reclaiming its
authority.91 Other technical, economic and political factors mandated broadcasting
regulation and the Taif agreement that ended the war declared broadcast regulation a
priority for Lebanon’s government. The Audio-Visual Law of 1994
was the first of its kind in Lebanon. It legalized private broadcasting and revoked Tele-Liban's monopoly on television in Lebanon, but maintained that channels were the exclusive property of the state, and could only be leased. It reaffirmed media freedom, within the framework of the constitution, and mandated more local production. Broadcasting licenses were to be issued by the Council of Ministers, who set requirements and a two-month application deadline. Finally, the law established the National Council for Audio-Visual Media. Upon the recommendation of the above Council, the Council of Ministers reduced the number of private television stations from 60 to four and radio stations from ISO to 10, and recommended the suspension and closure of the media violating the Law.92
The decision of the Council of Ministers was met with objections from union
leaders, broadcasters, journalists, and intellectuals, and even some members of
90 Marwan Kraidi. Broadcasting Regulations and Civil Society in Post-war Lebanon. In Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media. Washington, 1998. Vol. 42, Issue 3,387-400 91 Marwan Kraidi. Ibid. 92 Ibid. Marwan Kraidi.
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Parliament. They accused government officials of violating the Lebanese constitution
which provides for freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of association.
They accused Prime Minister Hariri of establishing an oligarchy in Lebanon, and dividing
the pie among the people in power, since the four television stations that were allowed to
continue functioning were distributed among the prime minister, the brother of the deputy
prime minister, and the speaker of the house, while the Lebanese Broadcasting
Corporation International (LBCI), previously owned by the Lebanese Forces, went to a
number of rich Lebanese investors. Kraidi believes that this convergence of political
power and media ownership, at the expense of civil society, constitutes a serious threat to
democracy in Lebanon.93
Unions and Syndicates
As with some other organizations in Lebanon, syndicates and unions fulfill
multiple functions: mediation, mobilization, and participation as well as pressure. Since
its legal inception, in 1946, the syndicate and union movement has been exposed to
fragmentation through the efforts of people in power who played on sectarian, political
and economic conflicting interests among unions and union leadership. There are
currently 31 syndicated unions in Lebanon that are divided into three types: general
unions, regional unions and sectoral unions. In a study of the current state of affairs of
unions in Lebanon, Haikal Al-Rahi says there are three dangers that threaten current and
93 Ibid. Marwan Kraidi. Ibid
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future prospects of the union movement: fragmentation, the low level of membership, and
the low level of democratic practices within the unions.94
Al-Rahi attributes the fragmentation to legal, political and financial factors. As
for the legal factor, Lebanese law allows for people of different professions to have their
own union or syndicate, while it forbids people belonging to different professions from
belonging to the same union or syndicate. Politically, government officials try to exploit
any conflicting, personal interest within the movement to widen the rift, and thereby
weaken the unions. In addition, government officials give or withhold licenses
selectively, depending on the personal interest they derive from that favor, and depending
on how co-optable a union's prospects are. As for the financial factor, unions depend on
membership fees, but these are insignificant and suffer from the difficulty inherent in
collecting them, and government aid to unions is quite minimal. Many hint that some
private businesses and foreign embassies support certain unions discreetly, for their own
interests.
The second danger that threatens the movement is the low level of membership.
There are no accurate numbers or reliable statistics on the status of unions. However,
some studies estimate the current labor force at 1,200,000. Recent studies have put the
percentage of union membership at 16 percent of the labor force. This low rate is partly
due to employer pressure on their employees, to not join unions, under the threat of being
94 Haikal Al-Rahi. Development of the Union Movement in Lebanon. Unions and Professional Associations in Lebanon. Lebanese Association for Permanent Civil Peace. (Germany: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Publishers, 1999), 39-58.
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fired. Besides, there is a general low level of education and awareness among these
workers that also affects their level of participation.
The third challenge is the low level of democratic practices and involvement of
members, in the absence of an immediate reward. Researchers on the subject note that
unions suffer from bad leadership: some leaders are underqualified and others are either
corrupt or under the thumb of some political patron unions. In addition, presidents and
members of the executive board or official committees tend to remain in office
indefinitely; some presidents have been in office since the very establishment of some
unions. There is also a lack of participation in the decision-making process among the
general membership which meet only once a year, when called to do so for the elections.
On the other hand, Shawkat Shtai95 remarks that there are three reasons for the
marginalization of unions in post-war Lebanon: the interference of the government in the
internal affairs of unions; the increase in the number of issues to be handled, and the
institutional weakness of the unions. Shtai accuses the Lebanese government of trying to
tame and fragment the labor movement. The splitting of the movement that occurred in
1996 was a case in point and a reflection of the power struggle among the political elite.
He continues to say that three weaknesses characterize the labor movement at present:
loss of autonomy, inability to determine its priorities, and lack of financial resources. He
adds that this situation does not only limit the contribution of the labor movement to the
development and revitalization of civil society but it also has negative effects on the other
95 Shawkat Shtai. Critical Questions in a stagnant State of the Unions. Ibid. 59-68.
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components of civil society, since it impedes cooperation and weakens the collective
bargaining power.
A study by Samir Khalaf on Labor unions in Lebanon shows that the
Confederation of Lebanese Labor, the largest of union federations, has failed to develop
labor consciousness and solidarity among the working class. He attributes that to
organizational fragmentation, personal rivalries, and opportunism among union leaders.
Furthermore, confederations, being under the control of pro-government politicians,
remained politically conservative and failed to challenge the prevailing political and
economic system. The failure of these unions to raise class consciousness and mobilize
labor around strictly class issues may account for the continuous fragmentation of the
movement and lead indirectly to the reinforcement of sectarian mobilization.96
Political Parties
There is a general consensus among scholars that there is no active political life in
Lebanon currently, that Lebanese society is passing through a political crisis
characterized by the absence of political parties, and that those that are present are in
crisis themselves. George Nassif, in an article on the crises of the Lebanese political
parties says that, in Lebanon there are two types of political parties: the confessional ones
and the ideological ones, and both are in crisis. The first types because they became a
tool in the hands of their confessional communities, and the latter are in crisis because
96 Samir Khalaf. Lebanese Labor Unions: Some Comparative Features. Middle East Economist Paper 1969, 133 & 136.
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their ideology has been marginalized or discredited, worldwide, or their ideologies have
become obsolete, and need structural revisions.
He adds that the confessional parties are currently suffering a "clientelist"
relationship with their constituencies. Those who join the party do it for a particular
service or favor. As for the ideological parties, the relationship with their constituency
has undergone some changes, and party members stick to it as a means of social
networking, and sometimes out of a nostalgic commitment. Nassif suggests that political
parties should get rid of their elitist attitude as the purported leaders of society, the only
people who can understand it and are able to save it. Parties should refrain from
retreating into history and judging current events on the basis of old positions and stands
that exacerbate sectarian problems. Parties should abandon the idea of molding Lebanese
society into one coherent whole, and start accepting diversity and differences. Parties
should also give up on the idea of the centrality of politics, and focus more on human
rights, environment issues and other concerns. Parties should forgo violence as a means
for change, and think more in terms of respect of the human being, as an individual and
as a member in a collectivity. Nassif suggests that political parties should answer six
basic questions. Each party should define its position vis-a-vis the post-Taif political
order, the Lebanese-Syrian relationship, the armed Islamic resistance in southern
Lebanon against Israel, the Christian community's current state of affairs, economic
policy and negotiations with Israel. Nassif thinks that by focusing in detail on these basic
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issues, parties can move from the sweeping ideological and theoretical rhetoric to
effective action.97
Farid Al-Khazen, on the other hand, says that the current post-war political scene
in Lebanon is structurally different from earlier times. First, he sees that at the end of the
war, almost all of the parties were exhausted and in a double crisis. One which was
internal, as they had lost credibility with their constituencies, and the other which was
external, regarding their membership with other parties and general, non-partisan public
opinion. Second, he believes that post-war Lebanon has witnessed the emergence of
many radical parties with different Islamic ideologies, which are, in turn, faced with
opposition from both of the other Islamic parties and from other secular parties. The third
important feature of the current political life in his view is the absence of free competitive
politics among political parties, and the dominance of one political discourse that has
impeded the change of people in power.98
On a different note, Shawkat Shtai discusses the legal status of the Lebanese
political parties. He says that despite the fact that political parties are an old feature of
Lebanese political life, the Lebanese constitution does not have a separate law that covers
political parties. Rather, it allows for freedom of speech and opinion, and the freedom to
form associations, but it does not directly address the issue of political parties. What
Shtai finds dangerous in this respect is the blurring of the lines between political parties
97 George Nassif. Giving Up Six Directives. In Political Parties in Lebanon. Lebanese Foundation for Permanent Civil Peace. (Germany: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Publ, 1998). ” Farid al-Khazen. In Political Parties in Lebanon. Lebanese Foundation for Permanent Civil Peace. (Germany: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Publ, 1998), 133-142.
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and social organizations, inasmuch as they are governed by the same law. Thus, the
government can keep tight control over political parties, in terms of their establishment,
including the revocation of their licenses. A second issue that Shtai raises is that of
democratic practices within the political parties. He concludes that a study of the internal
laws of a number of political parties reveals that there is very little mention of the rights
of members, while the list of the duties of members is endless."
In an article on cultural pluralism and social class in Lebanon, Samih Farsoun
says that, ever since the early 1920s, Lebanon has had secular political parties namely:
the Communist Party of Lebanon (CPL); the National Syrian Socialist Party (NSSP),
which calls for the unity of greater Syria and the unity of all its people-Muslims,
Christians, Druze, Alawis and others. Another secular political party, which was formed
in 1940 by Druze leader Kamal Jumblat, namely the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP),
has remained Druze-based in membership, except for a few intellectuals from other sects.
More secular parties were formed in the 1950s, with the rise of Arab nationalism and
Nasserism. However, they were never able to organize except during the civil war, in
opposition to the conservative Christian parties. Farsoun concludes that "although the role
of the secular parties has not ended, it has again been marginalized."100
Using different labels, Antoine Messara writes on secular and sectarian Lebanese
political parties. He says that since the early years of Lebanese independence, one could
99 Shawkat Shtai., Ibid. 105-107. 100 Samih Farsoun. Cultural Pluralism and Social Class in Lebanon. In Towards a Viable Lebanon. Halim Barakat, ed., (Great Britain: Mackays of Chatham Ltd., 1998), 111.
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distinguish between two types of political parties in Lebanon: the radical ones who
questioned not only the political system but also Lebanon's very polity and its viability in
its present form, and the national parties, which were more involved in the domestic
political life, within the existing political framework. The major absent issue from both
discourses was the question of democracy, whether democratic practices in society, or
within the political parties and among them. The climax of Lebanese political parties'
activities was in the five years that pre-dated the civil war. In fact, the presence of the
Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon had a great effect on the Lebanese
political forces that were allied against the Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon.
During the war years, Messara says that these political parties became tools in the hand of
the war machine. There were armed conflicts both among various political parties and
conflicts within a party, all of which had a negative effect on Lebanese society in general
and on the political parties themselves, as they began to lose their popular support and
credibility.101
Issam Naaman, in "The Current State of Affairs of Lebanese Political Parties,"
tries to assess the level of interaction between them. He says that, at the present time
there are no political alliances between parties. Parties do not agree on any common
vision, or on any shared political project. There were some temporary alliances preceding
the 1992 and 1996 elections, but these were arrived at for personal interests, and not for
the common good of the country. He believes that alliances that may serve national
101 Antoine Messara. In Political Parties in Lebanon. Lebanese Foundation for Permanent Civi! Peace. (Germany: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Publishers, 1998), 22.
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peace should be forged among parties that have a cross-national base, and go beyond
sectarian representation.102
The above literature paints a very dark picture of the status of political parties
today in Lebanon. When added to the media images and the fragmented syndicate and
labor union movement, the picture becomes even darker and the prospects for democracy
grow more faint. The state of the NGOs will be discussed in Chapter Six.
The State of the Environment and Sustainable Human Development
The last component of the BBSD approach is a sustainable environment. The
Ministry of the Environment in Lebanon is a relatively recently created one. It was
established in 1993, in response to intensive lobbying and pressure from NGOs.
However, it is currently being threatened with closure and possible merger with the
Ministry of Rural and Municipal affairs. Since its creation, the Ministry of the
Environment has been constrained by a limited budget, staff and operational resources.
In addition, many of its functions overlap the works of other ministries and public
entities, which render the decision-making process difficult, and the enforcement of laws
rather weak. Hence, its effectiveness and its authority have been limited to a consultative
status rather than an executive one, a reflection of the marginalization of environmental
issues by the Lebanese government. Even when an active minister, supportive of
102 Issam sleiman. Ibid, 102-106.
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environmental issues, such as minister Shehayyeb, is in office, decisions regarding certain
environmental violations, were overridden by orders from high authority.
The Lebanese civil war has had devastating effects on the Lebanese environment.
The UNDP report on the state of the environment in Lebanon describes the negative and
severe effects of the war on land resources, pollution levels and the ecosystem through
"unplanned urbanization, land abandonment, degradation of terraced land, forest
destruction and fires, destruction of fish spawning grounds, saline water intrusion into
aquifers, dumping of solid and liquid wastes in land and in coastal waters, air and noise
pollution from vehicles and privately owned electricity generators, urban encroachment
on coastal plains, dispersion of toxic elements into the environment, as a result of chaotic
utilization of chemicals in both industry and agriculture, and neglect of sites of cultural
heritage and natural scenery."103
One obstacle to sound environmental policies has been the misunderstanding
among officials and the public about the meaning of the term ‘environment,’ it being
understood as obligations of people towards nature, rather than their obligations towards
each others and towards future generations. Another concern is that dealing with the
environment has been viewed as the sole responsibility of the government rather than that
of society in general. The report notes that environmental degradation is worsening in the
country’, due to a limited natural resource base, increasing population and inefficient
national environmental policies, practices and management. Environmental degradation
103 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Report, 1996.
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threatens economic growth and human well-being, and it needs urgent attention, along
with a political will to reverse it. The report notes that NGOs have been active in raising
awareness about sustainable development, and getting involved in local action programs
dealing with aforestation, waste management and urban management. However, it finds
that their work remains limited and, so far, they have not launched any coordinated
initiatives regarding their involvement in environmental management at the national
level.
Abdallah Zakhia, an attorney and a life-time activist in human rights and
environmental issues, says that ever since 1920 Lebanon has had a plentiful supply of
laws regarding the environment. However, they are in need of updating and
consolidating, to facilitate enforcement and to stay abreast of advances in science and
technology. Furthermore, there is the need for the political will to enforce these laws and
restrain the abusers. As with the UNDP report, Zakhia notes that the Lebanese war has
been detrimental to the Lebanese environment. He adds that what makes the situation
more lamentable is the circumvention of laws in favor of some people who are politically
or financially influential. Lebanon witnessed the destruction of its most beautiful
forested mountains that have been turned into quarries. The abuse is not limited to one
area of Lebanon, but covers various regions, most of them touristic sites. The
government seems unable to reverse the trend, either because of a lack of political clout
or because of an illicit agreement with the abusers. The Lebanese coastline has been
exposed to a virtual environmental onslaught. Big investment projects have turned the
seashore into a block of concrete at Jounieh Bay and have blocked the view to the sea
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along tens of miles. Sea-fills in Dbayyeh have turned public property over to the hands
of government and private investors, thus depriving the common people of access to the
seashore. Influential people from the south have continued to dredge sand from the sea to
use or sell for construction. Solid waste management is almost non-existent, as
evidenced by the littered streets, polluted beaches and floating refuse at sea.
The depletion and degradation of fresh water is seriously threatening the health
and life of the population, and 89 out of 200 spring sources are classified as polluted or
pollution prone. Lakes and sources of water and rivers are also polluted, due to the lack
of a sanitary means of waste management and disposal. The Lebanese air is in no better
state, since uninspected cars and the smoke of factories all along the coastline render the
air unhealthy, and the Lebanese in increasing numbers are suffering from breathing and
lung ailments. Deforestation is another threat to the Lebanese environment, since by now,
the percentage of forest areas in Lebanon is 5 percent, which is 15 percent short of what
is considered healthy and sustainable. In the midst of a very densely populated area in the
Dawrah district thousands of tons of fuel are stored in huge containers. Any small
accident could prove fatal to hundreds of thousands of people who live in the area. There
is no careful or constant control over the use of insecticides and fertilizers, which may be
hazardous to man, and to animals. A council charged with the control of the import and
use of insecticides and fertilizers has been impeded by importers of these products, while
the work of the council responsible for food quality monitoring, and product control is
still very limited. Although a law was passed in 1995 preventing the hunting o f small
birds, hunters and importers of hunting equipment lobbied strongly for its abrogation and
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were successful. Fishermen continue to use dynamite in their fishing, a process that
threatens sea life for years to come. Lebanon has a problem with waste management,
whether regular residential garbage, industrial waste products of factories or toxic waste
imported by militia members who were paid by foreign governments to dispose of it in
Lebanon. Despite the fact that Lebanon has signed international agreements regarding
some protected areas in Lebanon, such as the Ehden Forest, the Palm Islands of Tripoli
and the Barouk Forest, these protected areas remain under great pressure from activities
backed by local politicians.104
The above description presents a picture of the state of the environment that is
much less than desirable. The government, for lack of resources, commitment and
political will, continues to procrastinate on passing the new environmental code, on the
enforcement and application of existing laws, and on launching an aggressive campaign
against violators and abusers. Environmental issues continue to be marginalized on the
government list of priorities; in conclusion, the dismantling of the Ministry of the
Environment would be a death knell to the environment.
This chapter has provided the reader with a brief history of Lebanon from the
early days of independence (1943) until the present time. Special attention was given to
the Taif Agreement due to its importance in determining the political and economic life
of post-war Lebanon. This chapter also has offered a description of the state of the
economy, the political scene and the environment in post-war Lebanon. This description
104 Abdallah Zakhia. Environmental Issues in Lebanon and Human Rights. Lebanese Studies Presented to Josenh Moehaizel. (Beirut An-Nahar Press Publishers, 1996), 274-292.
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is based on UNDP reports on the state of sustainable human development in Lebanon, as
well as on NGO reports and other literature on the subject. This description will be used
in the assessment of the contributions of advocacy NGOs to the development process.
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LEBANESE ADVOCACY NGOS
There is no exact figure on the current number of NGOs in Lebanon. Estimates
vary from a low of 2,000 to a high of 12,000. In the absence of reliable government
figures, the general impression among people in the field is that the number has been
multiplying rapidly. This impression may be erroneous. Many organizations which were
dormant prior to the war years have revitalized themselves and reactivated and renewed
their efforts, due to the emerging needs created by the war, and the pouring into Lebanon
of international aid and funding for welfare and relief. Many organizations which were
first centered in big cities have branched out to other regions, and many which had been
focusing on one issue have widened their scope of work to cover new, emerging needs
and issues. There has also been an increase in the number of people joining NGOs,
especially among the young generation.
As civil war continued and the militias consolidated their positions, many of Lebanon's younger generation began to look to the NGO sector as the only remaining one embodying public, civic virtues. As a result, volunteers flocked to it in droves. By and large, the younger generation continues to look upon the NGO sector with hope. In post-war Lebanon, they are beginning to provide the NGO world with new and bold ideas.105
I0S Paul Salem &Maya Araji. Associational Life and Public Space in Beirut: Dialectics of Unity and Diversity, (manuscript) Beirut: The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies, with Support from the Rockefeller Foundation, 1997.
129
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Fadia Kiwan says that women in greater numbers are joining NGOs and, while in
earlier days it was only women from the elite class who were involved in charity work
and philanthropic activities, today it is the middle-class women who constitute the
majority of the NGO constituency, and who flock to volunteer work to make themselves
heard and articulate their evolving needs, as a result of changes in their roles and
responsibilities.106 In recent years, some NGOs have dealt with issues that are popular
globally, such as the environment, human rights, women's rights, democracy and
development, all of which generate media coverage, thus giving them additional
exposure. There has also been a surge in interest in NGOs ail over the world, especially
on the part of international institutions and donors. This interest highlights the role of
NGOs and requires the government to allow some space in the public domain for them to
shine as partners, which in turn allows the government to appear more democratic on the
international scene.
As noted above, NGOs in Lebanon began as charity and relief organizations
which were closely related to religious institutions. Early in the middle of the nineteenth
century, "foreign missions encouraged the creation of these associations, under whose
protection they were able to operate. They founded schools, and health centers and they
sent students to study abroad."107 The newly formed organizations played an important
106 Fadia Kiwan. Women’s Work in Civil Associations. (Beirut: Friedrick Ebert and The Lebanese Women’s Council, 1994), 32. 107 Salem & Araji. Associational Life and Public Space in Beirut. Dialectics of Unity and Diversity, (manuscript) Beirut: The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies, with Support from the Rockefeller Foundation, 1997.
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part in the medical, educational, social, and economic life of the Lebanese people, in
particular the Christian community, a fact that inspired Muslim notables to start their own
organizations, in order to overcome the disparity in the state of affairs between the two
communities. Kamel Mhanna, in a study of NGOs in Lebanon, remarks that the age of
NGOs differs substantially in terms of their geographical distribution. He says that in
Beirut and the mountains, association life goes back to more than ISO years, 120 years in
Sidon and Tripoli, 30 years in the Chouf mountains and 25 years in the south Beka’a and
Beirut suburbs. He attributes this difference in the ages of these groups to the differential
level of the state of affairs, socially and economically, in the various Lebanese regions.
In his opinion, this reflects an unbalanced development policy, as well as a major defect
in the Lebanese state policy in handling these discrepancies, thus forming one of the
major causes of the 1975 war.108
Overview of Lebanese NGOs in General
A study by Shahida al-Baz of a sample of 150 active NGOs in Lebanon shows
that only 8 percent of these organizations were established between 1990 and 1995, and
18.7 percent were established during the war years. The rest go back to more than 25
years. According to al-Baz, as with most Arab countries, her study shows a high
concentration of NGOs in urban areas, namely large cities like Beirut and Tripoli. She
attributes this to the fact that, in the early years, the NGOs were an elite initiative,
l0> Kamel Mhanna. The Role of NGOs in Social Development, (manuscript), 1995.
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whether of men or women, and inasmuch as NGO efforts started as charity work, only
people who were well-off and educated could afford to donate money and time, and these
people were mainly city dwellers. The al-Baz study shows that 78 percent of NGO
activities focus on urban areas, which confirms the earlier-mentioned discrepancy of the
uneven and unfair distribution of NGO work, and the deprivation of certain areas, namely
southern Lebanon and the Beka'a, as beneficiaries. The al-Baz study shows 18 types of
activities that Lebanese NGOs engage in: children’s activities, health, education, charity,
rehabilitation, youth activities, cultural, activities for the disabled, religious, activities for
senior citizens, women’s activities, environmental organizations, relief organizations,
women's issues activities, human rights activities, rural and urban development, and
family planning. Al-Baz notes that the work of the NGOs in Lebanon is still service and
charity-oriented, which she attributes to the philanthropic origin of NGOs, and to the
religious foundations that emphasize charity and caring for the poor. At the same time, it
is a reflection of the increased prevalence of poverty, as well as the ever-increasing gap
between the classes.
Among many findings of the al-Baz study is that, despite the fact that there is an
internal practice of democratic procedure within the organizations, this remains more like
ritualistic than democratic. The same presidents and boards of directors tend to remain in
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office, despite yearly elections, and the decision-making process is usually concentrated
in the hands of the same few people.109
A study by Fadia Kiwan, using a sample of 116 organizations skewed towards
women’s organizations, shows similar results in terms of the number of organizations
recently established as well as in relation to the focus of the activities being mainly on
social and charity work. Kiwan concludes that women’s organizations in Lebanon
generally focus on local issues rather than national ones. They address immediate
problems, rather than long-term strategies. They lack an evaluation procedure and
concentrate on service activities. She notes that women in these organizations tend to
stay away from political issues, and that they lack political awareness. Like al-Baz, she
notes that women's issues, environmental issues, and human rights issues have either
been absent from, or very low on the agendas of the older organizations. Both authors
agree that there is more advocacy activity among the newer organizations.110
A study by Antoine Haddad of 13 members of an umbrella organization, which
was conducted to identify the main socio-economic challenges that face Lebanon today
and the role that the group could play with regard to these challenges, shows that most of
the NGOs today concentrate their activities on the sectors of education, health and
vocational training. The highest percentage of beneficiaries is located in the capital city
109 Shahida al-Baz. Arab NGOs on the threshold of the twentv-first Century. (Cairo: International Press,. 1997). "° Shahida ai-Baz. Ibid.
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and its suburbs. Their main targets are low-income, poor and deprived groups.
Haddad shows that with varying degrees of importance, the different NGOs
identified nine main areas of challenge that face Lebanon today. The main areas were
inflation/poverty/unemployment (26 percent), displacement (15 percent), education (11
percent), reconstruction (11 percent), and health (7 percent). He notes that most of these
organizations are not aware of ways to meet these challenges with "programatic" action.
Haddad says that although all NGOs surveyed in his study have a general assembly and
some form of elected governing body, still "the level of participation of the constituencies
is generally weak, and the level of mobilization is generally low."111
He continues, saying "In the post-war period, NGOs are aware that they face an
identity crisis. Some, not to say a few, are now awakening to the consciousness of
turning their interventions to the broader concept of sustainable human development.”112
This, he suggests, is why most of the NGOs are trying to rejuvenate themselves by giving
new definition to their mission statements, objectives, and forms of interventions.
Haddad says that most organizations perceive a potential role for themselves in the post
war rehabilitation and reconstruction period in Lebanon. “They identify several tasks that
they can carry out, such as acting as intermediary groups between the government and the
population, acting as pressure groups on the government, sharing in the national decision
making process, and in the role of the government in the provision of services.”
Antoine Haddad.. Lebanese NGOs: Guidelines for a Common Strategy, (manuscript). 199S. IS. 112 Antoine Haddad. Ibid, 4.
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However, NGOs state that they face several restraints in shifting from relief to
development. These constraints include factors such as the lack of statistics, the lack of
expertise, the decrease in available funds, and the absence of cooperation within the NGO
community itself, and with governmental organizations.113
A study by Sharara and Bizri on the work of women in NGOs poses the question
whether Lebanese women add something new to social work. Their hypothesis is that by
penetrating the sectarian system through a denunciation of personal status laws, and by
employing a higher level of democratic practices among women, the efforts of women in
social work will yield a new phenomenon, social cohesion. While their findings are not
conclusive, they seem to show that women’s organizations and women's work in these
organizations are no more democratic than men’s, if not less democratic in their practices.
Besides, inasmuch as many women’s organizations are still traditional in their approaches
and very few have a ’transformational’ vision, their contributions to the change in the
patriarchal gender system, and hence the sectarian system, are still very limited.114
The above review of the literature on NGOs in Lebanon illustrates the consensus
among researchers about the traditional role that Lebanese NGOs are still playing.
However, it is worth noting here that recently a few organizations have seemed to be
headed away from charity and relief and directed towards development and advocacy.
113 Antoine Haddad. Ibid, 21. 114 Azzat Sharara Bevdoun and Dalai Bizri. Women in Social Work. Part II. (Beirut: Oxfam and European Union, 1998).
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Those organizations, although they may still be few in number, are leaving their
distinctive mark on the future social change in Lebanon. What are these organizations?
What are their general characteristics in terms of age, organizational practices, gender and
religious constituencies? What form of advocacy do they practice? What is their
financial status in terms of budget and sources of funding? What sort of relationships do
they have with the government and with the other local and foreign organizations? What
are their internal and external challenges? And finally, what are the issues that they are
raising, and how relevant are these issues to sustainable human development?
General Characteristics of the Organizations Studied
Age and Organizational Background of the Organizations
In order to determine the age of the organizations studied, the beginning and the
end of the war years in Lebanon (1975-1990) were used to provide a time-frame. Three
categories of organizations were established: pre-war organizations, war-years
organizations, and post-war organizations. Among the organizations interviewed was the
first organization, founded in 1936, the Union pour la Protection de I'Enfance au Liban
(UPEL), followed by two other organizations established in the 1940s: the Committee
For Women’s Rights (CWR) and the Lebanese Union for Child Welfare (LUCW). The
newest organization among those interviewed is the Generation for the Integration of
Lebanon (GIL), a youth organization that was established in 1998. Table 1 shows
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TABLE 1 AGE OF ORGANIZATIONS VIS-A-VIS WAR
Types of
Organizations Prewar War Post W ar Total
Environment 0 1 6 7
Human rights 0 4 4 8
Women 2 1 3 6
Children 5 1 1 7
Youth 1 0 2 3
Elderly 2 1 0 3
Disabled 1 4 2 7
Democracy 0 1 1 2
Drugs 0 2 0 2
Total 11 15 19 45
Percentage 24.44% 33.33% 42.22%
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that, out of 45 organizations interviewed, 11 were established before the war (24.44
percent), 15 organizations were established during the war years (33.33 percent) and 19
organizations were established in the post-war years (44.22 percent).
Environmental Organizations
Six out of seven environmental organizations were established in the post-war
period. During the war years, despite the damage and destruction, environmental issues
remained marginal compared to the significant losses in human life, personal injury, and
destruction of property and means of subsistence. The post-war interest in the
environment corresponds to the realization of the extensive damage sustained during the
war, and to the worldwide interest in environmental issues, especially after the 1992
Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. During the war years there was no effective
central government that could apply and enforce environmental laws, nor was there any
formal entity to which environmental activists could address their complaints.
The various militias which acted as the de facto rulers of that period were
themselves the main abusers of the environment through armed destruction and foreign
business deals. "After the war we were shocked by the deteriorating conditions of the
environment; we met for eight months with people involved in the field. The government
was absent vis-a-vis this issue," said Gaby Bustros of SOS Environment (SOSE). "Our
first visit to Lebanon was in November 1994. We were asked by the Green Line
organization to come to the port of Beirut and look at two containers of toxic waste," said
Ziad Gebara of Greenpeace. "We started our effort in 1995. We started with schools,
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through a recycling program. After the war, people lost interest in politics, and were
more interested in coming together around projects," said Paul Abi Rached of Teutons
Ensemble de Realiser un Reve a nos Enfants (TERRE). "We started our effort in 1983.
The country was going down the drain. I am an art collector and I felt the need to
preserve our heritage," said Saidi of the Society for the Protection of Nature in Lebanon
(SPNL), one of the first environmental organizations in Lebanon. "Our director Andrea
Munla started this initiative in 1996. She used to teach environmental issues in schools,
and found that there was not enough information on the subject, so she established this
Environmental Information Center (EIC) as an off-shoot of the SPNL, with a grant from
the UNDP and LIFE program,” said Ghada Mitri, the coordinator of the center.
Human Rights Organizations
Of eight human rights organizations, four were established during the war years,
and four in the post-war period. No doubt the Lebanese civil war had prompted the
initiation of most of these organizations, for various reasons. "In 1996, a group of
secular-oriented lawyers started the effort, shocked by the violence in Lebanon. They
wanted peace through non-violent means. Lebanon was like a jungle, without any laws or
law enforcement, at the time," said Juliette Wakim, executive director of the Association
Libanaise des Droits de VHomme (ALDHOM.). "The work was initiated in 1996," said
Waleed Saliba of the Movement for Human Rights (MHR),
We were among the first who worked on human rights in Lebanon. We were convinced that our society suffers from a number of malfunctions and we believed we could make a difference. We could have joined other organizations or chosen
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other violent means, but we felt that a humanitarian goal can never be achieved through violence. The civil war in Lebanon proved ineffective in achieving our mission, not only from an ethical point of view, but also from a practical point of view.
Ghassan Mukhaiber, on the other hand, said that in 1990 and 1991, there were
gross violations of human rights, many people were taken prisoner by the Ministry of
Defense without a fair trial. An ad hoc group was formed to coordinate with the order of
lawyers, and an emergency committee was formed to defend those prisoners. The
government and the Syrian intelligence service forced the lawyers to dissolve this
committee. So, he felt the need to "incorporate."
On a completely different note, but one which is also related to violence and war,
Muhammad Safa, general secretary for the follow-up committee for the support of
Lebanese detainees in Israeli prisons, said,
I was a political prisoner in the Ansar camp in South Lebanon. My personal experience was among the factors involved in initiating this effort. In the beginning, we established "the Detainees of Ansar Committee." But after the Ansar camp was closed, the Israelis established the Khiam detention camp. We started working for the liberation and the improvement of the conditions of the Khiam detainees. After the civil war was over, we established our current association.
Women’s Organizations
Out of six advocacy women’s organizations studied, two were established before
the war, one during the war, and three after the war. The age of the organizations studied
spread over a period of 50 years, starting with the early years of independence, and
continuing up to 1997, following the Beijing, China conference on women1 s rights. The
common trend among these organizations is their advocacy role regarding women's
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rights, whether civil, political, social or economic. The right to vote and the right to be
elected were among the first issues advocated by these groups. "The committee started
its work in 1948," said Linda Matar, president of the Committee for Women's Rights.
We submitted our papers to the ministry in the forties and we got our '‘permit" in the seventies." Of the founders, there is only one woman still alive. The founders were mostly Christian women from Ashrafieh, and we started with campaigns for the elections. We gathered signatures asking for the right to vote, and the right to be elected. From the beginning, our work has been geared towards advocacy, rather than services.
Then came reproductive rights and women's awareness about family planning. "We came
to advocacy from services and development," said Toufic Osseiran, executive director of
the Lebanese Family Planning Association (LFPA). "We service, develop, train and
lobby. We lobbied for the use of contraceptives, as well as for pre-marital medical
exams."
Despite the fact that the personal status law was raised by Laure Moghaizel in the
1970s, it was only after the war that the issue gained momentum. This could be due to
the Lebanese sectarian system. "We are plagued by sectarianism," said Wadad
Shakhtoura, president of the Lebanese Democratic Women's Assembly (LDWA). "The
law for civil marriage did not pass, though there was quite a potential. There are vested
material and power interests related to these laws. Religious courts make a lot of money,
and politicians take advantage of them." Along with the personal status law came issues
related to discrimination in the working place and in the labor laws. "I am one of the
founders," said Ikbal Doughan, president of the Working Women's League. "Many
members are co-workers. We felt that women's role is changing, while laws and
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institutional support is still stagnant. We felt the need to help women meet the new
challenges.”
There is no doubt that the Beijing conference had a tremendous effect on the surge
of women’s advocacy efforts, both at the non-governmental level and at the governmental
level. During the two years preceding the Beijing Conference, efforts by female NGOs
paralleled those that were initiated by the government. Members of the National
Committee for Women, headed by the Lebanese first lady, the national non-governmental
Committee for Women, and the Lebanese Women Council, all joined hands to prepare
for the conference. In the post-Beijing years, they joined together again to work on a
national strategy for the implementation of the Beijing recommendations. Work has not
always been smooth among these three bodies, as the National Committee for Women
was dissolved with the change of the Lebanese presidency, and a new organization was
formed, again headed by the new first lady, with 24 members, including a few women
activists with the remainder being the wives of ministers and parliamentarians.
Organizations for Children
Out of seven organizations that are involved in children’s advocacy work, five
were established before the war years, one during the war, and one in the post-war period.
This demonstrates the traditional nature of NGO work during the pre-war years and the
predominance of health and educational services then which were primarily concerned
with the children. Despite the fact that most of these organizations were established
before the war, it was only after the war that their strategy changed from services to
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advocacy. The International Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ratification by
the Lebanese government of its declaration pushed these organizations in this direction.
Since its founding in 1936, the Union Pour la Protection de I'Enfance au Liban (UPEL),
or the Lebanese Union for the Protection of Juvenile Delinquents, has been striving to
provide services for the country’s greatly expanding and high-risk adolescent age group.
Many of them are exposed to delinquency, due to family-based, social and economic
factors. "The problem we are fighting is rooted in the alarming situation left by the war"
reads one of their main publications.115 Albert Zoghby of St. Vincent de Paul remarked,
"We have had a presence in Lebanon since I860. We are an affiliate of an international
organization that started in France in 1832." In 1948, the general council for UNESCO
met in Lebanon. In response to an initiative by the International Union for the Welfare of
the Child, a decision was made to establish a union that would comprise all the
organizations that were involved in child welfare. "In 1949, the Lebanese Union for
Child Welfare was bom. It was the first union established in the Arab world. It was also
a pioneer in children's issues. It started with a few organizations, and kept growing, to
consist of 48 organizations, at the present time,” reads one of their documents.116 “I am
the president of the National Agency for the Lebanese Child (NALC) and the president of
the Association for the Welfare of the Lebanese Child. The latter was started by my
mother in 1937. It was the first organization that established a nursery in the Arab world.
1,5 Lebanese union for Child Welfare (Brochure). 2. 116 National Agency for the Lebanese Child, (Brochure), 2.
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We were the first to address the issue of the disabled child as well as the gifted child,"
said Nour Salman. One of the many brochures that the organization publishes reads:
Save the Children has been operating in Lebanon since 1953. During the civil war, Save the Children in Lebanon responded to the needs of the country by providing emergency relief to over 200,000 beneficiaries. With the coming of peace, Save the Children has been instrumental among non-govemmental organizations, in shifting from relief to a community-based approach. Save the Children in Lebanon has introduced integrated programs in basic education, economic opportunities, and institutional development.117
"Although we started our work before the war, it was in 1992 that we were
officially established. We did not want to be one more organization, like all the others,
and we wanted to make a difference and base our work on statistics and a new approach
towards child welfare," said Dr. Elie Choueifati of AUXILIA. "We spent a long time
thinking and analyzing, before we started this effort," he added.
Youth Organizations
Of three youth organizations that were interviewed, two were post-war
organizations, and one, the Mouvement Social (MS), was a product of the early 1960s. It
was established through the initiative of Bishop Gregoire Haddad, at the time of President
Fouad Chehab (1958-1962), a great supporter of non-govemmental associations. Bishop
Haddad was nicknamed the Red Bishop due to his leftist political inclinations and his
continuous support of cross-sectarian groups, the lower classes and Palestinian refugees.
117 Save the Children ( Brochure),3
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Although before the war, the movement was multi-issue-oriented, and during the war it
focused on emergency and relief efforts, it was not until after the war that it focused
almost exclusively on the Lebanese youth, and, in particular, their plight due to
unemployment. The two other youth organizations interviewed have different interests
and different foci. GIL is mainly interested in reconciliation among the new generation,
and in particular among persons of different religions. The Youth Association for Social
Awareness (YASA) was initiated by a group of university students who had lost a friend
in a traffic accident. This personal experience had led them to focus on traffic safety, to
encourage avoidance of one of the major risks that threaten the lives of the young in the
country.
Organizations for the Elderly
The three organizations for the elderly that were interviewed were established
long before the war years. This reveals the nature of work that had earlier concerned
traditional organizations. Basically they started as service-oriented institutions, providing
services and shelter to elderly people who had no one to support them. The three
organizations are associated with either church or mosque, and it is only very recently
that they have moved partially from services to advocacy, encouraged by the international
interest in the issue, and the declaration of 1999 as the year of the third age, i.e. the
elderly.
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Organizations for the Disabled
The selection of the organizations interviewed was highly influenced by media
reporting, since the time the research was being conducted, coincided with the passage of
the new law for the disabled. Reporting in the media on the event featured the names and
activities of activists and lobbyists on the subject. There is a general consensus among
disabled people, the general public, and social activists, that there are organizations that
are grass-root, and active in the lobbying process, and other organizations that are more
traditional in their approach, which concentrate mainly on services and lobby the
government for increases in subsidies for their own institutions as service-providers.
Seven organizations for the disabled were interviewed. Two were founded in the late
1970s, and the rest are the product of the 1980s and the 1990s. While most of the pre-war
organizations for the disabled were initiatives by non-disabled people, it is significant
that, except for the organizations that deal with mental impairment, the initiative for the
other organizations has mainly been led by one of the disabled people themselves. This
highlights the importance of personal experience, and the personal commitment derived
from lobbying for one's own needs. In addition, the one organization that is headed by a
non-disabled doctor is also a product of a personal experience since this doctor is the
father of two mentally retarded children. No doubt the war has increased the number of
disabled persons in Lebanon, and this in turn, has prompted more activity around the
issue.
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Political Awareness Organizations
Both organizations active in promoting democracy and political participation were
interviewed. I believe that there are more organizations involved in this type of work;
however, these were the two organizations that were the most vocal, and the most
productive, as evidenced by the media coverage and their reputation among the NGO
community. “After twenty years of no democracy in Lebanon, it was high time for us to
start this effort and mobilize people to run and participate in the elections. We started
this effort in 1996," said Paul Achkar, a member and deputy director general of the
Lebanese Association for Democratic Elections. Dr. Antoine Messara, a lawyer, a
sociologist and a recipient of multiple doctoral degrees, as well as the head of the
Lebanese Foundation for Permanent Peace, said,“We started our work in 1987. We are
trying to rebuild our collective memory, to learn a lesson from the terrible war. Our
country is very sectarian. That is why we need civic education, without ideologies. We
need a new philosophy for our educational programs.”
Anti-drug Organizations
Two of six organizations that deal with drug abuse issues in Lebanon were
interviewed. It should be noted that not all six organizations are engaged in advocacy
work. Oum al Nour and Soins Infirmieres et Development Communotaire (SIDC) were
both initiated during the war years; their origin has a logical explanation, as the militias
used drugs to attract and keep young fighters motivated for the irrationality an atrocities
of war. Elie Araj, a nurse by profession, said that he started working in 1987 on multiple
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issues, but by 1992, when the organizations were formally established, they focused
mainly on drug issues. Elie Wheibe, president of the Oum al Nour organization for the
past ten years, said that while he was a volunteer in CARITAS, a friend of his in the
village died of an overdose. "This led me to start this initiative, in 1989, at the tail end of
the war."
Organizational Practices
All of the organizations interviewed enjoy a legal status, meaning that they are
registered with the government, either as non-profit organizations or as public utility
organizations or, when the government did not grant a permit for one of those, they might
be registered as a private group. Organizations that faced this difficulty were mainly
those in the human rights category, about whose work the government felt uncomfortable.
However, all but three of the organizations, which are regional offices for international
organizations (Greenpeace, Terre des Hommes and Save the Children), have a board of
directors, a president, a general assembly and informal volunteers whose numbers ebb
and flow in response to projects and needs. They all hold annual elections for members
of the board, an event usually attended by a representative of the government. A
president's term ranges from one year to four years. However, a few presidents have been
in office for longer periods. In spite of the provisions of the written internal by-laws,
organizational practices in general are rather informal, and some of these organizations
even lack a formal structure as seen in, Table 2.
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