INQUIRY INYO THE PURCHASING POWER OP THE DRACHMA IN ANCIENT GREBCi . THE PURPOSE OP DETERMINING, IP POSSIBLE, THE MATERIAL CONDITIONS HCH PREVAILED IN DURING HER EXISTENCE AS AN INDEPENDENT STA' ProQuest Number: 13850489

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I have derived my information from the following sources: Aeschines - Against Timarchus; Against Ctesiphon. Andocides - Concerning the Mysteries. Pseudo—Andocides - Against Alcihiades. Aristophanes - Acharnians; Knights; Clouds; Wasps; Peace; Birds; Lysistrata; Thesmophoriazusae; Frogs; Ecclesiazusae; P lutus. Aristotle - Constitution of Athens; Rhetoric; Politics. Pseudo-Aristotle - Oeconomica. Athenaeus - The Deipnosophists. ■ Demosthenes - Speeches, XIV;XVIII;XXI;XXII;XXVII;XXVIII;XXIX;XXX;XXXI XXXIV; XXXV; XXXVI; XXXVII; XL; XLI; XLII; XLV; L; LIII; LIX. Diogenes Laertius - Lives of the Philosophers. Harpocration - Lexicon to the Ten Orators. ' Herodas - Mimes. Herodotus - History. Hesychius - Lexicon. Isaeus - Speeches, II;III;IV;V;VI;VII;VI1I;X;XI. Isocrates - Concerning the Team of Horses; Antidosis. Lucian - Dialogues of Courtesans. Lycurgus - Against Leocrates. Lysias - Speeches, III;XIV;XVT;XVII;XIX;XXIV;XXVI;XXXII. Menander - The A rbitration; The Shorn G irl; v . , a lso , Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta. Cornelius Repos - Life of Alcibiades. Plato - Apology; Phaedo; Republic; Epistle XIII. - Moralia; Solon; Demetrius; Aristides; Alcibiades; Themis to- Pseudo-Plutarch - Lives of the Ten Orators. Pollux - Onomasticon. ■Suidas - Lexicon. * T e le s in Joh. Stob. Florileg. (as quoted by Bockh) Theophrastus - Characters. - History. Xenophon - Memorabilia; Anabasis; Oeconomicus; Revenues. : H is io r ia -C ritica Comicorum Graecorum. Meineke. 1839. Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta. Theodorus Kock. Teubner 3 vols. 1880-8 Poetae lyrici Graeci. Theodorus Bergk. Inscriptiones Graecae, Editio Minor. Inscriptions Iuridiques Grecques. Dareste, Haussoullier, Reinaeh. Recueil d!Inscriptions Grecques. Michel. Greek Historical Inscriptions, edited by Marcus Tod. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique, vol. XIV. Hesperia, vols. Ill, IV, and V. B&ckh, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener (translated in 185r£from the second German edition,by Anthony Lamb). Gomme, A.W., The Population of Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C. Harvey, Sir Paul, The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature. Michell, H. The Economics of Ancient . Rose, H .J., A Handbook of Greek Literature. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Bncyclop&die. Taylor, A.E., Plato, the Man and his Work; Socrates. Whibley, Leonard, Companion to Greek Studies. (continued overleaf) N INQUIRY INTO THE PURCHASING POWER OF THE DRACHMA IN , ;|OR THE PURPOSE OF DETERMINING, IF POSSIBLE, THE MATERIAL CONDITIONS -falCH PREVAILED IN ATHENS DURING HER EXISTENCE AS AIT INDEPENDENT STATE.

5 INTRODUCTION.

5 During 1940-41 the deeds of the Greeks proclaimed their deathless Isritage - consciousness of the spiritual values as ultimate, and the Jourage to assert their finality by the loss of life itself. The heroism jf the spectacular winter campaign against the Italians, successfully pmpleted on March 16, 1941, and the proud martyrdom that follow ed the ;erman invasion of Greece on April 6 - an invasion foreseen by the Greek bvernment as the inevitable sequel to their yet unhesitating rejection Y the Italian Minister’s Ultimatum on October 28, 1940 - were alike pcpressions of the belief that the freedom of the spirit to -pursue truth, jajoyjbeauty, and practise goodness is the proper privilege of man. Vrlier in 1940, the conduct of the pilots in the Battle of Britain had iuilar significance. The Implication was, however, more readily ecognized, in the exploits of the Greeks - perhaps because it had, so arly as the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., been made explicit by men f their race. - and (profession of Christianity apart) it is by the claim :o be co-heirs with them in the legacy of ancient Greece that we make our ost conscious acknowledgement of the supremacy of the spirit. That in te r , broadcasts by the B.B.C. of excerpts from the old Greek authors, : nd from those of our own poets who admired and understood the Greek enius, made their appeal to head and heart; the intellect was exercised., die imagination fired, and the will strenghthened for the practice of the oral virtues. Now, towards the end of 1944, in the post-war planning which is the oneern of so many, little account seems to be taken of the belief in the trpremacy of the spiritual values implicit in the action of those who, by noosing"to resist Nazi aggression, made that planning possible. The tnphasis is rather on material comfort, while education - a topic to tnch much lip-service is paid* - is by many regarded solely as a means D the end of wage-earning. That, at any rate, would seen to be the irport of the stress laid on the practical value of siibjects to be ■ aeluded in the curriculum. It is no doubt true that in banishing the ear of want from the minds of its citizens, in caring for the health of aeir bodies, in providing surroundings that delight the eye, a nation ay practise the goodness in which it believes and create the beauty aich It enjoys, but its efforts by way of legislation are necessarily/

In view of the present brevity of the future teacher’s course of study t University and Training College to doubt the sincerity of current potestations of interest in the better schooling of the yomi.g i s not Treasonable... How, one wonders, would the public react to a similarly a rtailed course for ph ysician s and surgeons? The impact of immature ad hastily equipped minds on those of the rising generation is surely as [stressing in its results as the unskilful diagnosis or treatment of aysical disease? Ohio observation was made in 194*4. My work suffered a second unavoidab ±e Interruption in January, 1945.. By that time the preface had been somoleted, hut the committing to paper of the inquiry proper was not )e.oun until June of tnau year. ) NTRODUCTION (contd.). ecessarily abortive so long as its individual members fail to recomaize hose values _ in their own way of life. Material well-being to those"" reoccupied in compassing it may seem to be the prerequisite of such ecognition. But is it? That integrity of spirit is not dependent on 'pdily comfort or ease of mind has surely been demonstrated over and over gain, not only by philosophers, p oets, sa in ts and martyrs whose names pe known to h isto r y , but by the liv e s of countless men and women unknown teve to their ov;n immediate cir\cle. The power to order one’s days so thd pe principles which inform one’s thoughts and actions are love of truth, Aspect for goodness, and joy in beauty comes from within, end is evoked' id fostered by right training.' External circumstances may help or tnder its growth, but cannot give it birth. Nor is it necessarily posperity that helps, adversity that hinders. Yet, as was earlier enlarged, so c ia l reforms seem to be the p ra ctica l outcome of th is msciousncss of values which they do not condition, but which they may ffect by rendering it either keener2 or more dull.3 These are the considerations and reflections that: have" led. me to isume an inquiry, interrupted at the outbreak of war, into the irehasing power of the drachma in ancient Greece. It is knowledge of the »achraa* s purchasing power in ancient Greece that provides the clue to iterial conditions in Athens of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., and tat these were it would be particularly interesting to know, since yere, as perhaps nowhere else, the spiritual values were recognized, and hind expression in the work of dramatists, architects, sculptors and linkers unsurpassed, and seldom matched, in later ages. : It is, of course, impossible to make a categorical statement about the tpression they found in the life of the man in the street, but that he is not unresponsive to the leading of his gifted contemporaries - so ny, in so short a tine, in so small a cmty - may readily be argued. 4 was the man in the street who judged the plays of Aeschylus - JscJiylus who so grandly contrasts the transience of earthly greatness ;th the triumphant resurgence of man’s spirit* - of Sophocles, conscious ' the divine power in man,5" of Eurixoides - the rationalist whose peal is never to the intellect alone; to illustrate Euripides would Ty the -painter’s sk ill.6 It was the man in the street to whom /

Educational reform should begin with the teachers, not with the taught, re again, though higher salaries would reflect a juster estimate of the acher* s importance to the community, it is the teacher’s own preciation of the worth of his calling (with the consequent desire to uip himself for it as well as possible and the spurning of a hastily quired paper qualification secured by means of easy options) that is quired. Free education, for example, affords to all the opportunity of creasing their understanding, 3 lout may lead to less eager use of the portunity provided,in so far as instruction once prized as a privilege ,heB, as a rftght, to be lightly regarded. V. Persae 548 et seq. sr. Antigone 332-375 7. Hippolytus 208-222 i i i NTRODUCTION (contd.). Brides (or j-hucydides; it makes no difference which) addressed the uneral Oration, and it was of the man in the street that he spoke, part from tne implication that its hearers were men of considerable atellect, the subject matter of this sxieech considered, as the utterance f a man who declared himself content if his history should be ’’judged »eful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the papt "Vs an Ld to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human pings must resemble if it does not reflect it**1 necessarily carries light. The speech2 gives a comprehensive picture of the city’s 3ife, and J.aims for the citizens at large a most liberal attitude of mind. Then |ain, it was the man in the street who appreciated the wit of -Cistophanes. Athens, it must ever be remejlered. was a small democratic bate. The works of its great men were everyone’s concern. The outlook of its citizens is also reflected in their resumotion of le building of the Erechtheum in 409 B.C., when the state had been at ir for#twenty-two#years^and had as lately as 413 B.C. suffered the lattering defeat in Sicily, a blow at once to the city’s resources and > her pride. In the midst of such vicissitudes they resumed the ishioning of an exquisite temple in honour of Erechtheus their legendary .ng, of Poseidon, Athene’s unsuccessful rival in the contest for Attica', id of Athene herself, guardian of the city. For the moral and social, as distinct from the intellectual .and thetic life of the citizens Pericles, as recorded by Thucydides, makes Lis claim, ”We acknowledge the restraint of reverence; we are obedient ;> whomsoever is set in authority and to the laws, more especially to lose which offer protection to the oppressed.”* It is true that a few mss later the speech of Cleon denouncing the contemplated reversal of le resolution to put to death the whole adult male population of itylene re-presents the citizens in a different licrht, end that even in le speech of Diodotus urging the reversal the"appeal is rather to ^lightened self-interest than to love of justice.*** Speeches, of course, jflect the temper of the speaker (whether Pericles or another) as wrell ”"i that of his hearers. For Athenian conduct with regardto Mijjylene .ere is, however, the independent testimony of Thucydides - ’’the jlheni an s. „. determined in the fury of the moment to put to death the ,ole adult male population of Mi'tylene, and to make slaves of the men and children. ...The morrow brought rohontance with it, and fle c tio n on the horrid- cru elty of a. decree which condemned a whole ty to the fate merited only by the guilty. This was no sooner perceived • the Mitylenian ambassadors at Athens, and their Athenian supporters, .an they moved the authorities to put the question again to the vote; .is they the more easily consented to do as they themselves plainly w that most mf the c itiz e n s wished someone to give them an opportunity r re&onsidering the matter . ”5 From the evidence of Thucydides it is/

hueydides 1.22, edited, in translation, by Sir R.W.Livingstone (Oxford, 1943). b. 11.35-46. Hb. 11.37. **ib. III.37-40; ib. III.42-48. b. III.36; the underlining is mine. STRODUCTION (contd.). *>» clear that the first resolution was not the result of deliberation, . j_n Opacity for responding to right leading,moo -.ifer tod ty i .s worship. What were the abstract qualities personified by Athene?

Thucydides III.49 *ib.~ V.89. (in translation as on preceding page) •lato, Apology, 29, translated by Jowett (Oxford). ’♦‘Phaedo, 114, Translated by Jowett* ^Apology, 31; the underlining is mine. INTRODUCTION (contd.). j&lour, sk ill, and knowledge as it issues in wisdom and undorstandinv. a her they embodied a sense of duty to, and love of, their country; ighly developed appreciation of the arts, and distinguished performance a literature and science. Only to an extraordinary people was such a inception first possible. « It is, then, in the belief that examination of the material tnditions of a people of preeminent genius.is not irrelevant at a time lien, m their preoccupation with its material welfare, our legislators teem to be losing sight of the nation’s spiritual aspirations, that I £sume this inquiry into the circumstances of the citizens of ancient jthens. '/as the glory that was Greece achieved against a background of -Ineral prosperity? Were the bulk of the citizens rich, poor, or Iderately well-off? With their public finance I am not concerned, tcept in so far as it throws light on the circumstances of the idividual. That it has its own lesson for the modern world ?ofessor Michell has suggested,1 and that it was in fact disastrous to ;he noblest of all states known in history” is the verdict of • Andreades*x The inherent weaknesses of their financial system, and le morals which these may point, fall, however, outside the scope of thi iquiry. Its object is rather to determine, if possible, what measure * comfort might have fallen to one’s lot had one lived ” a man Hellenic doing that which there was done, There among the sons of Athens, not a stnanger but a son.”3 s It is well to remark at the outset that since the standard of living tries from age to age,**' and ’’rich” and ’’poor” take colour accordingly, ie only meaning of these words directly intelligible to the modern, or it any other mind., is appropriate to its own day; s’ it is represented ::p the having-so-much of an income when the majority of one’s fellows ive so-much-less, or by the having of an income that will provide ■jmforts that the majority of one’s fellows are denied. The favt which plication of the adjective ’’wealthy” to Gephalus and to the father of ■inosthenes4 represents is their possession of incomes x times leater than those of the majority of their fellows; and it is knowledge •lined by investigation, of what x stands for that invests the adjective th meaning; but it is estimate by the standard of one’s own day that/

he Edonomics of Ancient Greece, by H.Michell, p. 352 et seq. quoted by Professor Michell, ib. p. 393 ’ hilhellene, by Myers. hd possibl# from country to country. What is true of difference in jime may also be true of difference in place, rid country. he Oxford Companion to Classical Literature s.v. Lysias, and s.v. Jemostheneg. NTKODUGTION (contd. ). hat renders that meaning intelligible. If "rich" today denotes bssession of an income of. £2,000 as against an income of £120,* for the bdern mind comparison of x with 16% is the first step towards an tderstanding of what it meant to he rich in Ancient Greece (as |Ldicating the relative gulf between rich mid poor). but proper ■f.derstanding demands such imowledge of the drachma’s purchasing power $ w ill serve to show with vdiat measure of the n e c e s s itie s common4' to §>th ages an income x times greater than that of his fellows could J*ovide him. „ | These considerations serve to defind the questions which must be fsw ered if the material conditions which prevailed in ancient Athens te to be understood. What did it mean to be rich or poor (a) in respect r contemporary standards, (b) in respect of the standards of today?'Or, >re particularly, how far in advance of the income of his fellows was lat of the rich man? With what degree of contemporary comfort could it ‘ovide him? How does the share of necessities common to both ages with tich i t could provide him compare with the share of these which the ij o r it y can afford today? The object of the inquiry as set out in the ;tle now resolves itself into the determination of 1whether, and to what ;ten t on the evidence available, these questions admit of an answer. ! It remains to remark on the limits set to the inquiry. The result to dch one looks at the outset of an undertaking of this sort - however fficult of achievement it may subsequently prove - is increase in the uthfulness of a 'picture. The picture in trie present instance is of hens from her victory over the Persians in 4-90/89 B.G. to her defeat d loss of independance at the hands of Mace don in 262/1 B.G.

jv. p., 113. The preface was written (v. p. i) in December, 1944, Jt the figures here auoted have been brought up to date and reflect fsting conditions (September, 1946).

r! The following table may be conviently inserted here: 8 chalci =. obolus * 6 oboli «. drachma jj 100 drachmae = mina J 60 rninae = talentum Pood,, sh e lte r and clo th in g , the n e c e s s itie s of l i f e - now., as in the iiys when Socrates invited his friends to construct in their argument a Jty from its beginning1 - are the proper matter of the present°inquiry. Jat records are there of the prices of these necessities in Athens" of iie fifth and fourth centuries B.C.? Are they such that a reasonable Injeeture of, for example, variation in the cost of living may be based % them? Is it possible,by examining recerded incomes, and fortunes in Jght of them,to mage any statement about the standard of living of the |rth and fourth century Athenian? l first, what kind of food did the Athenian eat? In reviewing the life 1* the citizens in the city of his own constructing, Socrates twice ^ a ?ovokes G-laucon to criticism o^f the diet he details. Barley-cake C ^^), leat bread (^eros J3 and wine (a’v©s,1. Glaucon thinks dry fare; and'the . Vuntryman’ s r e lis h ('ofov ) of s a lt {oca$), olives }, cheese ) ■id vegetables (jsoXao/ ; ) whiph Socrates concedes, and his dessert ) of r ig s (

’having no money”. Thus 210 p o sitiv e nclusion about the content of the diet of his fellow citizens in neral can be drawn from Glaucon’s conversation with Socrates. It does, jwever, suggest that by certain contemporary Athenian standards (those I Glaucon and others like him) citizens whose fare resembled that ©cribed by Socrates were to be judged wretched indeed. 7 : Thast there were, nevertheless, many such, appears to be sufficiently bested by Aristophanes, whose Wasps (422 B.ul) and Peace (421 B.C.) ■lustrate the conditions of the time at which the conversation in the public may be supposed to have taken place.S' The references to barley-/

public 369 G,D, et seq. A ' de from barley meal, (»X«pirot ) ground from the g r a in ( ). de from wheat meal i^Xaotoc) ground from the grain (iCue*i f . K v i the Acharnians, Dicaeopolis says of the Megarian’s pigs Toy ‘ /*>d<5'K./}/Uo(Te-#. public 372 E, translated by A.D.Lindsay, public 337 D, 338 B;: Apology 38. public 372 D. kto, the Man and his Work, by Taylor pp. 263-4 (O

jOOD* '.parley-cake ), to the meal from which i t was made ) ? and ■pie grain (Kci&otf ), hoth in the Wasps and in the Peace, variously sugges hat, supplemented by the less common wheat bread (<*eTo$)} it was the° Staple- food of the ordinary citizen. This is implicit in the reply Peace among men wers she wonTt |ent to eat either wheat bread or barley-cake, accustomed as she always ks been to lap up ambrosia among the gods above.” 1 Trygaeus was, of 'jpurse, a countryman, but the townsmen, the chorus of Dicasts in the lasps, mention barley meal (#X

Prom the evidence of Aristophanes it seems that the diet described by derates was at once more common and (except in jest) less distasteful Lan Glaucon re-presents. Just as barley-cake, wheat oread^and wine seejn »ter all to have been the mainstay of the ordinary citizen, so, too,/ U.. - ■ ■ eace 851. asps 300. asps 610. eace 449., eace 475. IIeace 568. /eace 1320. po, the coimtrpan1* relish ridiculed by Glaucon appears familiar and isirable enough to Aristophanes* audience. In the Peace, olives ) '^e the objects of regretful longing.' In the Wasps, cheese (tuc* ) is, his attempt to create discontent with the common lot, listed by lelycleon among the luxuries showered on the demagogues by the allies in Larp contrast with the meagre fare available for the ordinary citizen^ i doubt the enormity of Labes* crime - the dog-defendant in the mock *ial - lies in his theft of a commodity that sets the teeth of the idience watering, a large Sicilian cheese . 3 In the Peace, the intensity the desire of the Chprus to return to civilian life would be the mortL,, sadily conveyed to themr hearers, if the cheese and onions of campaigning tey- so w illingly relinquish^ had been hard to come by in Athens. ** Of * igetables, garlic (tficaeo&ov) is evidently the one commonly used, for Lelycleon in the same passage of political satire, taunting the ordinary ttizen represented by his father, says, "But as for you, for all your lying of the plashing oar, not one of your subjects gives you so much as fhead of garlic for your boiled jfish" - not so much, that is to say, as I very ordinary article of diet . 6 His remark may have literal significance well — wartime shortage of even the commonest accessories to the itizen’s meal - since it is to garlic that Trygaeus, imploring Peace to 111 the market with good things again, gives first place. Early , / . cumbers ( s (k.ua\ ) come next in his prayer.. ‘ The figs peas fasted myrtleberries ( ^ercL) and acorns which Socrates suggests ir dessert, likewise rind a place in Aristophanes. In the Wasps, dried •Lgs 1 are represented as too expensive for the average citizen ; 7 lough ordinarily not highly valued, to judge by the conversation of •ygaeus and the Orestmaker. As a concession to the labour expended on te crest, Trygaeus agrees to pay for it (in apite of the shame he feels i making so magnificent an offer!) three choenices of dried figs, which le Grestmaker thinks is just better than nothing. Trygaeus, however. Ills the bargain off, for the crest in losing its hairs; he would give |r it not even a single dried fig. * In the Peace, fresh figs (sGk*l) and rrtleberries (/4-'7eT*) are among the remembered delights of pre-war days. But s i r s ,*1 says Trygaeus to t he Chorus, "calling to mind the old way7of [fe which in the old days she provided for us, those fruitcakes (• 77-A*

i'Peace 571; a Wa»ps 1675; 3 Wasp. 907; ""Peace 1127; 4 Wasps 1679; tPeace 999;7\Va*pa 291;’ Peace 1215; 1 Peace 571;"Peace 1145;"Peace 1130; jWasps, e.g. 811; cf* Plutus 1004.

$'S’ 4 »; loop* , ^ .lb mind - but,, with the exception of dried fish (T*e*X°S ) 1 and anchovies 5 •'f4'*! ), they were not commonly included in the menu of the Jrdinary citizen, nor, it seems, were many of them available at that time •jyen for the fastidious. Attic honey was prohibitive: it cost more than fae juror1s pay for the d a y . 3 Honey, too, ia among the luxuries which Jlelycleon declares are the privilege of those in office. ^ Apples M**-) lid pomegranates were delights that Peace might restore.6" It is "rue that in the Wasps they are represented as the daily fare of Amynias, 1 at,if they were in fact commodities rarely available at the time of the fLay s. presentation,that would serve to represent as all the more Ijamptuous the dinner of the gourmand, with which Amyniasr customary meal 'ii contrasted.. The. game which^ Trygaeus longs to see fillin g the marie t igain - geese (X^S ) > ducks (V'nrrwij, woodpigeon® ( jatskin of wine, a loaf of bread (<^ctos ), two onions ( ) , and Lree olives ) freely offering his services to the state - and the toner* of contemporary Athenians who w ill do nothing without payment. 13 it though the implication is that men have grown luxurious, luxury was jrtainly not to be had for three obols. The other - Prax&gora’s picture f life free from existing inequalities - is (apart from the fish} so tact a replica of Socrates* picture of an ideal order of society - Everyone will have everything* wheat bread )> slices of salt/

rasp* 491; *Peace 563; ^ Peace 252; *Wasp* 676; 6'Peace 999; 6 Wasp* 1268; Ieace 531; ^ Peace 1195| 1197; 4 Peace 715; ,0Peace 1196 cf. 1150; 'asps 708-11; & Plato, the Man and his Work, p. 20; ,3Ecclesiazusae 303. kljt fish "barley-cake , wine ( <*^«5 ), garlands and peas j 66/biV©oi ) ” 1 - that one suspects-Aristopnanes of sympathy with Glaucon, lich finds its expression in deliberate ridicule. Yet, from other iference® to food in the Ecclesiazusae and in the Plutus - references >ss w istful , 2 perhaps, than those in the last plays of the war years, and > suggesting a relaxation of stringency - there does not appear to have >en any great change; in the character of the average Athenian’s diet, ie sameness of their culinary tasks throughout the years - the roasting * * grain and baking of cheese-cakes - is offered as an instance of the jnservatism of Athenian women* 3 Accessories are perhaps less scarce. Lt s till of the, same kind. It is, now possible to contemplate amusedly, a fine for late-coming, peas (eee^yGoi ) and wine (oWos J m fficient quantity for the entertainment of the conspiring Chorus, jweyer improbable that any of the women would allow herself to incur N ;• As a penalty it proved an effective deterrent. Anchovies (Tc.tX.Oes ), ie poor man’s relish,^ are plentiful enough for a man to eat his fill !* them, S' but it is still at a state banquet of the imagination that JLices o f s a l t f i s h h ares ( A * ^ ) , pea soup (£'t v ©5 } , cakes piTocV* ), and sweets ) are encountered. The inevitable barley- tee too, finds a place* c Earlier in the play, the intention of Icpyrus to expend his three obols on wheat (iTue.«>i ) may indicate a tlcome change from the customary barley. 7 In the Plutus, howexrer, barley ral J has lost none of its importance for the Athenian citizen. ; is in terms of barley meal that prosperity, or the lack of it, is sessed. The virtuous poor - for Wealth is blind - have none, * but, alth’s sight restored, find satisfaction in thought of a bin never ttrain empty. A garner full, of barley meal, rjars full of wine, a loft i l l of'dried figs (‘•tf’X**6* ) bespeak prosperity ..10 In interesting contrast 3Tthe view expressed by Glaucon, Chremylus argues, that so long as a man a s wheat breadA&eTos J and barley-cake Lu^<<) he is not really poor, .kdish ) leaves and mallow ) stalks are the poor man’s read and barley-cake. 11 While days of universal abundance are still a .esideratum, references to food m the Plutus, as in the Ecclesiazusae, ■f* more light-hearted than those in the Wasps and Peace.. To persuade palth that he is indisputably the most powerful force of all, Chremylus "*ges that wealth is the only thing of which a man can never have enimgh. >wever insatiable his other desires may seem, a lim it can be set to Lem. To prove his point, he particularizes.. So does his slave Carion. *f all other things,” says Chremylus, ”a man may have a surfeit. Of &ve - ” 9/ kr* Of lo a v e s (*er©i ) - Arem. Of a r t . Itr. Of sw eets ( t - Arem. Of honour - . sir. C h eese-cak es Cl?A ockovvtsu - krem.. Courage x kr. D ried f i g s («<*)(*3^$ ) - .krem. Am bition - 1 ^ kr* B a rley -ca k e {uoi^} - /

* * Ecclesiazusae 605-6; xThe mental pictures of peace and plenty in Mstophanes war plays do suggest a certain nostalgia. One is reminded X Osbert Sitwell"*s essay on stage meals: ”1 write, moreover, in years F war and shortage;, when all things that we can eat appear to possess ore than their actual value, and this, in turn, bestows on their ounterfeit® upon fctageLtables a corresponding increase in the apish ockerv of their enticem ent...” (The Banquets of Tantalus, in Sing highl ing lowly; ^Ecclesiazusae 221; **-cf. T£.t)oli«$ j as mark of 3 $ / ^ cS l i . ia z u ‘ ae 5 6 > 4i*- 8 4 1 ; gOOD. s ar* Barley-eake - hrem* Command — . ar*. L e n t ils ( and cream-cakes Xb/f1TfS J can be * 5ot®$ only by the wealthy. & Tipsy-cake (oTvoQttoc ), honey (/itAi ), and iried fig® 0 ) are offerings acceptable to the god Hermes, f C arion: Jhe slave, is careful of his food all through. His little bit of meat ^Kgdo<^»ov ) brought from the sacrifice is s till precious, * though it is possible for him — as one suspects it might not have been toward® the Ijrnd of tl?.e fifth century - to rummage at home for bread («ef «>5 ) and «fieat )* wk©n hi* master’s back is turned. The cooking of a great lot of fish and meat, however, T€/mk)(£v k*■» } f 7 and m ttlefish (/■ an<.®c) was of small 4count**/ At the offer of peas («£&/s«Yfrei ) and dried figs s ) the Jttle human pigs, squeal with delight. ,sf Sweets J and cakes - ietrse ), sesame ) , ^esame and honey (^ ), and Ihers made with specially refined flour (cW^Aoi) _ belong to the fnquet of fancy to which Dicaeopolis is invited.'lln the Knights (424 1C*>, Cleonyis accused of appropriating bread (ve^s), meat 5> and lit fish ( T6/^o<.Yo5 ) from the public board.30 It is with promises of 'Jlfered bread ) to be handed over to Demos that the Sausageseller feks to win the popular favour,and when Demos petulantly refuses to be Jjoled by Cleon*s promise of an assured daily allowance of barley Itiboti ) - !t£ can’t stand hearing about barley,*1 he says - and does not ispond to an amended offer of barley meal (*A

tcharnians 860: 3 ib* 1003-1017, 1040-1047: 3 Ib. 961, 1007: *ib. 970: b. 962, cf* 1041: * ib. 1006; Tib* 1040; *ib. 1040;; ‘lib* 1049; '°ib. 515; -b* 764; ib. 901: ‘Sib. 554; »*ib* 967; ‘"''ib* 550; (fcib. 515; '7ib. 447: h. 800; 'fib* 1091: Knights 282; *!ib* 777; ^-ib* 1101; ^ib. 1166-1228; b*. 1007; 5 ; ib. 1089. ic 'business, the one after a hearty meal of hot tunnies (e„WG*e>o*) i other after ox tripe ( wotreov ) and p i g f s tr ip e (koiXI*. SeU ) «

ordinary citizen is represented as so wildly elated at word of a of anchovies (&y6ou ) that he is ready to abandon his part in state irs for the day. Indeed it is an event worthy - as would be also a rabundance of sprats (“re'X1'^5 ) - a thanksgiving sacrifice of Homeric ortions. ^ Garlic (tfx-oeoXov ) and onions ( kagain appear as the valent of the modern soldier’s bully b e e f.a in the Clouds (423 B.C.), preoccupation of the citizen with securing sufficient barlwy meal for needs is reflected in Strepsiades’ instant reaction to Socrates y about subjects of study. "Well, what do you want to learn first?" Socrates, "About measures, or verses or rhythms?" and Strepsiades at replies, "Why, measures for me; for only the other day I was done . of two choinices of barley meal by a dealer." **" In the Birds (414 B.C.) rong desire fo r. anphovies (4f«f«4u K and, pea, soup C&rv<*s) b e tra y s th e oeTI mortal past. ^Finches Umvor ), thrushes blackbirds i)(oi ), and pigeons (n60'frc€^f ) are mentioned as birds that the terer sells , u but,,when Pisetaerus is seasoning his dish of miscreant s with silphium (re problematic. Similar li&ts in Aristophanes suggest that the .'kotation from one or other of his sons, Nicostratus or Philetaerud, fescribing the purchase of a hare ( ducklings (yurnot ) ^ .. brushes ( k-»XX

c f . p . 5 , n . 1 1 . (It is, perhaps, worth remarking that radishes, onions ‘Id garlic v\rere the food of the workmen employed on the pyramid of Gheops i the eighth century B.C. - Herodotus II. 125.) I The contrast of noXoo'K* with v$Xut«*en.u<. (v. note 3) suggests the Jeeifle opposition of meat and bread, but since the word ’meat* excludes |sh and poultry which ; 6fov includes, I have chosen a less restricted |ndering. Similarly, since is applicable to the season’s |eld of any natural product, I have used the word ’harvest’ in inter­ acting Soerates’ remark. Memorabilia 3..14.2; *ib. 3.14.3; ^ib*3.14.1; ^Athenaeus 11.71, II, 221K; ib., II.71, IIfcl30K, cf. ib. IV.7, II.151K (Anaxandrides fl. 376 B.C.); lb . 1 1 . 6 8 . 10

1**^5 ) may a contemptuous reference to the normal fare of the ordinarv thenian citizen .’ At any rate Antiphanes (fl. 385/4 B.O.) finds in the * Enancial worries of the fourth century citizen a subject for his humour, iere is no security for the citizen; taxes, litigation, the expenses of iiblie life, the hazards of the sea or of the soldier’s life, thieving omestics make the only certainty the day’s meal; and even that is no srtainty till it is safely eaten - guests may drop in to devour what a an has ordered for him selr.z And indeed the frugality of the Greeks is a toek joke. Antiphanes holds them up to ridicule as keepers of a poor able (/*irt~eoTe*Tr 6^i ), vegetarians \ for the most part adulging only in small scraps of meat (/ti<-e^ ) . 3 A character in a Lay by Alexis (fl. 356 B.C.) feels that for a Thessalian guest he must Lr® really clever cooks; that he cannot treat him sparingly (WunKe^M&v^.s) i Attic fashion )#l(' The Attic host, according to Lynceus (fl. 30 B.C.).. may.satisfy the eye of his guest with a variety of dishes - gpplic, shellfish of different kinds on separate plates, a cake - but not Ls hunger. There is not enough of each for both, but while one helps iimself to one- dish the other empties another. Better to have a more Mrtrieted choice, it is suggested, but enough for each guest Of every Lsh offered. * Pish seems to have become increasingly popular, so that Athenaeus, .oting the comic poet Myrtilus (fl. in the latter,half of the fifth ntury B.C.), remarks (as Plutarch did before himfcJ that while in ;eory anything other than the staple foods is called in practice ov for the Athenian means fish. 7 He has certainly preserved evidence of .8 popularity in the fourth century. Amphis (fl. 350 B.C.) - incidental^ bsxantiating Aristophanes’ statement that the radish is the poor man’s iod - thinks that the man who is set, on buying radishes when netean_ s ive r e a l f i s h i s mad ( ©frm • a a play by Alexis (fl. 356 B.C.) a cook soliloquizes on the preparation r fish.4? In another, where a,, reluctant subscriber insists on hearing the fenu read over before he parts with his,money, six of,the seven items are Lsh.^ Certain fish, howev#rv~ the midale-cut and tail of the tunny jy Fo'-yirf’Tetov ©v/w**. ^ ) , th e head, o f a p ik e ( a conger cuttlefish ( .Ti'm ) - are still, according to Eriphus (fl. 350 C*} too expensive for the poor . 11 Timocles. too, writing in the second df of the fourth century B.C., ridicules the parasite Corydus, who, >reed, for want of an invitation,. to provide his.own dinner, eyed,the v Is ), tunnies (k>v//c,< ), rays ) bhd c r a y fis h (K«e**oi f 9 Lt, with half an obol in his pocket, had to Content himself with ichovies ( yu** >eA <>

(Athenaeus 111.59: *-ib. III.,62, II.98K; sib. IV.2, II.81K; ‘fib. IV. 14, JII.3T5KL;; ^ ib . IW 8 , IV.433E; ^Moralia 2.667F; t Athenaeus VII.4; pbi 11.48, II.843K; ib. III. 8 6 , II.366K; '"ib. III. 8 6 , II.301K ; lib. VII.65, II..429K; a ib. VI.241a, II.456K;'2>ib. V II.23.

1 XI

[pop.

1 Athenaeus, in whose day the city was "full of bread " , 1 devotes several (ages to listing the many varieties then available, but, since his work jecords the conversation of eight connoisse^trs in dining’. it is jaturally concerned rather with the accompanying dishes. Abundance of ^al would, in any case, create more widespread interest in these. Barley itiM } is still the first cry of the beggar in a third century poem by loenix - barley, or wheat or a loaf 0 *eT<>s), or h a lf an >ol.> That the ordinary household stores were Of much the same sort iroughout the fourth century as when Aristophanes was w ritikg.is iggested by two references in Theophrastus 1372-337 B.C. ), The Penurious m forbids his wife to lend, among other things, salt (^ 5] , b a r le y }, and calces for sacrifice ( 0onAvi^oa-ot J. 5 When the club dinner is *ld in his house, the Avaricious, Man hides away for himself, again u aong other things, lentils Uimi ). vinegar ), and salt n illy, Menander (343/2-"92/l B 5,C*) d e t a i l s Athe d a ily n e c e s s i t i e s . ( ^ Mid ku#> \ as bread ),meal , vinegar and ) m? Another fragment of his, contrasting the poverty of a s customary offering to the gods - one tiny sheep nredSKuc/ J - with ie self-indulgent extravagance, of his expenditure on rlute-girls, scentei LI, harp-girl s. wine of Mende or Thasos, eels cheese and honey, as irely stamps these luxuries s till . b

1 Athenaeus 111*79; fib., VIII.59, 217 Bgk.,; 3Characters X: ^ib. XXX; ]301K, The P ilots; *rW161M, Drunkenness. s j 2. ! Recorded prices may now be considered. In setting out in tabular form ie prices of corn, the citizen’s staple food, the unit of weight chosen b the choinix, the day’s minimum allowance whether of wheat or barley tal. Herodotus, marvelling that supplies did not fail Xerxes’ host, ound its daily consumption of corn impressive even though his ilcula$ion was based on the assumption that "each man got only a choinix ':? wheat a day"*' Boeckh suggests that the obvious inference - "that the loenix was but a small quantity"' - may be discounted, since Herodotus is leaking of "soldiers on the march, who are always great consumers of revisions"* ^ That is surely to assume in Herodotus a Teutonic precision aite foreign to his casual temperament. Herodotus’ reflection is not, I link, that the choenix, an ample daily allowance for the civilian, is Jobably an underestimate for the soldier on the march, but that the 'loenix i s commonly reco g n ized as the d a ily minimum fo r normal l i f e * T his *eras to be confirmed by Boeckh*s next citation from Athenaeus, who says lat the Corinthians were called by the Pythian priestess "those who 3 '>asure with the choenix" because they kept a very great number of slavey ; is a fair assumption that the standard allowance for a slave was the Hnanon minimum for slave and free alike. When Boeckh estimates Attica s nual consumption of corn, however, he argues that the slave’s daily lowance was necessarily 111 excess of the citizen’s, for citizens "since ey enjoyed b e t t e r food than th e s la v e s could n o t have c&nsumed so mush ain as they." Is it, then, to be supposed that the slave was replete i n €5h§«$iix a dayf The; i n t e r e s t shown in food by s la v e s in comedy/

Herodotus VII.187 6? rrueZw

Thucydides IV.16; 2 Boeckh (Lambrs translation) pn.126-7: Thucydides V II.87; ^1*0. xi.2.158A; * Table of Prices for Barley Meal, item s 2 and 6 . 13 bSZB* j Date., Com. Barley., Barley Meal. Wheat. Source. L Between io b . I.Gr. i i * 1358 1 .4 5 , [ 400 and 1 .5 0 350 ), 3 3 5 /4 fo b ( i j o b . ) I.G . i i * 408 L0 e*330 i j o b . (A ristotle) Oeeonomica (r e s o ld II .1 3 5 2 b . a t 4ob.,}

3t 3 3 0 /2 9 fo b . 1.0. ii1* 360 5. 3 3 0 /2 9 ( 2 o b .) fo b . Dem. XXXIV. 39 (c. Phormionem)

L. 3 2 9 /8 fo b . Job. I.G. ii2- 1672 & fo b . >• © •Job. Job. ;>* A fter 2 jo b . Denu XLII. 20 330 (Adv. Phaenippumf h 2 9 5 /4 6 jd . Plut. Demetrius 33. h 282 Job. I.G-* x i.2 .1 5 8 A c . Job . fo b . c . fo b . Job . Job. i ifO b . Job . fo b . fo b .

Utes on item s: % Plutarch (c. A*D* 4 6 -1 2 0 ) qfcotes one drachma as Solon*s evaluation * the medimnus in a table dealing with sacrificial offerings. While the dee belongs to an earlier period than that with:which the present Lquiry is concerned, it is of interest, as the first on record, for irposes of comparison. In an anecdote about Socrates, Plutarch tells how Socrates, to imonstrate the groundlessness of a friend 1 s complaint that Athens was

v x i v 5V/ wJL U.V XIX W l i X v i .1 uv XX V w ^ ww'xc*. J.i.x.iu v** **. j- w uaavx n-'o. wj-xv ere necessities, as distinct from luxuries, were to be had, and made m remark the moderate prices of the goods exposed for sale. A hemieeton ?barley meal, for example, cost only an obol. Whether the story is >oeryphal or not, it is evident that barley meal so priced was cheap. Of ts date one can say only that it purported to fall within the adult life t Socrates (469-399 B.C.).

■i fotes on items (contd.): L In the second "book of the Oeconomica, erroneously attributed to Iristotle, tne people of Lampsacus "anticipating the despatch of many riremes against them" are reported to have raised funds to meet the xpected emergency by ordering the dealers to sell their barley meal, for hleh the market price was four drachmae, the medimnus, at six drachmae, 0 that the state profited by two drachmae on every medimnus sold, he date is mere conjecture. Ground for fearing Athenian reprisals, owever, would certainly be furnished by revolt to the Spartan ereyllidas.. Nor need the fact that the Athenian Strombichides found the ity (which he took at the first assault) unfortified, when he hastily ailed against it from with twenty-four ships, necessarily ^validate this supppsition. The people of Lampsacus may have put their pney-making scheme into practice without having timeto expend the eeeipts on defences. A fragment of the Cinesias. a lost play by Strattis (fl. 407 B.C.) noted by Pollux (fl. A.D., 180) in a discussion about measures, puts the cice of barley meal at "about four drachmae the cophinus", a Boeotian sasure containing nine Attic choenices. Lack of context leaves no clue ■> the construction to be put upon these few lines from comedy, nor can t be dated save by the floruit of its author. This entry is accordingly racketed as unsatisfactory evidence. , When other sources of corn supply failed the Greek mercenaries in fd ia (401/0 B.C.), the price- asked in the local market for wheat flour id barley mealvwas four sigli (five Attic drachmae) the capithe (two Etie choenices).. "Therefore,” says Xenophon significantly, "the soldiers wed on meat." Date and detail of this price are well authenticated.. It is been bracketed because it relates to a foreign market. It is, however C interest as an example of. what seemed to a Greek soldier an exorbitant large, which he could not afford to pay. , In his life oflDiogenes the Cynic philosopher (fourth century). .ogenes Laertius (A*D. c«200-250) gives, as an example cited by the sage i remarking how commonly things of great value are sold for nothing at .1 while useless objects fetch high prices, the sale of a statue for Lree hundred drachmae but that of a choenix of barley meal for t^ro lalci. Like Plutarchts anecdote (cf. item 2), this might well be locryphal. It is, however, sufficiently unlike the other in detail to tve independent value in testifying to the cheapness of such a price. It i, though, of even vaguer date. 1 This price is the inference from Blepyrus* complaint to Praxagora that [s inability to attend the ecclesia ( and so earn three obols) for lack C his cloak and shoes, with which she had gone off, had lost them an jteus of whekt. In his desire to make her appreciate the enormity of her induct he may be guilty of an exaggeration which Y/ould not be lost on e audience. On the other hand, if the Ecclesiazusae belongs not to 392, it to 389 B»C#this apparently low price might reflect, either in fact r expectation, the recovery of Thasos, the Chersonese, , and aleedon for Athens. In a table of sacrificial fees belonging to the fourth century three ols is the price of a hemiecton of wheat* ■. In a similar table four obols is the price of an ecteus of barley a l.

Professor Rosefs note In A Handbook of Greek Literature, p. 238. j 15 POP*mm ii—* otes on items (eontd.): D. In a decree honouring them for this and other services, two merchants f Heraclea are commemorated for bringing from Sicily in 355/4 B.C. wheat lich had cost nine drachmae the medimnus (bracketed urice), and barley D sell at Athens at five drachmae the medimnus. " U Oleomenes of Naucratis, Alexander’s finance minister for Egypt, paid ie dealers, according to the writer the Oeconomica, ten drachmae the sdimnus - the price they had been getting from the merchants - for their itire stock of corn, and so, having secured a monopoly, fixed the price b thirty-two drachmae the medimnus. This entry is bracketed because the bhenian citizen did not pay for corn at such a rate - part of the cost as defrayed by the State or by private benefactions. It cannot be sactly dated, but the circumstances seem to warrant its insertion at lis point in the table. The current rate of ten drachmae the medimnus allows reasonably enough oi£ the earlier Sicilian charge of nine rachmae. The sixteen drachmae mentioned (cv. item 13) by Demosthenes as le cost price of com in the speech agains! was probably a sfleetion in the other markets of Oleomenes 1 exorbitant thirty-two rachmae, and the eighteen drachmae paid for home-grown barley (vt item 3' — though this may be an overestimate to support a special plea) would len be the result, of an increased demand on the other markets due to a sneral desire to avoid the Egyptian one if possible. It is worth noting i this connection that in the speech against Phormio (327/6 B.C.) the Dyage was to the Bosphorus, and that in the speech against Dionysodorus et.322 B.C.), which deals with the events of the past two years, armeniscus, who did sail to Egypt, is together with his partner, ionyaodorus, accused of being in league with Oleomenes. In that speech oo, the m ischief done by Oleomenes to Athens, and to Greece in general, b said to date from ’’the time he received the government”. (In ionysodorum 7.) As Alexander’s conquest of Egypt took place in 332/1 B.G leomenes* machinations were probably begun in 331/0. 2., Another decree pays honour to a merchant of Salamis in Cyprus for elling his grain at five drachmae the: medimnus in 330/29 B.C. 3.. In the speech against Phormio, the. plaintiff, calling attention to is own exemplary behaviour, speaks of a time (probably 330/29 B.O.) hen the price of corn rose to sixteen drachmae the medimnus (bracketed rice), and recalls how he then imported and sold to the citizens more han 1 0 ,0 0 0 medimni of wheat at the existing price ("nS ) f five drachmae the medimnus. There is no reason to suppose that the rices are falsified for effect (though the quantity might be), for hey would be common knowledge. 4. & 15. In 329/8 B.C. first-fruits barley fetched three drachmae the edimnus, and first-fru its wheat six drachmae the medimnus. Ten medimni, owever, were sold for five drachmae the medimnus. So records an ascription found at Eleusis. Barley from Imbros, later in arriving than he rest, fetched three drachmae, five obols the medimnus; its offering f wheat - 36 medimni, sold for 221 drachmae - fetched the sameprice as he bulk o f th e wheat r e c e iv e d . 6. In the speech again stJPhaenippus, it was the p lain tiff’s object to rove that Phaenippus was/better off, so that the eighteen drachmae he medimnus he quotes as the price obtained by Phaenippus for the * * arley grown on his estate,, possibly an overestimate, is certainly a top r ic e . Three hundred drachmae the medimnus is the price to which, according jo Plutarch, wheat soared during the blockade of Athens by Demetrius. A 'Jice twenty-six times that paid by the merchants during the scarcity of 5/4 B.C. (item 10), and nearly ten times that engineered by the/

i .boo. !ptes on items (contd): 'ie designing Oleomenes (item 11),becomes horribly credible in view of ie seemingly fantastic but authenticated figures of recent Greek .story. J. An. interesting temple inscription f*rom Delos records* in detailing* cpenditure on corn for two skilled workmen, variations inthe price of ie medimnus of wheat from month to month for the first five month? nnfl >r the eighth and ninth months of the Delian year (which begaS witfi the Inter solstice), and the prices of the medimnus of barley for the last "ree. About bread little can be said^, Relevant passages,cited by Boeckh pp. ;53- 4 * are |is he shows, . inconclusive*. That of most interest occurs in Mnosthenes speech against Phormio (XXXIV.37), which speaks of wheat ^»ead sold by the obol’s worth during the shortage of 330/29 B.C. ~ -tunately what constituted the obol’s worth is not stated. That it ssented.the.individual1s daily.ration, however, seems probable; eeially in view of a quotation m Athenaeus from the .comic poet itiphanes (who began to exhibit in 387 B.C.J which puts the cost of an pstemious man’s portion ) of barley-cake at half an obol. (II.76K, L,henaeus IV* l o l a . ) As it was necessary to choose a unit of weight in setting out the dees of wheat and barley, so must a unit of capacity be chosen in ibulating the prices of wine. Again it seems possible to determine the »dinary citizen 1s daily allowance. Passages in Herodotus (VI.57) ^ and zander (Epitrepontes, Act 1)3 suggest that it was a cotyle, and the usage in Thucydides (IV.16) which fixed the daily allowance of barley >al fo r th e Spartans m S p h a c te n a a t tw ice the minimum amount lik e w is e .lows them two cotylae of wine. Their servants were allowed one. It is >t, however, the cost of the cotyle that the following table shows, but ie cost of three cotylae (representing, on the foregoing argument, a iree days/ supply, or alternatively perhaps the day’s provision for a lall family), since I think (admittedly on slender evidence) that three >tylae may have been the unit of retail. That this was' the capacity of te ordinary wineskin is certainly suggested by the brisk query of lesilochus in Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae ( 1 1 . 742-3). The fact Lich I think supports this view is that, expressed in terms of three )tylaep all recorded prices reduce to sums capable: of payment in the irrent coin. Expressed in terns of a single srotyle, they do not. The prices recorded are as follows: Date* Wine per 3 cotylae. Source. 5th c. 2d., Job. Plutarch, Moralia 30.10.470F (2nd h a lf ) e.440 Ijob. - Job. ? Hesperia, vol. HI (1934), p. 296

(Table continued overleaf)

According to an Athenian newspaper, which publishes a comparative ble showing the increase in prices from October 28, 1940 (when Greece tered the war) to April 1, 1944, the price of bread rose from lOdrs. r oke to 340,000drs* per oke*" Hellas,, London, June 23, 1944. The cotyle was the allowance sent home to a Spartan king when he did t attend the public dinner. i The cotyle is the amount that the censorious Smicrines regards as ptomary. Date., Wine- per 3 cotylae. Source* S. 411 lob., Hesychius on the word te'K-oruXo^ , in reference to Aristophanes* Thesmophoriazusae 1 1 . 7 42-3. U. 4th c . 2^ob. Alexis, II.301K, quoted by Athenaeus I I I .1 1 7 e U A fter 1-g-ob. Demosthenes XLII.2 0 330 (Adv. Phaenippum) >„ 329/8 lo b . I*0. ii2- 1672 204-5 r. Between 3ob. Menander, Epitrepontes, Act I. 322/1 and 292/1 J* 296: lf o b . I.O. x i.2.154A 15 - i Totes on item ss L Of. Barley Meal, 2. The price of Chian wine - a mina the metretes - .s the first ground of the complaint made by Socrates* friend that Mthens is an expensive city in which to live. That Chian,was, however, a jhoice wine^there is ample evidence, (v. Athenaeus 1.51.) A mina was the rum spent on wine for one of the lavish banquets of comedy. (Eupolis, :*297 a , cited by Pollux IX. 59.) Another choice v/ine came from Mende. (v ., for example, Menander, Drunkenness, IW161M.) In Demosthenes* speech igainst Lacritus (XXXV.18), three thousand jars ) v/ere estimated in the record of a contract at six thousand drachmae. Boeckh, remarking >n the im possibility of these jars* being metretae - "which the word in the more confined sense certainly denotes** (p. 136) - , says, MWe must assume that small jugs, which may have been commonly used for containing the Mendaean wine were meant, since the Mendaean wine was a shoice wine and was used in the most sumptuous banquets of the Macedonians., Might these "small jugs" have contained three cotylae, the imount held by a wineskin? Their price, two drachmae each, then ipproximates that here recorded for Chian wine, which is Icnown to have >een of the same class. ?*, In an article on "Pottery from a Fifth Century Well" Miss Talcott rrites "A number of wine jars from our well bear graffiti which it seems possible to interpret as indications of price, inscribed though they be ty persons of varying training and literacy. If our interpretation can accepted, the prices range from seven to fourteen drachmae the jar." ‘[Hesperia III.., 1934, p.,296. J The prices shown in the table are queried >ecause they are based on the assumption that these jars were of standard size, that each jar held a metretes. (v. Boeckh, as cited in She previous note.,) Since Miss Talcott mentions the fact that jars .i*430 B.C. held six gallons, those in question were evidently not of the imall variety. v. Boeckh, p . 136. Three choes of wine at ten obols the chous Is an item in a list of Hirehases for a dinner, detailesd at the request of a man who refuses to Mart with his subscription* till he assures himself that the money has |een satisfactorily expended. The purchaser implies that he got a bargair lince the deal was made while the sellers were drunk, but the figure lamed is, for effect, probably higher than that commonly paid by the/ 1 8 )0D. )tes on items (contd.): ie bulk of the audience. Of*. Barley, 15. Twelve drachmae the metretes is the price v/hich the aintiff alleges Phaenippus is getting for his Attic wine. It is ridently considered a good price. In the temple accounts from Eleusis two metretae of'wine are entered » sixteen drachmae. , At an obol the cotyle, Smicrines seems to think a man’s wine might ry well choke him. In the temple accounts from Delos a metretes of wine is entered at even drachmae. The evidence suggests that during the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. obol for three cotylae was a common price for ordinary wine. Of salt all that can he said is that it was ordinarily, cheap. The only ice recorded (which works out ~x n---, ------l- j.,. _ riod of blockade hy Demetrius e reliable, prices were abnormally, high. (Cf. „—vr^ , , . Prices recorded for vegetables, cheese, and fruit are disappointingly jew. They are as follows; jsgctablcs 1 D ate. Item . P r ic e . Source. [ 4th c. Lupins io b . Teles in Joh. Stob. Elorileg. 5, - 1 ch o en ix v. Boeckh, p.143, n. 6 i ► 4th c. A cabbage 2 ob. Alexis, II.-301K, ( e ^ ^ s ) v. Athenaeus, III,117e. i .... _ 1 1 r ...... —■ “ m rH O L 4th c . Lupins • Timoeles, II.460K, [ (2nd h a lf ) (Qicpei ) v. Athenaeus, VI.240e. btes on ite m s t Writing about the middle of the third century B.C., Teles attaches to )genes, but with other examples of.prices,^ Plutarch 1 s anecdote about crates. ( Cf. Barley Meal, <0. ,) ^ Lupins ^ ^ * 0 at ^a wxaxuuo chalcus the choenix « are _ted by Diogenes (fourth century B.C.) as an example of cheapness Cf. Wine. 4. That this is an exaggerated price is evident, both from lc way in which tt is broken to the critical auditor - he is represented i having insisted onthe purchase of a cabbage - and from his horrified feception of its cost. , . i This entry is bracketed because the context is too fragmentary for Pliable interpretation. Boeckh suggests (p.143) that the price, which Jems high, belongs to a time of scarcity and may be "jestingly laggeratea". Push this argument a little further, and it may be as :traordinary as the potency of the lupins which so miraculously revive le parasite. I doubt whether this is the line to pursue. I think the >ke more likely to lie in the attribution of the parasite 1 s sudden and lexpected accession of vigour- to a meagre meal of the poorest and leapest of foods, which he normally shuns. Boeckh remarks that lupins rere generally measured by the choenix". Is it possible that to an M adience familiar with that fact the phrase "that sell eight for the obol rwvlv>l>xTl. t&/4o\o 0 J might mean "that sell eight choenices for the >ol"? Of. our omission of "per lb.,", when we say, "Tea is 3 / 4 * mar* Uj sugar, 4d." If the Greek will bear this intefrpretitionj/f^ocl spine dee is the same as Teles1 (v. Vegetables, 1.).

i 19

* .eese Date. Price. Source. 4th e . Job., Diog. Laert. Vit. Phil. VI.2.6 te t One of the anecdotes told "by Diogenes Laertius ah out Diogenes of nope (*f. Barley Meal, 6 ) records the philosopher's comment on the fusal of- a friend, who had pleaded to he allowed to do him a service, t, i earry a half oholfs wferth of cheese: wSee, half an ohol’s worth of eese has broken off our friendship." Prom this it appears that a half ol s worth of cheese was a trifling purchase. u it Date. Item.. Price. Source. , 5th c. Olives ) Job. Plutarch, Moralia, 30.10.470P 2nd h a lf) - 1 ch o en ix

, 4th c. Pigs (tfuK-c) Job. Teles in Joh. Stob. Florileg. 5 , | — 1 choenix v. Boeckh, p. 143, n. 6 I- ■ ' —------— i 4th c. Myrtleberries Job., as for 2 above. ( A^er-c) - 1 ch o en ix i------:------; 4thc. 3 citrons lob. Eriphus, II.489K, |(2nd half) ( Krre<^ ) v. Athenaeus, III.846 jtes on item s: ] Of. Barley Meal, 2., A choenix of olives at two chalci is pointed out f Socrates to his friend as most moderately priced. ' Of. Vegetables, 1. A choenix of figs at two chalci is cited by jogenes of Sinope as an example of cheapness. 1 Of., 2. A choinix of myrtleberries at two chalci is similarly cited, j The few lines which Athenaeus quotes from Eriphus (350M.) suggest ^at, as rare ties, citrons were dear.

[Date. Per cotyle. Source* 5th c . 5d. Plutarch,. Moralia, 30.10.470P [2nd h a lf) ( 421 4ob . ? Aristophanes, Peace, 252 > 4th c . 3ob., I.G* i i ft 1365, 2-3 j early)

jtes on items: 1 This price is one of those on which Socra&$&r i&rley |al„ 2 ) bases his complaint about the expensiveneis”of" lire*in'Athens. »tie honey was,, of course, the best (cf. Archestratus, quoted by ihenaeus 111*5.9.), which is in line with his grumble at the cost of dan wine (v. Win^, l). • It, is a fair assumption that the cotyle - the measure mentioned in ;ie other two references - is the measure Trygaeus has in mind when,/ 2 0

btes on items (contd.): hen* prohibiting the use of1 Attic honey* he says* "It costs four obols." oeckh thinks that the expression is not to be interpreted literally; hat it is proverbial (p. 144, note 1), in the sense "It costs a fortune" he other prices recorded certainly support this view. The difference etween four obols and three (v. item 3) is not great enough to call for ristophanie comment* whereas five drachmae (the price already given for ttic honey, v. item 1 ) both merits the proverbial sense of the xpression and so far exceeds the literal one as to cause an audience indful of it a little wry amusement. * This is the price mentioned in a table of sacrificial fees (cf. heat, 8 )*. So- varied are the items, that it is difficult to tabulate the nrices £ fish* The best method is, perhaps, to classify their; in light of" the 'acts that emerged from the review of the evidence relating ter the nature £ the food eaten at Athens. Sprats (t€» ) and anchovies ( ituhzli&H) were seen to be the common favourites. The only record of riee for fish of this class occurs in a fourth century comedy. The otorious parasite Oorydus, lacking an invitationfcor the day, spends 'our chalci on anchovies ) for his supper* jgh fAnehovies) Date* Item. Price* Source. [* 4th c* Anchovies ^ob. Timoeles, II.456K, [(aid half) for one v.. Athenaeus VI*241a 'L ■ - -.— .I . ■ — I ...... ' .. „ ...... ,.l ...... , ----- ...... ,M._ _ Dried,, smoked, pickled or salted fish, and slices of salt fish were tlso frequently mentioned. The following items seem to belong to this p.ass: fish (Dried, smoked, pickled or salted) L 5th e* A stockfish 7ob* Archippus, I*683K, \. (end) (

1 | Finally, there is one price given for cooked fish. Except for the eel, roasted fish is the most expensive item in the list of ourchases for ie club dinner (cf.. Eels, 2 ) i ah (cooked) Date* Item. Price. Source. , 4th e. A ^roasted fish Id. Alexis, II.301K, ( 07Tro5 ) v. Athenaeus III.117e

A few prices are found fo r game and p ou ltry* ml tr y and Game. Date. Thrushe s . Finches3. Daws* Partridges. Geese. Source. j ( k.(XA*< J (d’TTiVoi 4 (koXoioi} (Tife^iKerj ) X wit £ K6

;• 279 One One I.G. xi.2.161A lo b . l d . 2 ob. 1 .3 8

tea on items: Cf* Eels, 1. A drachma is the sum Lamachus proposes to pay for share ‘the thrushes with which Dicaeopolis excites everyone's envy. The sale of finches strung together at seven the obol is the crime for ich Philoerates the poulterer is, according to the Birdsr Constitution, be taken alive or dead. j, Jackdaws are mentioned in the lis t of Boeotian delicacies (Acharnians, . ■ $n Antiphanes* catalogue of edible birds (II*130K, v« Athenaeus •-71 J, and flanked by quails and swans, both of which were eaten, they pear again in Athenaeus IX. 48. For that reason the price of the talking ickdaw in the Birds is given here. . This bracketed price is, of course, fantastic. It occurs in a tale of ogenes Laertius about Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school of P-Iosaphy* The tale Is of interest because one obol (the price shorn in / [ 24 , DOT* 'Jtes on items (contd*): 1 an inscription from Delos belonging to the year 279 B.G., v. item 1 1 ) t so mentioned as to suggest that it was the normal price! it 4 said' J iat Aristippus ordered a partridge to be bought for him at t b e 'c o e t o f jfty drachm^o» ni j eply tc someone s expostulation, he secured the Imission that his critic would have bought the partridge had it f-n-t cm jol, then remarked, Well, fifty drachmae ate no more ^ofne.,f w ,, &• ? 7#, 8 *, 9.,, 10., & 11. These prices occur in temple accounts from slos. Homolle (B.G.H. XI/*, 1890, p.456 et sea.^ deals with the keeping .id rearing of animals of all xinds, fish and birds, creatures wild and ame by the temple Authorities. Of them he writes: "Si les dieux y pouvaient plaisir, le tresor en tirait profit, ne u S g lig e a n t aucune seette. Les betes mortes etaient vendues pour leur plumage ou leur peau m vendees oise,aux et les animaux ^norts, oies, ch&vres Ai’* ), un bchon (d s) JG1?ke dans 1 etang sacre, etc.); les moutons servaient aux faerifices et donnaient leur lame.; les oiseaux leurs oeufs. (Les ventes t tourtourelles, d’oies ou autres animaux se renouvelaient gresque haqueraois. Les eomptes de 250 en donnaient le detail; tantSt ce sont ps animaux memes e t ta n to t des o eu fs)* " The co n sta n t recurrence o f the kle of birds other than those which have died, and are described as dead, izggests that these no less than sheep were used as sacrificial offer- ' figs, and so as food. It is on this assumption that these items have been fabled here. The geese entered as items 9 and 11 were Egyptian geese pUvojAuJir'45 an^- "kne P^ioe (ld* 2 ob.) included an unspecified number of kgs. Similarity of price suggests that item 8 was also an Egyptian goose Rough it is not so entered, nor is the price there inclusive of eggs. J bdinary geese were more highly priced. (In the temple accounts of 301 M 279 B.0. dead geese fetched, one three drachmae, another five and a falf drachmae. ) Item 11, the partridge, has already been noticed in the famarks om item 4. | As meat was provided by sacrificial victims, two tables follow. The (Lrrt shows the cost of such animals, the second prices paid for portions cooked meat.

! D ate, Pigs.. Goats. Sheep* Oxen. Source. j. 594/3 (iTfd/Wrov) (frols ) Plutarch, Solon. Id* L------5d* X X III.5 k 422/1 Aristophanes, Peace 374 L_ 3d. L Between (<&evt0v/ ) Lysias, XXXII.21 ! 410/9 16d* (e. Diogitonem) i and 401/0 » S h o rtly Hesperia, vol.IV .,1935, a fte r 3d. p *21 et seq.; lines 24 ; 403/2 and 78 i o?s) lines 13;15;60;62;79;80 12d. (oTs ) lines 61;65;66;67;71;72; 15d* 8 3 ;8 5 ;8 6 . } lin e 64 17d* — (Table continued overleaf)

i 4 'ate* Pigs*, Goats* Sheep* Oxen* Source* atween (X^e^s) I.G. i i 2- 1358, col. 1.55: JO and 3d* >50 3 7 ; 4 2 ;4 4 ’4?14;21;28;31;36J ( ^S H.O0a

I5d* (veto's ) col*I*6;10;47;49;col.II* 27 12d » 44;51* ( A J col*I*8;ll;22;35;51;54; 1 2d * col*II*6;8;14;15;20;21;24; 25;31;33;47* (oTs J col*I*12;36;52;col.II.8; l i d * 13; 16; 20. (o?S M oos*} e o l . I . 28* -a\ I7d* 1 (tf’S K.uou<5c^ ) c o l* I I * 1 2 * I6d* (pou$ J col.I*41; col*II. 6 ; 2 0 ; 2 1 ; 90d. 25;43;55. (jSoGs } col* 8 . 150d*y QsoZs wowftj c o l. I I . 9 90d.

j BO/79 Cj&«3$7605 JI.G . i i1 1126, 32* 300d.

.29/8 5 I.G* i i 3- 1672, 120; 21d* 3 126-7; 42d* (A 3 ) 289-90. 30d. 30 d* 400d. 27/6 C^5 3 I.G* ii3,1673, 62; 1 2 d. (KCio'S ) 62* 17d. Ith e< (Rfco/wr i ov) Menander, III.91K, (endj lOd. v* Athenaeus IV*146d & 7 I I .3 6 4 d (Table continued overleaf) 22 * Date*. P ig s . G oats. Sheep* Oxen., Source. #J Between ( ) I.G. x i.2.142, 59. 314 and 7d .3ob . 302

* 302 (xoTe*s) I * G* x i . 2«145A , 9 . 5d. * 301 (X°"e<5s) I.G. xi.2.146A, 77-8;79;80. 7d* C ^ s ) 7 0 . 26 d*

* 3rd c* (A) I.G* i i 2- 1363, 8 . (beg.,) 20 d. * 298 W s) I.G. x i.2.148, 62. 6d*,3ob. :* Between tf s ) I.G* xi.2.153, 4; 297 and 5+d. 279 II . 8 d. ^ 296 ( ) I.G* xi.2*154A, 11. 3d*4ob. * c.,280 CX°^°i ) I*G* x i.2.165, 16. 2d*3ob., 276 (X ^ e«i ) I.G. xi.2.163A, 61. 4d* I* 274. ( * e ^ ) ftvOeoj) I.e . xi.2.199A, 70-1. 16d* 16d* 60a .

t 269 (X°^eoj ) I.G. xi.2.203A, 2d* 33; \ 2 d .4 io b * 34; \ j. 3d* 36;46; I 3d*>lob. 52; t 3 d. 3 ob* a■ 4 1 ;4 2 ;4 4 145; 4d* 50;53-4;55; 4d*3ob* 4 8 ;5 6 . j . 268 (XoTeoS ) I.G. xi*2*204, 76-7. 3d:.,

Meg on items* i Of* Conn, X*. These prices appear at the head of the table because they fe the earliest on record*. They fall putside the period with which this Iquiry is concerned. j>tes on item s (c o n td .)s Threatened with death, the punishment appointed "by for the herator of Peace, ±rygaeus hegs the loan of three drachmae to pay for .e young pig required for the initiation which he feels he should dergo before he dies. Sixteen drachmae - eight of which he charged to his wards — was the Ifatnthe*SiX li£iaI !Sc?g§ai.§SbeSS!!fiS,B?8SaBf0 »H i9e0^ £ 4 ne e actual cost was probably nib more than half the share charged to the Ildren. The defendant had already been taxed with falsely stating that ,e cost of the tomb erected for the father cf his wards was fifty rninae, If of which he undertook to pay himself, whereas the actual cost fell ort of the half charged to the childrenTs estate. A small sheep costing ten drachmae is represented by Menander as the stomary offering to the gods of one who spares no expense for his own joyment - his flute-girls, scented oil, harp-girls, wine of Mende or of asos, eels, cheese and honey costing, indeed, close on a talent. - 8 *, & 10.-21. The rest of the evidence is erigraphical, and so jective. The prices given in the fourth entry come~ from a fragment of a w publication of the laws of Solon: those given in the fifth entry, om a local sacrificial calendar belonging to the Attic Tetrapolis, blished about the same time.The sixth entry comes from a decree of the phietyons at Delphi; the seventh and eighth occur in Sleusinian counts; the tenth to twelfth, and the fourteenth to twenty-first helusive), in temple accounts from Delos, and. the thirteenth in an ©usinian calendar. ; Variations in price are no doubt due to difference in the age, size, a condition of the animal. The evidence suggests that throughout the riod under consideration young pigs cost from two to three drachmae, der animals from three to eight* sows in pig about twenty, a boar xteen. (The prices of the pigs m the seventh entry suggest that they re brood sows, like that in the fifth entry.) Goats seem to have ranged price from twelve to thirty drachmae*. Thirty drachmae, the price .corded in the temple inscription of 329/8 B.C., may be regarded as a top Lee, since there Is sufficient evidence to show that the prices of the" her animals in this entry (7) are high. As twelve drachmae, found as e price of both sheep ana goat between 400 and 350 B.C. (v. entries 4 I 5), recurs as the price of a sheep in 327/6 B.C. (v. entry 8 ) , and as Bu according to Menander, would procure a small victim (v. entry 9), elve drachmae may be taken as the average cost of an ordinary sheep or at. The highest price on record for a lamb (apart from tne disputed gure in the third entry) is seven and a hair drachmae (v. entry 1 0 ) . As v oxen, ninety drachmae (v. emtry 5) is probably in every instance the Lee of a cow in calf, though that is only once explicitly stated. Three adred drachmae (a hundred Aeginetan staters - v. emtry 6 ] is the price a choice bull.- Between 314 and 302 B.C. (v. I.G. x i.2.142;, two jpughing oxen to g e th e r fe tc h e d a hundred and f i f t y drachmae, th e p r ic e | a single victim in the fifth entry. . ‘Of: more immediate relevance to this inquiry, however, are the few jLees on record for portions of cooked meat* fet (cooked) | Date. Item.* Price. Source. I Between A share of sacrificial Id. I.G. I2* 10 T 470 and meat (vc-v^.v’E j 450; To'tJ 7T tLgjou S’tV T&v *C 6 uW c.455* Tov>$ | HM f }

M.N.Tod, G.H.I., p.46 (Table continued overleaf) 28 SB* Late.> Item .. P rice* Source. Between Meat for one Job. Eupolis, I.299K, v. A thenaeus 4 4 l/0 and V II.3 2 8 e 440/39

406/5 Boiled meat for 2" ob. Aristophanes, Frogs 553-4 one ( •coC<< Ke&o< TdO'TOt'S'lV •i£a

, 4th c. Four scraps lo b . Antiphanes, II.76K, v. Athenaeus of, meat ( 76rrcie< IV*161a / i i ) 4th c. A dainty morsel of 3ob. Alexis, II*366K, v. Athenaeus r o a st p ig (Ke6t'f*o$ XIV. 6 6 5 f > oS&T 6* 0 $ TTeisru v&t °S orrro's ) i i 4th c. A sau sage fo b . Aristophon, v. Pollux IX.70 |2nd h a lf) i ...... tes on i terns t An Athenian decree relative to the Ionian city of Erythrae in Asia - tributary member of the Athenian League - determines its religious ligations in respect cf the Panathenaea. Not less than three minae was )'be expended on victims by the Erythraeans, so that the apparently jberal allowance, of a drachma* s worth to each Erythraean present was an isy gesture of generosity on the part of Athens. From the other entries • I is evident that such a share was sufficient for the en ter t aim - en i. of (few friends. In the event of the Erythraeans 1 failing to provide [ctims to the specified value, the priests were authorised to b\r^ other ?. ctims to be charged to their account, the flesh of which.might be rried home by anyone who wished. i A stingy man, who had only once before the war bought sprats, IcLuXged in a half obolrs worth of meat during the Samian War. I Twenty half--obol portions of meat - one of which, it may be supposed, is the usual amount for an ordinary mortal - had been consumed by the jni-god Heracles on his visit to Hades. The prie’e is, no doubt, that jrrent in 422/1 B.C., when the play was presented. Four scraps of meat bought for an obol are mentioned by Antiphanes in sing the frugality of the Greeks. Three obolsr worth of roast pig is evidently regarded as a luxury by j |e guests before whom it is set. . A fragment, of comedy puts the price of a sausage at five chalci. j It is, I think, impossible to come to any useful conclusion about the (ice of oil as it affected Athenian housekeeping, important though it p to the citizen for light,, in cooking, and for the care of his body, je prices recorded are, with one exception, prices obtaining outwith jtica. While, such prices are useful in respect of commodities imported Ike by Athens and the other state, it cannot be assumed that in the ■se of oil, the product par excellence of Attica, prices obtaining sewhere are reliable evidence for those current m Athens itself, eckh (p. 159) notices a great discrepancy between the price of oil in/ 2 9 .gOP* itsa Attic table of sacrificial fees belonging "bo the beginning of the iurth century B.G* (cf* Honey, 3) and the price at Lamnsacus — possibly •wards the end of the fifth century (cf. Barley Meal, 31 - as it is ven by the writer of the Oeconomica. The other prices — all from the lian temple accounts — axoproximate, some to the Attic figure, some to te price at Lampsacus, while others again fall between the two. The iasure most frequently mentioned is the chous. As it is also the measure r which the price^is quoted in the Oeconomica, the one reference dating to retail in general, it has been used in the following table. A* Date* Oil per chous. Source. 411 ? 3d. (A ristotle), Oeconomica II.1347a J 4 th c* Id . I.0* ii* 1356, 2-3 (b eg .) i Shortly 4d.,3^ob. I.d* xi.2.144A, 30; ; before 4d.,3ob. 3 0 -3 1 ;3 7 . | 301 2d. 4ob. 144B, 21; 1 Id .3 o b . 24. i . 279 2d.,2 ob. I.G* xi.2*161A, 92; 2d. 108. 269 Id . 3^-ob. I.G* x i.2*203, 39; ld*3ob., 59 f i i ld .,2ob*> 65. i | c. 265 Id . 4ob. I.G. xi.2.219, 7; 40. t Id .S o b . ites on item s;

•I Of* ^ Barley—1 t / Meal,------—— 7 3. Three------drachmae------____ was the_ current a. price which, — e to let an emergency, was, by the addition of a fifty per cent tax, to be ^ised to four and a half drachmae. | Three cotylae are entered at one and a half obols in an Attic table r sacrificial fees. j This is the only instance of widely divergent prices within a single ar. The variation was not due to variety of use, as all the purchases remade for sadrificial purposes. , , . . _ ■ The lower orice was for oil bought in bulk, a metretes at twenty-four .achmae. fi^r<*&v«;g^h^^ bijjhought m the larger ; ':a#bev%Mebh drachmae, one oboly ' and three • ' •' bretae at forty—eight drachmae*. i Apart from the difficulty in assessing Attic prices already noticed, qak of evidence relating to ordinary domestic donsumption for any given ;igth of time presents another problem* 3 0

Evidence for shelter, the second necessity, is afforded by inscriptions recording sales, pledges, mortgages and leases, and by Speeches m lawsuits#, ihe absence of detail in these records, which revents mental reconstruction of this or that house, makes it impossible 10 correlate cost? or rent, smd fabric# Yet these prices have their nterest#fIn so far as it rexlects tne variation in their owners or iccupiers means, their range is instructive, while the prices themselves ecome significant when, reviewed in relation to the wages of their day, hey are then compared,with modern prices sim ilarly considered #1 f It has seemed,best in the tables which follow to group the items on Ihe basis of their valuation# They are too numerous,"and their valuation I® too varied, for a purely chronological arrangement to be useful# The. foices listed in the first table are for houses (o^K/ia ;

In the second half of the fourth century B*C* a small town-house could b bought outright for 700d., (Table I, 30), the rough equivalent of a karfs salarjr for an architect* Today a small house within reach of the ty of Glasgow might cost the average professional man the equivalent of (ur to five yearsT salary (reckoned at £400-500 per annum)# jlni his most interesting and painstaking examination of the Comptes et lyentaires de Temples Dfeliens en 1'Annee 279#(B*C*H* XIV*, 1890 po*. 389- 0.) Komolle remarks (p#436), "On distingue df abord des ,. malaons Irtieuli^res de fam iller^les dweiicr-ci , maisons de rapport partage^s en appartements, ou hotelleries; les bttiments destines au lerce ou a I* Industrie:* In Attic inscriptions, too, business premises Table I, items 22 and 29), tenement or lodging-houses v* Table I, item 8 ) and private dwelling-houses («■?*»** v# , )le I, passim) are evidently differentiated# The specific term s** \ used also by the orators (v. Table I, items 1,4,8); that their bminology is not invariably exact is#, however, suggested in a speech of aeus (De Dicaeogenis Hereditate. v* Table I, item 4), where he uses both lU ( 2 6 ) and ( 2 7 ) 0f the same house# / v 1 The frequency with which the expression rland and house* (X***9ld* *ot( {jot } is round in Attic inscriptions suggests that the term used jthout such addition dissociates !land 1 from incidental buildings v feted upon it# Similarly one property, later described by Lysias as to )(we«W (XVII*8 ), is first contrasted with another to^whiEh a y ‘iae i© specifically stated, to attach, thus# S-tpfjfroi tTc»V) and a building-site U'1k.oirc-^oy) to a sifcg le pu rchaser G* ii3- 1598), might be adduced in support of such a view# Thus it is t the prices of land, where there is no specific mention of any Iking,, are given in a separate table# It seems rash to conclude, S'rer, that the word X^e.W is never more comprehensive, in meaning# Ijher quotation from Homolle (B.C.H. XIV.., 1890, p. 422) is relevant ft reference to the properties leased by the Temple Authorities in * |oa he writes* "Les domaines sont designes par le nom. generique de/ illow (V, VJ , VII, VIII, IX) detail rents.,

i-1 ‘ ; ^ ^ k , qui marque leur, caractere sacre, par ceux de 7(*l ou de , ; indiquent des proprietes rurales; les comptes des Amphictyons de mn.ee 434 emploient trois expressions qui donilent de ces proprietes une te plus complete et comme une description sommaire: ~*iv ifitv T'fty W An>-*o i ■;5tv K*« Knrvoo^ Tots (C .I.A . I , 283 - i . e . I.G . i * 377* I etats de lieux qui sont cites plus bas montrent en effet oue.les aaines se composent de champs, de vergers et contiennent des batiments habitation et drexploitation. Cependant on peut se demander si ©t ne doivent pasetre disjoints et n* indiquent pas deux elements htincts de la propriete sacree, les deux parties dont se compose la 'Tn *u)w Whether the Ytf *<*(:< of the inscription of 434/3 and the ^uoi and 5 1*1 are to be regarded as three distinct classes of property leased :the authorities, or whether and are to be taken as rether explanatory of ifiJ te A u subsequent quotations from the accounts 250 B.C. to which ^omolle refers reveal the fact that the various jmaines...... designes par les noms de#n ou de )Cweiov * did consist not .y of vines, figd, pomegranates and pasture-lands (as indicated by ,iepfolds and cowsheds) but included sleeping accommodation, kitchens, ?ts, outhouses and other buildings - details not specified in the ?Iier accounts. JjLE I* (Houses and Business Premises) ()00 - 10,000 drachmae ( Date.. Item.. Drachmae.. Source, f 570/69 tenement-house 10,000 Demosthenes XLV.28 j (valuation) (In Stephanum I)

|>e. | In a w ill, contested by Pasion’s son, Apollodorus, a tenement ) valued at a hundred minae is bequeathed by Pasion (who died p/69) to Archippe, his widow, as part of her dowry for re-marriage eh Phormio. Cf. Table IV*, items 9 and 10. 1)00 - 9 ,0 0 0 drachmae 1 evidence.

p00 - 8,000 drachmae ^evidence.

|00 - 7,900 drachmae Jevidence.

|oo - 6 ,0 0 0 drachmae 1 IVth c., town—hous e 5,.000 Isa e u s W 29 ' (e a r ly ) (purchase price) (De Dicaeogenis Hereditate) J&E I* (Houses and Business Premises confcd.} 1)00 - 6*000 drachmae (contd.) I Date*.- Item . Drachmae. Source. Between house 5,000 Lysias XIX#29 394/3 & (purchase price} (De Bonis Aristophanis) 390/89

'?The sale of this house:for 5,000 drachmae occurred after an under- king by Dicaeogenes III - given shortly "before the extant speech which longs to c#389 B.G* (cf. Isaeus V#7 with V#35) - to surrender two— Urds of the contested estate of Dicaeogenes II.. It ?/as ceded to jfeaeogenes III (over and ahove his third share} "by the rival claimants I the estate, in recognition of repairp carried out by him while he was j sole possession of the disputed prop^?ty. It may be identical with the use in the Oeramicus (cf. IsaeuB V.26-7 with V.28-30, and v# note ;; item 4},. earlier given by him in lieu of a dowry of forty minae with sister of Dicaeogenes II, on whose behalf the subsequent claim to a Ird of the estate was made;, and from whom Dicaeogenes III had again qui red it, pending the partition. For the date v. Lysias XIX#28-9. The context suggests that to buy a use at 5,000 drachmae was beyond the means of most men. This purchase ; recorded in a list of expenditures calculated to prove that," after the itlay detailed, Aristophanes (he had twice acted as choregus; had in free successive years equipped a warship; had often paid the property fee levied by special enactment to meet a deficit in the revenue; had buired, in addition to the house costing 5,000 drachmae, more than P plethra (c. 80 acres) of land - all in a few years) could not have jd much moveable property to leave. ! DOO — 5,000 drachmae Date#. Item. Drachmae# Source# ! IVth c. (tenement) house 4,000 Isaeus V.26 (early) in the deme (De Dicaeogenis Hereditate) Oeramicus (valuation)

373/2 town-house 4,400 Isaeus VI#33 or (realisation of (De Philoctemonis Hereditat^ 371/0 mortgage) 4LB.I* (Houses and Business Premises contd.) bes. This house, which, was accepted as the equivalent of a dowry of forty iae, is later (v. 27) described as a tenement house (awoiKu*. ). i’amicus was a town deme. The date is based on the supposition that the dowry of forty minae, lieu of which the house was handed over to Protarchides, was given by isaeogenes III (v. Wyse), and that the lady concerned as the sister of haeogenes II, earlier married to Democles. Since,she is spoken of as 0 ie former wire of Democles ( A ycvo/a.&*t)v' , v. 9) w ith ference to events occurring twelve years (v. 7) after the death of taeogemes II in 411 B.C., it is fair to assume that her second marriage L not occur before 399 B.C. {The house may be identical with the town-house later sold by jsaeogenes III for 5,000 drachmae (v. 29, and Table I, item 2). [Por the date, v. Isaeus VI. 27 and 29. The alternative given reflects pertainty about the date of the expedition mentioned in VI.27. It bbably took place in 375/4 or 373/2. (Cf. note on VT. 27, Loeb edition.) >00 - 4,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae. Source. IVth o., house in the 3 ,0 0 0 Isaeus XI.42 (b e g .) deme M e lite (De Hagniae Hereditate) i.e . town-house (purchase price)

{Before house o f 3 ,000 Demosthenes XXVII.10 377/6 Demosthenes’ ( in Aphobum I ) f fa th e r 1 (purchase price) 342/1 ? tenement house in 3,705d.2ob. Hesperia, vol. V., 1936 th e deme P ir a eu s pp. 397-403 (purchase price) | IVth c. house in Attica 3,000 I.G. ii 2731 ■2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption)

e s . An exact date cannot be given. The price cited is that paid by istoclea,, whose death had occurred (V. 10) before the adjudication the estate of Hagnias to Theoporapus. Theopompus is presently/ feLE I* (Houses and Business Premises contd.) tea. jesently defending himself against a prosecution in the interest of his jrd, Stratocles* son, "brought after an interval (v. 19') 'by a fellow Jardfcan. The date of Theopompus* defence is itse lf uncertain ( v. Jgeussion in the.Loeb edition). Jebb’s suggestion of 359 B.C., w hich fofessor Forster thinks too late, may, however, he taken at least as Itting the limit. . I Since Theopompus1 object was to represent the property left by Iratocles as considerable., he presumably considered the'possession of jtown-house (Melite lay to the west of the Areopagus) which had cost 000 drachmae (in addition to a country one for*which. 500 drachmae d been paid) an impressive detail. These houses v/hfcfch were let (v. 6; !), together brought in an annual rent of 300 drachmae. j The price cited is that paid by Demosthenes* father, whose death [curred in 377/6 B.C.. '{ Again the detail of his property was designed to impress. It is jrth noting that this was the house of a man whose estate was assessed jr taxation at the highest rate (v. 7). ! This house, situated below Munychia, was confiscated for debt to the [blic treasury, and sold by the State... 1 Extant inscriptions show that power to redeem was a common condition | sale - pointing, perhaps, to a reluctant necessity, which suggests prtage both of houses ahd of money. f n I Sale with power of redemption, Ties’tT«p of a workshop and mines at Maronea, fgether with thirty slaves "(leased by their owner from the purchaser r a m onthly rent of 105 drachmae) - the selling price subject to fdemption wa 10,500 drachmae, but that, a year or two later, the same jbjects sold o u tr ig h t Vbrought in 20,600 drachmae (XXXVII.31;

[000 - 3,000 drachmae j Date., Item . Drachmae., Source. ). IVth c . tow n-house 2,000 Isaeus XI*44 ((1st half) (valuation) (De Hagniae Hereditate)

{•r IV th c. tow n-house, near 2,000 Isaeus VIII.35 !(lst half) the sanctuary of (De Cironis Hereditate) Di onysus-in-the- Marshes (valuation) 35

EELTBRo iBIiB !• (Houses and Business Premises contd.) >000 - 3,000 drachmae (contd.) Date., Item. Drachmae. Source. J. IVth c. town-house 2,000 Aeschines 1.98. (1st half) (purchase price) (in Timarehum)

S.. 364/3 house 2,000 Demosthenes XXXI.1 (alleged security) (Adv. Gnetorem II)

I. IVth o. house in Athens 2,000 I.G*. ii1 2729 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption)

5. S h ortly house in Athens 2,5000 ? Lycurgus, In Leocratem 22 a fte r (purchase price) 338/7

r p. 305/4 house in Attica 2,000 I.G. ii* 2678 j ( s e c u r it y )

btes. L The valuation put upon his own house by the defendaht is fcnteirrporary with his defence. The date of the speech is discussed bove Tv. note 6). | It was,, of course, to the interest of the defendant to cite as low [figure as credibility would permit, in order to heighten the contrast ‘.^'tween h is own a s s e t s and those of Stratocles, who had owned not only Itown-hpuse for which he had paid 3,000 drachmae but also a country one it Eleusis) which had cost him 500 drachmae (v. Isaeus, XI.5;. I. This note applies equally to item 17. (Table I .) j The date of the speech, with which the valuation is contemporary, ills between 383 and 363 B.C. (v. Loeb edition). i Both houses had belonged to Giron, whose estate is contested; that bar the sanctuary of Dionysus-in-the-Marshes (i.e. south of the Iropolis) had been let to a tenant, the other Giron occupied himself. p a a s to the interest of the speaker to assess the property at as high (figure as credibility permitted. 0 L Aeschines ’ impeachment cf Timarchus fir immoral conduct was ‘ flivered In 345 B.C., but the charges related tc his early life. (He ■Jus born,, according to Pauly Wissowa,; not later than 391/0 B.C.) 1 In support of his accusation, Aeschines, referring to the immediate psipation by Timarchus of his inheritance, mentions his sale of a lN®-*house to Nauslcrates, the comic poet (fj.. 350 ?)• Nausicrates’ f-sale of the house ’afterwards1 may still have been years earlier to 345 B.C.. U. One tor, brother-in-law of Aphobus, alleged that a house of which/ 36 g W * itas* itch Demosthenes proposed to take possession in execution of the idgment obtained by him against Aphobus, had been pledged to him as icurity for part of a sum of money given by him with his sister as a trr^ag© portion. (Poui; les hypotheques constitutes au profit de femmes ,iriees, il y a dans Demosthene deux exemples qu’il imports de relever :i de bien dismnguer* L un est celui d On^tor "qui, mariant sa soeur d* hobes et la dotant, prend inscription sur les biens drAphobus pour la stitution eventuelle de la dot. Lrautre est celui de, Polyeuctos qui rie sa fille avec une ,dot de 4,000d., dont 3,000 payees comptant, et le irpltLS payable a son deces, et qui pour garantir le paiement de ce irpluB* affecte sa maison en hypotheque et fait placer des oeo< . iscriptions luridiques Grecques.) Whether Onetor’s contention was true '» false, his allegation helps to establish 2,000 drachmae as a ipresentative valuation. The stone bearing this inscription was found to the north-west of ,e Acropolis, in the wall tot a dwelling-house facing the gate of the iretuary of Amynus. For sale with power of redemption’, v. item 9 and note. (Table I.) L The price must be regarded as approximate, for it is based on the sumption that Amyntas neither made nor lost money on the re-sale, for minae, of the slaves he had purchased from Leocrates, together with ie house,for a talent., Leocrates, on news of the Athenian defeat at laeronea, had first fled as a refugee to Rhodes, then settled at bara, where he began business with the proceeds of the sale of his operty in Athens. On his return to Athens (330 B*C.) he was impeached r treason by Lycurgus. j. Les Atheniens d’alors ^vaient aussi 1’habitude, quand les parents instituaient une dot a 1’epouse, de demander au mari un gage de valeur ■rale a la dot, par exemple. une maison ou un terrain., (Inscriptions pidiques Grecques.) Of.. Table I, note 13. 000 - 2,000 drachmae Date* I tern. Drachmae* Source. IVth c*j tow n-house 1 ,3 0 0 Isa eu s V III*3 and 5. (1st h a lf) (valuation) (De Oironis Hereditate)

» Shortly tenement house 1,600 Demosthenes LIII.13 a fter belonging to (c. Ficostratum) 368/7 Apollodorus, son o f P a sio n ( s e c u r it y )

* e. 359/8 an A th e n ia n s 1 ,0 0 0 Demosthenes.XLI.5 house (c. Spudiam) ( s e c u r it y )

(Table continued overleaf)

\ I ° jpT.TS X* (Houses and Business Premises contd.) [.000 - 2,000 drachmae (contd.) j Date.. Item. Drachmae. Source. L IVth c. house in Athens 1,500 I.G. ii* 2671 [(2nd half) (security)

L i m o. house in Piraeus 1 ,0 0 0 I.G. ii* 2732 I (2nd half) (sold with power [ of redemption)

L IVth e . premises (© ^/^) 1 ,2 0 0 I.G. i i 1 2738 [(2nd half) in A ttic a L IVth c. house at Munychia 1,800 I.G. ii* 2743 i(2nd half) (sold with power of. redemption)

L IVth c . house in Athens, 1 ,200 I.G . i i* 2761 [(2nd half) between the Pnyx and the Areopagus 1i. ( s e c u r ity ) ptes. L Of., note 11. (Tahle I .) p.. The events described by the speaker (including the mortgaging of the knement house) took place shortly after his return to Athens from a fierarehy (Dem. LIII. 5) * which can be assigned with xeasonable certainty > 368/7 B.C. (v. Paley and Sandys). The house was mortgaged for 16 minae - interest to be paid thereon i the rate of 8 obols the mina each month (LIII.13), that is at 16 per sht. >. The date given is that &£ the speech (v. Pauly Wissowa), in which lie plaintiff, on the death of his father-in-law, claims 10 minae, Ting to him as part of his wife’s marriage portion and secured to him i her father’s house, direction that tablets of mortgage to the -aintiff should be put up on the house being given in the father’s w ill. Irty minae had been paid in cash at the time of the marriage, and iccording to the plaintiff) a marriage portion of forty minae had been -fovided for a younger daughter. Cf. note 13 (Table I.). % The stone bearing this inscription was found on a path leading to te Acropolis, ctfr the north side of the sanctuary of Amynus. Cf, note 16 (Table I.). BLE I.(Houses and Business Premises contd,) tes. ... Of, note 9 (Table I,), Of, note 9 (Table I.). Cf. item 39 (Table I.). , This house was purchased by the members "Of a club (£exv» ), one of -om, Pantaretas of Alopece, is mentioned by name. As aman of this name : known to have been an Amphictyon in 390/89 and in 389/8 B.C., this yseription should possibly be assigned to an earlier date (v. I.G. ii* 4 3 ), ( ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ . T oMjljL , ^ q .J Of. note 9 (Table I.). .. The stone bearing this inscription was found in the walls of a house tween the Pnyx and the Areopagus. The house seems to have been pledged to two creditors, to one for 000 drachmae, to the other for 200 drachmae. 0 - 1,000 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. IVth c. house in the deme 500 Isa eu s X I.42 j(lst half) Eleusis (De Hagniae Hereditate) (purchase price) u------j . IVth c. house in Attica 500 I.G* iix 2672 !(2nd h a lf) ( s e c u r it y )

IVth c. house in Attica 500 I.G. ii3- 2730 i(2hd h a lf) (sold with power i of redemption) L: . L IVth e. house in Attica 800 I.G. ii* 2733 [(2nd h a lf) (sold with power L of redemption) IVth e. house in Eleusis 700 I.G. ii*~ 2737 [(2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption) i . L... k Between small house 700 Demos th en es LIX. 39 ! 343/2 , ( ©Wdiov ) in (In Neaeram) [ & 340/39 A thens f i . (purchase price) j . 315/4 house in Athens 700 I.G. ii* 2744 (sold with power of redemption)

ites. !•* For date and details, v. note 6 (Table I.). k Cf, n ote 16 (Table I*). eltsr * BLB I* (Houses and Business Premises contd.) tes., , Of. note 9 (Table I.). # Cf. note 9 (Table i»)* The stone bearing this inscription was found at Eleusis. 6 Of. note.9 (Table I.}* >. The date^is that of the speech, to whioh theidate of the transaction ■ proximates, since the house is spoken of as that "which now Spintharus ,s bought for seven minae". t * | That this was a small house ( o«ki?.ov' ) is specified. •. The stone bearing this inscription was found in the aqueduct of iSistratus., to the west of the Acropolis. Cf. note 9 (Table !•)• )0 — 500 drachmae Date*, Item . Drachmae. Source. !. 414/3 house in the deme 105 I.G. ii*" 328, 15. Semachidae (purchase price) 1 ' i. IVth e. house in Salamis 410 I.G. ii2' 1579, 8-15. ( b e g .) (purchase price) , IVth c . house in 7 145 I.G. ii2" 1579, 8-15. ( b e g . ) (purchase price) i. e.355 small house 300 Isaeus 11.35 (valuation) (De Meneelis Hereditate) i. IVth e. house in Athens 300 I.G. ii2" 2673 (2nd h a lf) ( s e c u r ity )

’► IVth o. house in Attica 290 I.G . ii*" 2728 (Snd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption) U IVth c. house in Attica 270 I.G. ii*- 2735 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption)

>. IVth c. premises in Attica 200 I.G. iii2735 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power : of redemption) d- ». IVth e . house in Athens 400 I.G. ii*~ 8736 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption) gLTER# fBLE I* (Houses and Business Premises contd* ) Jrtes. Semachidae has "been put by some among the in la n d , by o th ers among ,e coast- (v. The Population of Athens in the Fifth and Fourth nturies B.C., p.65). This hotise was confiscated property sold by the State. Cf. Table II, Table IV, 40 and 41.. * & 34., Both of these houses, confiscated and sold by the State, had longed to the same man, but the location of the second is obliterated, i*. The speaker’s valuation is contemporary with his speech. For its ite, v. the Loeb edition. To make striking the contrast between his meagre inheritance and the msiderable inroads made on the late owner's property by the contestant. ; would be natural for the speaker to minimize the value of the ’little ' ...iuse ( om000d., - Items 2 (P.P.), and 3 (P.P.) jjSPECTUS OF PRICES LISTED IH TABLE I (o o n td .) 4004. Item 5 >OOd* Item 4 (Vi '05d.2ot>. Item 8 (P .P .) >ooa. Item s 6 (P.P.), 7 (P.P.), and 9 (P.P.*) >ooa. Item 15 (P.P.) ,____, >ooa,. Items 10 (V.), 11 (V.), IS (P.P.), 13 (S.), 14 (P.P.*) and 16 (S .) Item 23 (P.P.*) Item 18 (s.) Item 20 (S.) Item 17 (V.) Items 22 (P.P.*) and 24 (S.) Item s 19 (s.) and 21 (P.P.*) Item 28 (P.P.*) Items 29 (P.P.*), 30 (P.P.), and 31 (P.P.*) Items 25 (P.P.), 26 (S.), and 27 (P.P.*) Item 33 (P.P.) Item 40 (P.! BOOd. Item s 35 (V.), and 36 (S.) i290d. Item 37 (P.P.* 270d. Item 38 (P.P.*' 200d. Item 39 (P.P.*' M 5d. Item 34 (P.P*) 105d. Item 32 (P.P.) : With the figures contained in Table I may he compared prices found an interesting inscription from Tenos, belonging to the end of the urth or to the beginning of the third century B.C. (I.G-. x ii.5.872). it town-houses range from sixty drachmae to two thousand three hundred

ntioned, costing l,287d.4ob., l,000d., 900d., 650d., and 235d. Two uses - not stated to be iLsre\ are entered at l,700d. and lOOd. spectivelj,y. Again lOOd. appears as the price of all the erections ) in a particular street. The foregoing prices relate specifically to houses; those in the llowing table to houses with a garden or other adjunct, and to land th a house. BLE II. (Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house) ©r 10,000,' drachmae Pate. Item. Drachmae. Source. Between a house, together 30,000 Lysias XIX.29 & 42 394/3 & with more than (De Bonis Aristophanis) 390/89 300 plethra (i.e. more than 66 acres) o f lan d (purchase price) 4 2

[BIS II* (Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house contd. ) ite. For the d a te , v . Table I , n o te 3. In Lysias XIX* 29, Aristophanes is said to have acquired, in addition a house, for which he paid fifty minae, more than 300 plethra of land ^ T6 7TX6.*v n ), and in XIX. 42, the land and the house igether are said to have cost "more than five talents* ( $ u£yt<~ ^rw ). Discount the words "mors than" in each case, - it is to the eaker s interest to m agnifvsubtract the cost of the house from the st of the whole, and 300 plethra of land cost 25,000d. This puts the ice of a plethron at 83d. 2 ob*, the equivalent in Attic drachmae of the iposit (50 Corinthian drachmae) which, in 436/5 B.C. was to secure to lose who did not wish to sail immediately a share in the Corinthian lony to Efpidamnus (plmcydides I. 27). 000 - 1 0 ,0 0 0 drachmae i evidence.

000 - 9,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae., Source. » IYth c . land and a house 8,000 I .Or. i f 2- 2659 (2nd h a lf) in A tt ic a ( s e c u r it y ) >■ |te. ; The stone hearing this inscription was found at Keratea, north-west of lorieus. (Of.,, Table I I , item s 8 and 12; Table IV, item 29.) 1 Cf. ffiahle I, note 16.. 1 A property, purchased for 8,000d., is mentioned in the inscription' torn Tenos (i.O . xii.5.872) to which reference id made above (p. 4i) - house and lands, with watep-supply and farm implements. A half share 1 th is W8[s re-sold for 4,000d. [000 - 8 ,0 0 0 drachmae [ evidence

[000 - 7,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae. Source., L IVth c. a house and 6,000 I.O. ii^ 3752 | (middle) workshops in | A thens (sold with power of redemption) i_____ | iVth c. land and a house 6 *000 I.O* i i u 2699 [(2nd h a lf) in A tt ic a (sold with power of redemption)

1 XiB II* (Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house e o n td .) tes. The s to n e hearing this inscription was found near the Bipylon Gate. There must have "been at least three workshops, as the inscription stinguishes betw een 11 those inside” and ”the one outside” ( a stone- son*s shop) the wall. Other references to workshops record the pledging, with a condition t reciprocal usage (cf. Table II, note 25) , of a workshop, garden, and | >ring in Athens, on the banks of the Ilissus. in the sedond half of the ! yurtE century B.C.m for 300d., (I.G. 2759); the pledging of a Yfork- iop‘in the neighbourhood of the Agora, during the same period, for »0d* (l*G* ii*’ 2760); the sale,in 342/1 (?}, of two confiscated work­ tops in the deme Melite (a town deme), for l,500d. (Hesperia, vol. V., )36, pp. 397-403). A mining workshop near Thoricus, together with an i ^specified number of slaves, was sold with power o f.redemption in. the toond half of the iourth century B.C., for 6,000d. (i.G. ii*- 2747): similar sale, belonging to the same period, — the stone bearing the tscription was found at Marcopoulo, east of the southern tip of Hymettus : [was effected for 700d. (I.G. ii2- 2749); and the sale with power of ^demption, in 3 4 8 /7 B .G ., o f such a workshop at Maronea, to g eth er w ith irty slaves, for 10,500d. is recorded by Demosthenes (XXXVTI* 4 and 5 ) , is its subsequent sale outright, together with the thirty slaves, for ,000d. (XXXVTI. 31 and 50). As in Table I, note 9, the nrice secured foi° e outright sale is roughly double that paid for the sale with power of [lo^explanation of the expression ”sold with power of redemption”, v. pible I , n o te 9. 1 The stone bearing this inscription comes from Spata, east of the north [p of Hymettus. (Of. Table II, item 10) i The purchase was made by the members of an association. (Cf. Table I, bm 23.) S The inscription from Tenos records the sale of a property for 6,000d. [a house and lands, with water-supply, earthenware cistern, doors and ther equipment. 000 - 6 ,0 0 0 drachmae . Date.. Item . Drachmae. Source. . Between land and a house in 5,000 I» a . i i 1 1241 300/29. Attica, let on a & 291/0 ten years* lease, at a yearly rent of 600d. (selling price to tenant- at any time within the term of th e le a s e ) ! 319/8 land, a house, and 5,000 I.G . i i 2- 2724 a garden in Attica (sold with power of redemption) 44 g ® . SBLE II*(Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house oaontd.) otes. This property was situated in the deme Ivlyrrhinous, east of the smthem t ip o f Hym ettus. v, Table VI, note 1, and cf* Table IV, note 3. The stone hearing this inscription was found at Koropi. The property 9B$ therefore, situated in the ancient dene of Sphettus, north-west of prrhinous (v. Table II, note 5)*. Cf. Table I, note 9. With th e se item s may he compared two e n t r ie s in the in s c r ip tio n from nos (I.G. xii. 5.-872), which belongs either to the end of the fourth • to the beginning of the third century B.C. - a house and lands, with ter-supply, wnd n house and lands, each bought for 5,000d.. An scription of similar date from Amorgus records the sale of a house, a bttery. and various lands, subject to redemption, for 5,000d. (i.G. xii, L55), the seller holding the property in usufruct for a nett annual fiyment o f 500d. • ^000 - 5,000 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae.. Source. IVth c. land and a house 4,500 I.G. ii* 2662 (2nd h a lf) in A tt ic a (s e d u r ity ) h IVth c. land and a house 4,000 I.G. iix 2694 (2nd h a lf) in A ttic a (sold with power of redemption)

tes. The stone bearing this inscription was found in the plain of Thria* tween Athens and Sleusis. Cf. Table I , n o te 16. The stone bearing this inscription was found at Keratea, between hen® and iLaurium, north-west of Thoricus. (Cf. Table II, items 2 and 12 d Table IV, item 29.) The sum of 4,950 drachmae appears in the inscription from Tenos (I.G. i.5.872, v. above;) as the price paid for a house and lands, and 4,700 achmae as the price paid for houses, a pottery, lands and aqueducts. 000 - 4,000 drachmae Date. Item* Drachmae* Source. ©* land and a house 3,000 I.G. ii* 2764 (2nd half) in Atti ca (purchase price)

te., ! This property seems to have been sold unconditionally to the members/

L 45

BLE XI*(Houses with, a garden or other adjunct; land with a house contd^) tes (contd.) raters o f a clu b ( c f . Table I ,ite m 23; Table II, item -4). Its location "unknown. In the inscription from Tenos (i.G. xii.5.872), 3,700d. purchased iuses and# lands, including aqueducts* a quarter share in a tower, the

U IVth c. land and a house 2,000 ? I.G. ii^ 2687 [(2nd h a lf) in A tt ic a (sold with power or: redemption)

L IVth c. land and a house 2,200 1.0. i i 2- 2693 | (2nd h a lf) in A tt ic a (sold with power of redemption) ! . IVth c. land and a house 2,000+- I.G. i i 2' 2696 j (2nd h a lf) in A ttic a (sold with power i of redemption) i «. L IVth c , land and a house 2,000 I.G. i i 3" 2700 [ (2nd h a lf) in A t t ic a 1 (sold with power

i. of redemption) L /' p. 305/4 lands and houses 2,720 I.G. i i 2' 2679 in A t tic a ( s e c u r it y )

)tes. ). The stone bearing this inscription was found at Spata, east of the >rth tip of Hymettus. (Cf. Table ii, items 4,3315,122 and 23.) Cf., TaTfr^Le I , n o te 16. 1. The stone bearing this inscription comes from a private house at atissia, north of Athens, so that the property would seem to have been p the ancient deme of: Aeharne. [ The figure is uncertain. It is ?published as XX, but a note records post haec signa vestigia numeri F7” Of. Table I , n o te 9 . J2, The stone: with this inscription was found at Ke rate a, between Athens pd Lauriura, north-west of Thorieus (cf. Table II*,. items 2 and 8). , The stone really bears two inscriptions. The u rst records the sale/ SBXiB X I * (Houses with, a garden or other adjunct; land with a house contd.) btes (contd.) ale of the property to two purchasers, Aristophon and Antocles for l,100d .3 ie second its sale to Antocles alone for 2*200d. - possibly the first Hrangement, which would seem to have fallen through, was that each should l,100d*. A note on the inscription reads: Ex hoc termino qui bis in ium vocatus est, co llig itu r eundem fun dura eandemque domum primum veniisse pistophanti et Antocli, turn cum ille nescio qua de causa de emptione i i»sisset Antocli soli, qui iam duplum solvit. A For conditions of sale, v. Table I, note 9. 5, The figure is uncertain. It is published as XX-. 1 Of. Table I, note 9. ;U The stone bearing this inscription comes from Daphni, between Athens ^If^^afie*!, note 9. 5, The st&ne bearing this inscription was found at Spata, east of the Orthem tip of Hymettus (cf. Table ii, items 4, 10, 22 and 23.). Cf* Table I, notes 16 and 13. I The inscription has been variously explained by scholars (v. Bull, fll. II* 1878, p. 485): Agitur hie de diraidia parte Xenaristae dotis, " tae fuit 4,000d. et de usuris biennii, quae sunt 720d. is Xenaristae agrum pro dote oppignaverit, viri docti adhunc ambigunt. I que Koehler, cum plerumque eiusmodi lapides imponantur agris maritorfei, :i aut ipsi a socero dotis nomine dantur, aut oppignantur pro dote aut ttegra aut parte solum dotis, coniecit etiam hie maritum hypothecam ■ -Jnstituisse priore parte dotis acceptis, matrimonio turn dissoluto tamen . ; obus annis post coniuges in gratiam rediisse ea condicione ut marito pars dotis nondum persolveretur, neque taraen usurae prioris partis Itis reddendae essent, quae simul cum capite per hypothecam ei I aeribebantur. Quam coniecturam probatam a Lipsio, Das Att. Recht. u. ssehtsvers II, 499, nec non 0*Schulters Woch Klass. Phil. 1892, 794 et • F.Hiizig G-riech Pfandreche 44 et Szanto et B illeter et Pappulias novis Hague gravibus argum entis fu lc ie b a n t. Contra h a r e ste eumque s e c u ti ^ fraud Propr., fone* en G-rece 290 nec non D itten b e rg e r patrem u x o r is thodorum hypothecam constituisse putant, qui, cum Euxenippo archonte liam cive cuidam in matrimonium daret, do€em quattuor milium . .Jachmarum constituit sed non numeravit. Cf. Dem. XLI.5. Duobus annis I apsis dimidi am partem cum eiusdem partis usuris duorum annorum jrsolvit. At cum etiam turn deberet altera duo m ilia drachmarum eiusdem ennii usuris, in locum lapidis, quo doraus et fundi obligati erant in tarn auattuor milium summam, hunc substituit. The second explanation ■“eras the more straightforward. The father's inability ta> make fu ll . fment of his daughter's dowry and his consequent pledging of property ^certainly paralleled in Demosthenes XLI.,5. I have not, however, irained the strong arguments brought forward in support of the view Ht the inscription records, not the liability of the father for an >&id instalment of the dowry together with the interest accruing, but > security offered by the husband for half of the dowry already paid ’‘ther supplemented by two years* interest thereon, due to the father i left by him in the husband's hands as part payment of the half still ^standing. c .With these entries may be compared the sale, in 314/3 B.C*, with power j redemption, of land and a house in Tenos for the sum of over two, but/ 47

: gXTSR* SBLB II* (Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house c o n td .) ,)tes (eontd.) it under five, th

r. e» 3S 8/7 p ro p erty in the deme 1 ,0 0 0 Lysias XVII.5;7;8 Cicynna, viz. land and (De Pecuniis a house P u b lic is ) (valuation)

1. IVth c.. house and garden in Attica 1,700 I.G. ii1 2675 (2nd. h a lf ) (s e c u r ity )

1*. IVth c. land and a house in Athens 1,130 I.G. ii'2* 2685 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption;

). IVth e. land and a house in Attica 1,500 I.G. ii1* 2688 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption)

Jtcs. )* This inscription records the sale of property confiscated in jomection with the mutilation of the Hermae and the profanation of the Eateries (cf. Table III, item Table IT, items 40 and 41; Table I, ^®m32).> \ The speaker’s valuation is contemporary with the speech. For the tie, th erefo re* v*. th e Loeh e d it io n . The deme of Giicynna (probably a coast deme) was in the south o f/ 48

HELTBR#

SBXjE II# (Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house c o n td .) otes (contd.) f A ttica. This figure may he an underestimate, for, while the speaker, as proof f his good faith, protests that, should the sale of this property hy lefcion bring in a.bigger sum, he w ill relinquish the difference to the bate, he is at pains to appear excessively modest in his demands* iititled, as he contends he is, to a third of the whole estate, he Laims only this and another smaller property at Sphettus (which he jstimates at five minae), although the official valuation of the whole its its wofcth, at more than a talent, i.e ., on his showing, at more than m times the value of the two properties for which he is suing. I, Cf. Table I, note 16. )• The stone hearing this inscription was found near the spring of dlirrhoe, at the foot of the east side of the Pnyx. Cf. Table I , n o te 9. ). The stone bearing this inscription was found at Dionyso, beneath the Hithern slopes of Pentelicon, in the ancient deme of Icaria. Cf. Table I , n o te 9. For comparison with these entries may be noted the sale, subject to demption, of land and a house in for l,000d., in 314/3 B.C. (L.G. 1.8.19); and the purchase of a house and lands in Tenos at the end of ue fourth or at the beginning of the third century B.O. for l,6'78&.3©b. ,.G. xii.5.872). 0 - 1,000 drachmae Date* Item . Drachmae* Source. IVth c . land and a house 500 I.G . i i * 1580 (Before (purchase price) i middle)

• . IVth c. land and a house 800 I.G# ii* 2654 'i (Before in A tt ic a i middle) ( s e c u r it y )

.» IVth c. land and a house 630 I.G* ii2- 2701 (2nd h a lf) in A ttic a (sold with power of redemption) 2 r, IVth c. house and refuse 800 I .G . i i * 2742 1,2nd h a lf) dump ( kohc ^v ) in A thens (sold with power o£.f redemption)

(Table continued overleaf) 49

igSKL* BXjB II.(Houses with a garden or other adjunct; land with a house ' c o n td .) 0 - 1 ,0 0 0 drachmae (contd.) Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. „ IVth c. land and a house 800 I.G. ii1 2758 \ [2nd half) in Athens (security with a condition of reciprocal usage - k'T«/xen

! tes. „ For details, v. Table II, note 4. , Thg atone:bearing this inscription was found at Spata, east of the rthem tip of Hymettus (cf. Table II, items 4, 10, 15, and 23). This property was pledged by a guardian as security for the discharge f his obligation to his v/ards. c i. This stone also comes from Spata (cf. Table II, items 4, 10, 15 and

Of. Table I , n o te 9* , Of. Table I, note 9. > The note on such a transaction reads: Pro pecunia mutua data fpigneratur fundus ita quidem, ut creditori tradatur ager, qui eius aetnm usurartun loco percipiat. The property was not only pledged to the editor, it passed into his possession and he enjoyed its revenues in feu of interest on his loan. (Cf. Table IV, note 30.) A property in Lemnos - land and a house - was sold outright, in the mrth century B.O., for 800d. (I.G. xii.8.22). In Tenos, at the end of • ie fourth or at the beginning of the third century B.C., the following "Ices were paid: for a house and lands, 500d.; for a tom-house, with is doors and the whole of the site adjoining, 600d.; for a half share f lands, a house and tower, 750d.; for a house and lands, 850d.; for a fuse and lands, 500d.; and for a house and lands, 700d. 0 - 500 drachmae 1 Date.. Item . Drachmae. Source. IVth c. land and a house 300 I.G. ii 2 2684 (2nd half) in Attica (sold with power of redemption)

♦ IVth c. land and a house 400 I.G. ii2* 2686 (2nd half) in Attica (sold with power ; of redemption)

(Table continued overleaf) 50

eielter<

ABLE II#(Houses with, a garden or other adjunct; land with a house con td *) 00 - 500 drachmae (contd*) Date* Item . Drachmae. Sdurce* 18* 315/4 land and a house 447d.4ob. I.G. i i 2- 2726 in A tt ic a (sold with power of redemption)

btee. 6, Of* Table I, note 9. ;7« The stone bearing this inscription was found at Menidi, between ithens and Phyle, in the deme, therefore, of Achame* Of* Table I, note 9. 8* Cf* Table I, note 9. There is record of the sale, with power of redemption, of land and a ouse in Lemnos, between 314/3 and 307/6 B.C., for 400d. (i.G* xii.8.19). a Tenos, at the end of the fourth or at the beginning of the third entury B.C., four hundred drachmae were paid for a half share in lands ad a house, for ahouse and lands, and for another house end lands (i.G . ii.5*872)* In the same inscription is recorded the sale - and subsequent sdemption - of a house and lands for 300d* A half share in a town-house id ils doors, together with a half share in a building site, was bought Dr 250d. In the following conspectus, showing by how many items each of the corded prices is supported, indication of the nature of the evidence is «.ven, as in the conspectus of prices listed in Table I. The bracketed itters (P.P.), (V#), amd (S.) variously denote purchase price, valuation id worth as security* (P-.P *) indicates a sale with power of redemption. 3NSPECTUS OP PRICES LISTED IN TABLE I I . l»000d.. Item. 1 (P.P.) i*000d. Item 2 ( S .) >»C00d.. Items 3 (P.P.*) and 4 (p.p.*) >»,.000d. - Item s 5 (P.P.) and 6 (P .P .* ) 500cU * Item 7 S.) OOOd. - Item 8 P.P.*) oood;, - Item 9 P.P.) !^20d. - Item 15 (s.) 200a. - Item 12 (p.p.*) W00d..-f- - Item 13 (P.P.*) OOOd. f*800d„ 1 ItemS16°(^fpl) 11 ? (P*P**}’ 3114 14 TOOd. - Item 18 (S.) 5ooa. - Item 20 (P.P.*) I30d. - Item 19 (P.P.*) >000d. - Item 17 (V.) 800d. - It:ems 22 (S.), 24 (P.P.*), and 25 (S.) 630d., - Item 23 (P.P.*) 500d. - Item 21 (P.P.) ^CONSPECTUS COMTlMOeD oVERuGAp) 51 gjTBR* USPEOTUS OF PRICES LISTED IN TABLE I I (c o n td .) !Zd.4o'b. — Item 28 (P .P .* ) 0(J. - Item 27 (P.P.*) Od,, - Item 26 (P.P.*) If it may be assumed (v. Table I, note 9, and Table II, note 3) that 'e price paid for a sale with.power of redemption was regularly about If the price required for an. outright purchase, the prices for land d a house range, on the evidence, from about six hundred to thirty ousand drachmae. Prices relating to building sites are so few that chronological 0Uping, without reference to value, is possible. They are as follows? BLE III. (Building sites) Date. Item . Drachmae. Source. 414/3 building site beside 1 ,2 0 0 I.O. iix 325 the Temple of on the Sacred Way to E le u s is (purchase price)

, IVth c. building sites in the 550 I.O. ii2- 1594 middle) deme Oenoe; (purchase price)

, IVth C‘. land and a building 11,600 I.G. ii2" 1598 After site at Phaleron middle) (purchase price) \

IVth c. building sites in 500 I.G. ii2' 2676 '2nd h a lf) A thens ( s e c u r ity ) ites. The note on the location of this site reads: hodie fere • This item appears in the re&ords of the sale of property confiscated > the State after the mutilation of the Hermae and profanation of the 'Bteries (cf. Table X, item 32, Table II, item 16, Table IV, items 40 d 4 1). The; sale of these sites is listed in the records of the tax of a ndredth part of the price paid on the sale of landed property. (Cf. tie IIJ.i tern 3; Table IV, items 21, 26, 27, 35, 36, 37, 42-7, 53-9.) The deme of Oenoe was situated in north east Attica, between Aphidna Jd Marathon (cf. Table IV, items 39 and 43). A similar inscription records the sale of land and a building site Phaleron. (Cf. Table III, item 2; Table IV, items 2 1 , 26, 27, 3 5 , 36, ...» 42-7, 53-9. ) 9 1 Of, Table £, note 16. 5 2

IflSPECTUS. OP PRICES LISTED IN TABLE I I I . ,.600d. - Item 3 (P .P .) ,200d. - Item 1 (P*P«) 550a. - Item 2 (P.P.) 500d. - Item 4 ( S .) A considerable number of priees relating to land are extant. These it BLE IV* (Land) er 1 0 ,0 0 0 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. I Between more than 300 plethra 25,000+ Lysias XIX.29 and 42 j: 304/3 o f lan d (De Bonis Aristophanis) j, & 390/89 (purchase price) , IVth c. la n d (tye*s ) i n the 1 2 ,0 0 0 Isaeus XI.41 (beg.) deme of Eleusis (De Hagniae Hereditate) (valuation)

1 IVth c. land ) in the 15,000 Isaeus XI.42 (beg.) deme: o f T hria (De Hagniae Hereditate) (purchase price) iIV th c. lan d (X^c,ov ) a 11,600 I.C. ii 4 1598 i |After building site at «middle) P haleron (-purchase price)

;; ivth c. lands (two properties 24,000 I.G. ii2, 1598 I After X*oe

ites* ■ For date and details, v. Table I, note 3, and Table II, note 1.

.- For date end details, — — — ✓ v.~ Table I, note 6. The land at Eleusis (a ^ gacy to one of his daughters) had been under the control of Stratocles >*■ nine years before his death. For date and comment, v. Table I, n o te 6 . The land at Thria (north- st of Eleusis) is the first item mentioned by Theopompus when he tails Stratocles* estate. The context suggests that to have owned land >r which he had paid two and a half talents clearly s&^&ped Stratocles i a man of means. This land at Thria was let for an annual rent of reive rainae. It paid its owner, therefore, a dividend of eight per cent, •wards the end of the fourth pentury or at the beginning of the third ■ntury B.C. land and a house in the deme Myrrhinous yielded its owner a vidend of twelve per cent (v. Table II, item 5; cf. Table IV, note 1). v. Table III, note 3. 53

■! gSLTSR* &BLB IV* (Land) otes (contd*) „ These landa, south of the city "boundary, were sold to one purchaser* ie sale is listed in an inscription recording the'tax'of a hundredth *rt of the price on the sale of landed property. (Of* Table III, items rand 3; Table IV, items 4, 21, 26, 27, 35, 36, 37, 42-7, 53-9.) 1.000 - 10,000 drachmae h evidence*

,000 - 9,000 drachmae ^ ev id en ce.

1.000 - 8,000 drachmae Date* Item* Drachmae* Source* Between land (part oi^ a 7 ,0 0 0 Isaeus 11.29; cf* 32 and 378/7 p r o p e r ty } XwgiV ] 34 & 355/4 (De Meneclis Hereditate)

373/2 land J in the 7,500 Isaeus VI*33 Gfr 371/0 deme Athmonon (De Philoctemonis (purchase price) Hereditate)

> t c s . , The circumstances of this sale were as follower Menecles, lately h ceased (whose adopted son is presently defending Philonides, his J ither-in-law, against a charge of perjury, brought by the brother of : necles in respect of evidence given by Philonides in support of the ieakerTs right to inherit Menecles1 property) - Menecles, lacking ready !mey with which to restore to a ward, on his coming of age, the capital ft in trust by the child* s father, together with the accumulated ,a terest, found himself obliged to sell some land* Part of the property . ; ■ proposed to sell was immediately claimed by his brother; for the hmainder, however, he got seventy minae* (The implication is that the ind ’*worth more than ten minae,f which the brother is later (isaeus 11.35) 1 presented as possessing was acquired by him as a result of this claim , ' v. Table IV, item and note 25*) From the speech itself (28) it is clear that the sale took place after |&ecles* adoption of the speaker. The sale is entered, therefore, as -tog place between the date of the adoption (for Y / h i c h v* Loeb edition) ii Menecles* death* ' For the date, v. Table I, note' 5* T Athmonon was near the modern Amarousi, north-east of Athens. 54 EBLTBK.

pLB IV* (Land contd,) ,000 - 7,000 drachmae i Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. , iVth c. land in the ^ ^ 6,000 Isaeus VIII.35 rist half) deme Phlya (**eos ) (De Oironis Hereditate) (valuation)

, 370/69 land in Peparethus 6 ,0 0 0 Demosthenes XLV. 28 (s e d u r ity ) (in Stephanum I) ( U£o7KoC

?)» 370/69 land in Attica 6,000 Demosthenes XLV. 28 ( s e c u r ity ) ( . . . Toi\ci'ST6'/ ^6 To T O ) aU 364/3 la n d ( ) 6 ,000 Demosthenes XXXI.1 (alleged security) (Adv. Onetorem,II)

3* IVth c. land in Attica 6 ,000 I.G. ii 2670 * * (2nd h a lf) ( ) ( s e c u r it y )

6* IVth c. land in Attica 6,000 I.G. ii* 2713 f (2nd h a lf) ( X«;e»V ) (sold with power of redemption")

,' Dtes. For date and detail, cf., Table I, note 11. • t ,/ ' This land - easily worth a talent 4 t<>A£vtov - i s the ;Lrst item in the lis t of Ciron^ property detailed hy the speaker, i lose desire is to make his inventory as impressive as possible. Phlya was an inland deme north-west of Hymettus, south-west of sntelieon. ►> & 10* For date and circumstances, v. Table I, note 1. : In addition to the tenement house valued at a hundred minae, JRsion left to Arehippe, his widow, as part of her dowry for re-marriage 4th Phormio, two talents, one secured on property in Peparethus, the lither on property in Attica. These two talents may have constituted rchippe^ original dowry. Of. Table I, notes 16 and 13,for the practice f requiring the husband to give security for the dowry received with is- wife:. Peparethus, the modern Scopelos, one of the Sporades north— ®st of Skyros, is extremely fertile. The vine, the olive and the almond re cultivated there* 1. Cf. Table I , n o te 13. CABLE IV* (Land contd*) Totes. 11* Cf* Table I , n o te 13. Chetor alleged that this land had been pledged to him by Aphobus, ‘bis brother-in-law, as security for part of a sum given with his sister las a marriage portion. 12, Of. Table I, note 16. Not only was this land to provide security for a donjry of a talent, lit was further pledged for the sum by which its valuation exceeded a : talent. The stone bearing the inscription comes from Amarousi, north-east lof Athens (cf. Table IV, item 7), that is from the ancient deme of 5 Athmonon. 13, Cf. Table I, note 9. *15,000 - 6,000 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. 14* IVth c. la n d in the deme 5 ,000 Isa e u s XI*44 (1st half) Oenoe (X*°£,£>v) (De Hagniae Hereditate) (valuation)

,:15. 313/2 land in Attica 5,100 I.G. ii2" 2680 (part of a property — itlTo ToO € L ° ~ S , too ' ) ( s e c u r ity )

- lotes. ,14* v. T able I , n o te 10. In addition to a house in Athens worth two thousand drachmae, the defendant admits the possession of this land in the deme Oenoe worth four thousand drachmae, and of land at Prospalta worth three thousand '] drachmae. He mentions also the estate left by Hagnias, which he ; supposes (no doubt naming as low a figure as possible) to be worth about two talents. Evidently fearing that his hearers may think his possessions far from inconsiderable, he hastens to add that he has - included in his reckoning those of his son, who has been adopted into • another fam ily. 15. The land on which five thousand,done .hundred drachmae were secured seems to have been only part of a larger property. Cf. Table I, notes 13 and 16. ; 4,000:.;— 5 ,0 0 0 drachmae Ko evidence* 56 i ffLTER.

IBLB IV* (Land contd.) ’,000 - 4,000 drachmae , Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. a. IVth c. land in the deme 3,000 Isaeus XI.44 and 49. 1 (1st hhlf ) Prospalta ) (De Hagniae Hereditate) (valuation)

V 362/1 land belonging to 3,000 Demosthenes X.13 * * Apollodorus, son of (c. Polyclem) Pasion (x^^tov) ( s e c u r it y )

.1, IVth c. land in Attica 3,000 I.G. ii2- 2721 (2nd h a lf) ()C^e,loY ) (sold with power of redemption)

uCS. Of. Table I, note 10, and Table IV, note 14. Prospalta lay south-east of Hymettus. Apollodorus raised a loan on his land to provide ready money for the yment of the crew of his . , The stone bearing this inscription was found at Eleusis. Cf. Table I , n o te 9. 000 - 3 , 000 drachmae ji Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. .. IVth c. land in the deme 2,000 Aeschines, In Timarchum '(1st half) Alopece (X^e'iov ) 1 .9 9 (purchase price)

'*> c,350 land in Attica 2,550 I.G* ii** 2723 ) (sold with power of redemption)

* IVth c. land in Salamis 2,000+ I*G. iix 1596 [2nd h a lf) ( ) (sold with power of redemption) IP

57

i jjjLT ER* <31$ IV. (Land contd.) ,000 - 3,000 drachmae (contd.) Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. , IVth c. land (X*>e.*W ) in Attica 2,000 I.G* ii^SVQS I (2nd half) (sold with power of redemption;

* IVth c. land (X^e^v ) in Attica 2,800 I.G. iia'2705 (2nd half) (sold with power of redemption;

• 313/2 land (X->e*V ) in Attica 2,000 I.G. ii*"2762 ( s e c u r it y )

ites. ...j* v.- Table I, note 12. The land in Alopece was another piece of marchus1 patrim ony which hh l o s t no tim e in co n v ertin g in to ready H jiey. :3i* Of. Table I, note 9. 1 In this sale various purchasers were involved. The share of the total id by each varied. Component sums were l,500d.; 200d.; 600d.; 160d.; ,d lOOd. .. This sale is listed in the redords of the tax of a hundredth part on te sale of land. (Cf. Table III, items 2 and 3; Table IV, items 4, 5, 26 35-7, 42-7, 53-9.) The figure has been partially defaced. (XX —) ' S.. Cf. Table I , n o te 9.. I. Of. Table I, note 9. p. Five hundred drachmae of the total sum were paid by one man, two tons and, three hundred drachmae by two others. r*. This land, which was in the dame Acharne, north of Athens, was the .edge given for a debt. , 000 - 2,000 drachmae 8 Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. ■S.. e.355 land (X*3^'^ ) in Attica 1,000-f Isaeus 11*35 (valuation) (De Meneclis Iiereditai^

,p» IVth c. land in the deme 1,000 I.G* 11^1597 (After Cydantidae (XmJ€‘/°v) middle) (purchase price) ’• IVth c. land In the deme: 1,375 I.G. ii** 1597 ■(After C ydantidae (fcoe(o'f) middle) (purchase price) 58

ijBLE IV. (Land contd.) 000 — 2,000 drachmae (contd.) Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. t jj. IVth c. land ( ) in Attica 1,500 I.G. ii4* 2663 | (Snd half) (security)

iVth c. la n d (X‘*i^‘ov ) in A ttic a 1,800 I.G . i i 2' 2668 (2nd h a lf) ( s e c u r it y )

3, IVth c. lan d (Kotlov) in A ttic a 1,050 I.G. ii*~ 2681 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power o f redemption;

1, IVth c. lan d (X^ei'ov ) in A ttic a 1 ,000 I.G. ii*" 2702 (2nd h a lf) (sold with pov/er o f redemption;

2. IVth c. land ) in A ttic a 1,0 0 0 I.G. i i 2712 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power o f redemption)

3S IV th c. 1 snd (/«** e iov ) in A ttic a 1 ,200 I.G. ii*~ 2719 (2nd h a lf) (sold with power o f redemption;

btes. 5* Cf. Table 1, note 35, and Table IV, n o te 6. To emphasize the rapacity of his opponent, the speaker draws ttention to the fact that, whereas he himself has received from ; enecles estate only three hundred drachmae (which remained from the roceeds of the sale of the land to discharge Menecles1 obligation to a ird - v. Isaeus II. 1), and e^mall house ("not worth three minae"), his opponent is in possession of land "worth more than ten minae". ;!6, & 27., These sales appear an a list recording the tax of a hundredth >art of the price on the sale of land. (Cf. Table III, items 2 and 3; . able IV, items 4, 5, 21, 35-7, 42-7, and 53-9.) ^ tom. ,v, m-m- 8., Cf. Table I, note 16. The stone bearing this inscription was found at Porto Rhaphti, on , phe southeast coast of Attica. 19, Cf. Table I, note 16. The stone bearingg this inscription was found at Keratea, between .thens and Laurium, north-west of Thoricus (cf. Table II, items 2, 8, -,nd 12),. . The stone bearing this inscription comes from Hymettus. A, dowry of one thousand and fifty drachmae had been settled on fothydike, but in place of the money (cf. Table I, note 13) land had/ 59

0BLTBH* i fiBIiB IV* (Land con td . ) otes (c o n td .) ad teen transferred to her husband (who was to enjoy its produce as nterest — cf. Table II, note 25) as a sale with power of redemption cf, Table I, note 9). d, Cf. Table I, note 9. 2. Cf. Table I, note 9. The stone bearing this inscription comes from Marcopoulo, east of he southern tip of Hymettus (cf. Table II, note 3). 3, Cf. Table I, note 9. The stone bearing this inscription comes from Tatoi, north of Athens, from the ancient deme of Decelea. The sale v/as to members of an association (cf. Table I, item 23; 'able I I , item s 4 and $ )• DO - 10,000 drachmae Date. Item ., Drachmae. Source. 1* 398/7 land in the deme 500 Lysias XVII.5; 7; 8. S p h ettu s ( fat'o*) (De Pecuniis Publicis) (valuation)

5. IVth c. boundary land ) 500 I.G. ii1" 1594 (middle) in th e deme Aphidna (purchase price)

6, IVth c. boundary and other 500 I.G. ii1- 1594 (middle) ?land (two properties - £

7. IVth c. lan d in th e deme t 800 I.G. ii'1- 1596 : (middle) Anaphlystus (/wc,04 (purchase price)

3. IVth c*. lan d in A t t ic a (X^e*'^) 900 I.G. ii^-Syil (2nd h a lf) (sold with power of redemption;

9. 342/1 ? lan d in th e deme Oenoe 680 Hesperia, vol. V., (X ^ e iV ) 1936, pp. 397-403 (purchase price)

b t e s , 4. For date and details, v. Table II, note 17. 60

eltbr* BLE IV* (Land contd.) ites (contd..) I, In a note on this inscription the explanation of the word ten by the lexicographer Harpocration (fl. 350 A.D.?) is Quoted: t* rre^ ,I5 -re£Ac*

!. IVth c. border land (two 125 I.G . i i 2- 1594 (middle) properties - Itte* ) in th e deme Poirus (purchase price) i.= IVth c. lan d in the deme 300 I.G. ii* - 1594 (middle) Oenoe ■) (purchase price) IVth c. border land in the 1 6 2 d .3ob. I.G. ii2" 1597 (After deme Q dantidae (ItyftTi*. ) middle) (purchase price)

i IVth 0. land in the deme 100 I.G . i i 2" 1597 (After O othocidae (XweiW ) middle) (purchase price) 61 gELTSR.

HABIB IV. (Land co n td .) 100 - 500 drachmae (contd.) Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. £6#) IVtL c . lan d in th e deme 250 1*0. ii*“ 1597 (After v Cothocidae ) m id d le) (purchase price)

,7, IVth c. land at Phalerum 440 I.G. ii*" 1598 (After middle) (purchase price)

t8, IVth c. land in Attica (X^e^v ) iso I.G. ii*" 2704 (2nd half) (sold with power of redemption;

19. IVth c. land in Attica (X^^W) 100 1*0. i±> 2710 (2nd half) (sold with power of redemption; 10. IVth c. lend in Attica (X^ei'ov ) iqq I.O* ii*- 2720 (2nd h a lf) (cold with power of r o d e m p t i enj 1, IVth c, a-n.d an A ttica ^ j 420 I.G. ii*" 2763 (2nd h a lf) (purchase price)

btes# «. This land was confiscated and sold by the State after the mutilation the Hnrne and the nrofanation of th 1 Mysteries (cf. Table I. item 32; able II, item, 16; Table III, item 1; Table IV, items 41 and 52;. Gargettus lay south of Pentelicon. ». Of. Table IV, note 40. This was a similar sale., The name of the eme in which this land was situated has, however, been obliterated. 2. The sale of thede two properties to a single purchaser is listed in le records of the tax of; a hundredth part of the purchase price on the lie of land (cf. Tablellll, items 2 and 3: Table IV, items 4, 5, 21, 26, \ 35-7, 42-7, and -53-9). Porus was p rob ab ly a town deme (v . The P o p u la tio n o f Athens in th e fth and Fourth C en tu ries B .C . p. 6 0 ). S* This sale is listed in the records of the tax of a hundredth part of ie purchase price on the sale of land (cf. . Table IV£ note 42)* The deme of Oenoe was situated in the north-east of Attica, between 'hidna and Marathon (cf. Table III, item 2; Table IV, item 39). '• This sale is listed in the records of the tax of a hundredth part on i® sale of land {cf* Table IV, note 42). Cydantidae was an inland deme- (v. The Ponulation of Athens in the x fth and Fourth Centuries B.C. p. 57). (Cf. Table IV, items 26 and 27.) 62 i gLTER. ;jjStB IV. (Land c&ntd.) >tes( contd) >, & 46* These sales are listed in the records of the tax of a hundredth art of the purchase price on the sale of land. ( Of. Tahle III, items 2 1 id 3j; Tahle IV, items 4, 5, 21, 26, 27, 35-7, 42-4, 47, 53-9.) The deme Gothocidae was in the Plain of Thria, north-east of Eleusis. ?„ This sale is listed in the records of the tax of a hundredth part of ie purchase price on the sale of land. (Of. Tahle IV, items 45 and 45.) «. For other prices relating to sales at Phalerum, cf. Tahle III, item ■j and Tahle IV, item 4. Of » Tahle I, note 9. d. Cf* Tahle I, note 9. ( The stone hearing this inscription was found at the foot of the reopagus, on i t s w est s id e . X Cf* Tahle I, note 9.. This land was purchased by a brotherhood ( )* ,U The stone hearing this inscription was found in the modern village tPikermi, between Athens and Marathon. It made public the ourchase^of property hy the members__of a club. f The note in I.G. ii , reads: Hunc Juulum non spectare, ad ^n'i x^c-i , sed de fundo agi ah eranistis npto in quo ad rem palam faciendam terminus imrnittebatur. For other urchases hy the members of an association, v. Tahle I, item 23; Tahle II items 4 and 9; and Tahle lV,item 33. With the prices in this section of the tahle may he compared the sale, ,Lth power of redemption, of land in Lemnos for four hundred drachmae (v. »G. xii.8.2l), between 314/3 and 307/6 B.C., and the purchase, at the ” , id of the fourth or at the beginning of the third century B.G., of a ! ingle property in Tenos, consisting of more than one piece of land, for rar hundred drachmae; of another for one hundred and twenty drachmae; of dothej* — described as "the enclosure called Limeneia" $ /n n iho/ievrf — for four hundred; and of yet another, for four inched and fifty drachmae. icter 100 drachmae Date* Item . Drachmae. Source. 3* 414/3 lan d in ? 10 7 I.G . 1^328 (purchase price)

i* IVth c. border lan d (WX^t i

k IVth c. border land 50 I.G. ii2- 1594 Cmiaaie) in the deme Aphidna (purchase price)

IVth c», border land (1$ 50 I.G. ii* 1594 (middle) in th e deme Aphidna (purchase price) 63

B g z m * ; ABLE IV.(Land contd.) Iider 100 drachmae (contd.) Date, Item, Drachmae, Source, i6. iVth c, 'border land (i«rX*T,<* } 50 I.G. iiz'1594 (middle) in the deme Aphidna (purchase price) i. 57. IVth c, border land (two , 50 I.G. iix*1594 (middle) properties - l

B9. IVth c. border land (i*K*r 'u ) 62d.3ob. I.G. ii*1-1597 (After in th e deme Gephale middle) (purchase price)

fetes. j2„ This land was confiscated and sold by the State after the mutilation If the Hermae and the profanation of the Mysteries (cf. Table I. item 32; Sable II, item 16; Table III, item 1; Table IV, items 40 and 4l). The name o f th e deme in which the lan d was s itu a te d has been obliterated. The price is queried because the tax of a hundredth part, which is Euly recorded, is put at three obols. A purchaseTof fifty drachmae - ihich the tax implies - is paralleled by other items in this section, of he table... 55.- 57., Por the explanation of !border landr, v. Table IV, note 35. These prices appear in a record of the tax of a hundredth part of the price on the sale of the land. (Cf. Table III, items 2 and 3; Table : T,. items 4, 5, 21, 26* 27, 35-7,. 42-7, 58, 59. ) Aphidna was an in la n d deme e a s t o f Parnes ( c f . Table IV, item s 35 and 56). >8. This sale is listed in a record of the tax of a hundredth part of the price on the sale of land. (Of. Table IV, note 53-7.) P allen e was an in la n d deme n o r th -e a st o f the c i t y boundary. This sale is listed in a record of the tax of a hundredth part of 'he price on the sale of land. (cf. Table Iv, note 53-7.) Oephale was a coast deme in south-east Attica, in the region of the Keratea, on the way to Thoricus. During the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., then, land was sold in ^acts which varied in price from fifty drachmae (Table IV, items 53-59) •o twenty-five thousand drachmae (Table IV, item l). The following fengpectus shows by how many item s each o f the recorded p r ic e s i s / 64

IBX/B IV.(Land contd.)

L supported. As B efore, the letters In brackets f'P p 1 \ \ biously denote price paid, valuation, and worth'as s?curitv*U he ^ M i t i o n of an asterisk t o (P.P*) - (p!p.*V J. fig made with power of redemption. indicates that the sale jpPEOTUS 0E PRICES LISTED IN TABLE IV. 5,000d.,+ — Item l.,000d.. - Item p,000d.. - I tem P.P. LOOOd. - I tem J,,600d. - I tem P.P. L 500d. - I tem P.P. |,000d. - Item ji,;000d. - Xtems^S'lv.); 9 (S.), 10 ( S . ) , 11 ( s . ) , 1 2 ( S . ) , 13 ,100d. - I tem* 15 ( S .) ,,OOOd. — I tem 14 (V .) 5*000d., - Items 16 (V.), 17 (S.), 18 (P.P.*T ^800d. - Item 23 (P.P.*) ^ ' !,;550d. - Item 20 (P .P .* ) W)00d..+ - Item 21 (P .P .) : i 22 24 ,,500d. - Item *5754., - Item *,2004. - Item 1,0504. - Item LOOOd. + - Item ,000d. - Item s 26 ( P .P .) , 31 ( P .P .* ) , 32 (P .P .) 900d. - Item 38 800d. r Item 37 680d. - Item 39 % , 500d. - Items 34, (V.), 35 (P.P.), 36 (P.P.) 440d. - Item 47 (P.P. 420d. - Item 51 (P.P. 300d., - Item. 43 (P.P. 250d. - Item 46 (P.P. 205d. - Item 41 (P.P. I62d..3oh. - Item 44 (P.P.,V 150d., - Item 48 (P .P .* ) 125d. - Item 42 (P .P .) 105a. - Item 40 (P.P.) , 100d,. - Items 45/P.P.), 49 (P.P.*), 50 (P.P.*) 624,301).. - Item 59 (P.P.! 50d. - Items 53 (P.P.), 54 (P.P.), 55 (P.P.), 56 (P.P.), 57 (P.P.), 58 (P.P.) 102.? - Item 52 (P.P.) Classification of the evidence for rents- in fifth and fourth century ea ig difficult,, as the items are varied and instances often ated. In so far as they serve, the groupings already used in Plating the value of property (whether expressed in terms of purchase/ mrchase price-, security, or valuation) have again been employed. Rents (f houses come first; then follow rents of a house togeher with a work- Ihop (or other building) or of land with a house. Next are gisren rents Delating to land*. The rents of two sanctuaries follow. A miscellaneous ijable contains single instances o f the rent of a bank, a shield factory, . flcl a theatre. Parallel instances of rents of houses and lands in Delos md Rhenea, occurring between 359/8 and 268/7 B.C., are set out in a s e p a r a t e table which illustrates variation in the rent of particular roperties between these dates. J ABLE V# (Rents of Houses) Iver 600 drachmae o evidence

iOO - 600 drachmae Date.. Item . Drachmae* Source. ,, iVth c. year’s rent of a 600 I.G# iiz 2500 (end) tenement hpuse. let on a ten years* lease 00 - 500 drachmae o evidence. ' 00 - 400 drachmae Date. Item* Drachmae. Source. !,. IVth c. year’s rent of two 300 Isaeus Xi:#42 (beginning) houses — a town-house (De Hagniae Hereditate) bought for 3,000d., and a house at Eleusis bought for 500d.

00 -300 drachmae b evidence.

IOO - 200 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae* Source. i. 343/2 year’s rent of a house 175 I .G . i i 1 1590 let by the Temple Authorities of Athene P o lia s * 343/2 year’s rent of anotherUsc 169 I.G . i i 1 1590 let by the Temple Authorities of Athene P o lia s k 343/2 year’s rent of another 130+ I.G . i i * 1590 house let by the Temple Authorities of Athene P o lia s 66 i ffiTER*

> JBIjE V« (Rents of houses contd.) ■ QO - 200 drachmae (contd.) gate. Item. Drachmae. Source. . 34^/2 year’s rent of another 126 I.G. ii* 1590 house let by the Temple Authorities of Athene P o lia s s jbtes. . ' •, This tenement house "in the agora” ( } was rented by the ** ** lcusinians from the Thriasians. The rent was payable in instalments, ollowing the payment of a hundred drachmae down, another hundred were io be paid in July (Hecatombaeon), while two hundred were to be paid in ecember (Po side on), and two hundred in April (Munychion). „ These houses (v. Table I, itema 6 and 25) produced a rent, therefore, ,t the rate of 8V7per cent. At the same time land in Thria, belonging to ihe same; man (v. Table IV, item3), produced, a rent at the rate of 8 per ent., Later, towards the end of the fourth century or early in the third hcntury B.C., land and a house in Attica (v. Table II, item 5) produced t'pent at the rate of 12 per cent. (*?. also below, Table VI, note 1.) i. - 6. As the pUoperty of Athene Polias, these were presumably town- ■ buses. The figure represented as 130+ is incom plete/it appears in ! *G. i/lSO O thusrHAhA... : IdSPBCTUS OP PRIGES LISTED IN TABLE V. OOd* - Item 1 (a tenement, house "in the agora" - presumably the agora of the Thriasians) !00d. - Item 2 (a tom-house in Athens - bought for 3,000d. - together with a house at Eleusis - bought for 500d.; a rent, therefore, at the rate of 8 per cent.) i 75d* — Item 3 (presumably a town-house) ■ i §9d. - Item 4 (presumably a town-house) 1 !3d§.,+ - Item 5 (presumably a town-house) 1,26d*. — Item 6 (presumably a town-house) KBLE VI* (Rents of a House with an Adjunct, or of Land with a House) Date., Item. Drachmae. Source. 1» 300/29 year’s rent of a 600 I.G. iia 1241 - 291/0 house in Attica, let on a ten years x le a s e

too - $00 drachmae to evidence.

V)0 - 4 0 0 drachmae to evidence. . JOO - 300 drachmae no evidence. 67

IABXjB V* (Rents of a house with an Adjunct, or of Land with a House) ( c o n t d .) jOO - 200 drachmae evidence* gO - 100 drachmae .... . , Date* Item*. Drachmae* Source* J,lVth c. year1 s rent of a " 54 I.G* ii2" 2496 (After v/orkshop in Piraeus, middle) the dwelling-house (jhc;- ' ) adjoining it, and a little building at the r e fu s e dump, l e t in p e r p e tu ity

fetes*. * This property was situated in Myrrhinous, a coast deme in south-east ttica. The price required from the tenant, if at any time within the ferm of the lease he should wish to buy the property, was 5,000d* (Of. [able II, item 5.) This suggests a well-to-do tenant.Tie rent in this Jistance. represents a dividend of 12 per cent, as against one of 8 per ent accruing as rent from a farm in Thria at the opening of the fourth totury B*C* (v. Isaeus XI* 41 and 42. Of. Table VTI, item 1*) [» This rent (payable in two instalments. - thirty drachmae in July, ,wenty-four in December) is particularly interesting { at the rate of 8 ier cent, it represents a capital of 675d*; at the rate of 12 per cent, .capital of 450d*.), as the detail of the property and the terms of the lease suggest a working-class tenant of adequate means. A lower, but ramparable figure of earlier date, (the inscription belongs either to the net of the fifth or to the beginning of the fourth century B.O.) is that f the yearly rent required by the city of Poiessa from the tenant of and in Geos, let together with a house, at 30d. (I.G. xii.5.586.) (HSPECTUS OR PRICES LISTED IN' TABLE V I. ■ SQOcU. - Item 1 (land and a house in A ttica) $4d. - Item 2 (workshop, dwelling-house, and small building in Peiraeus) SBLE VTI. (Rents of Land) Iver 1,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae*. Source. IVth c*. yearfs rent of land 1,200 Isaeus XI.41 and 42 (beg.) (heJs ) c - worth 15,000d*> — in Thria

- 10,000 drachmae 0 evidence* 68 SHELTER* TABLE VTI* (Rents of Land contd.) 800 -900 drachmae Ho evidence. 700 - 800 drachmae If o evidence. j 600 - TOO drachmae i No eviclence. ■i 500 - 690'i drachmae 1 No evidence

400 - 500 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. 2. c. 343/2 year’s rent of 450 I*G. ii2 1591 gardens on the Ilissus, the property of Athene Polias , 300 - 400 drachmae 1 No evidence. . 200 - 300 drachmae : lo ev id en ce. 100 — 200 drachmae Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. 3* c.400 year’s rents of lands 134d.2job. I.G. ii2- 1172 l e t by the deme P lo t h e is

4. 345/4 yearly rent of land 152 I.G. ii2* 2492 called ’Fhelleis’, let by the deme Aixone on a forty years’ lease

Motes. 0 .'it v.. Table IV, mbte 3, and Table I, note 6. This rent represents 'a'dividend of 8 per cent. Of. Table VI, note 1. 2* These gardens were situated , preserves for hunting, close to the Stadium. 3. The deme P lo t h e is was an in la n d deme in n orth ern A tt ic a (w est o f Marathon, and to the south of the modern Stamata). 4, The deme Aixone was a c o a st deme sou th o f H ym ettus. The land called Phelleis was let to a faMier and son - the rent to be paid in the month of July or the harvest fruits to be forfeit - for J cultivation of whatever crop they chose, provided that plantations of olive trees were also maintained. (The number of trees when the lease ‘ expired was to be the same as'it had been when the lease began.) With the consent of the tenants,existing trees were to be cut down (leaving, however, stumps capable of re^gfcawth) and sold to the highest bidder,/ ;fABLE VII* (Rents of Land contd,) ; jotes (c o n td .) * * Bidder* the rent to be reduced^by half of the interest (calculated at 12 ]per cent, cf. Table VT, note l) on the sum so obtained. During the last five years of the lease a vine-dresser was • to be sent on to the land by 1 the deme. A figure for rent of land outwith Attica is given in an inscription jfrom Eretria which records 30 talents as 10 yearsr rent (payable in ‘yearly instalments) of drained marshland for the years 31B/7 - 3 0 9 /8 B.C. j (0SPECTUS OR- PRICES LISTED IN TABLE VII* “i,200d. - Item 1 (la n d in T hria) 450d. - Item 2 (gardens on the Ilissus) 152d. - Item 4 (land let by the deme Aixone) , 134d.2^ob* - Item 3 (lands let by the deme Plotheis) TABLE V III. (Sanctuaries) 200 -*300 drachmae Date* Item . Drachmae. Source. I, 306/5 yearly rent^of the 200 I.G-. 11% 2499 sanctuary ( ) of Eugretes, let on a ten years1 lease ] 00 - 200 drachmae Ho evidence. 1 l&der 100 drachmae Date* Item . Drachmae. Source. 4 IVth c. yearly rent of the 50 I.G-. ii*" 2501 (end) sanctuary of Hypodectes, let in perpetuity

i, The sanctuary of Eugretes, the precinct and the buildings erected in -1, were leased to a tenant called Diognetus, who was charged with the ‘ilkeep of the buildings and the care of the trees. Diognetus presumably ■ armed the land and lived on the premises, as one of his duties was to aave the house, shed and oven and the couches and tables for two • ining-rooms ready fo r the Orgeones when th ey came to make th e ir annual aerifies to Iiera. The rent was to be paid in two instalments of 100d., He in September and the other In March, ' •The sanctuary of Hypodectes was leased to Diopeithes and h is sscendants in perpetuity. The rent was to be. paid in September. Of* Table VIII, note 1, for caretaking duties* At the appointed times |topeithes had to have the sanctuary open and'ready, and the image of the fdiess treated w ith o i l and stripped of its coverings. An inscription of 321/0 3.0, (l,G. iia .Vjjc) re^erdi 70

0 VIII* (Rents of Sanctuaries contd.) tes (contd. ) „ years, by the deme Peiraeus, distinguishes between farmers whose rent leeeds ten drachmae and farmers whise rent fa lls short of th a t wit security had to he given hv those whose rent exceeded ten igciiraae; the produce of those^hose rent fell short of that sum was L [eir pledge. This suggests that ten drachmae was the average rental of $ small tenant-farmer. Some of the land thus leased was used for Wing. some for cultivation. IBPECTUS Of PRICES LISTED IN TABLE V III. (Od. - Item 1 iOd. - Item 2 fBLE IX* (M iscellaneous Rents) )0O - 10,000 drachmae Bate. Item . Drachmae. Source. 371/0 y e a r ly r en t o f #he 10,000 Demosthenes XXXVI.2;37;51, - 364/3 hank that had been (Pro Phormione) and Pasion’s Demosthenes XLV.32 362/1 - 353/2 (in Stephanum I) )0O - 9,000 drachmae evidence 100 - 8,000 drachmae evidence.

- 7,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae. Source. 571/0 yearly rent of the 6,000 Demosthenes XXXVI*2;37;51. - 364/3 shield factory that (Pro Phormione) sna had been Pas ion1 s Demosthenes XLV.32 362A (in Stephanum I) - 353/2 000 - 6,000 drachmae evidence. 000 - 5,000 drachmae evidence.

4)000 - 4,000 drachmae Date. Item . Drachmae. Source. * * c. 360 year’s rent of the 3,300 I.O. i± z 1176 th e a tr e in the deme P eira e u s 71 j gTER#

iSBLB XX. (Miscellaneous Rents contd.) )tes. , &2* Eor date and details, v. Paley and Sandys. b The lessees, four in number, whose income was the entrance money, were I urged with the upkeep of the building. SPECTU8 OR PRICES LISTED IE TABLE IX* OOOd., - Item 1 (a bank) OOOd. - Item 2 (a factory) 300d. - Item 3 (a theatre) Of interest, as showing variations in rent over a period of years, are 16 records of leases of the temple property in Delos and Rhenea. It is be remembered, of course, that as these properties were normally let a ten years' lease figures are necessarily steady in consecutive years a given lease.* The following table gives a survey of the relevant idence. The items are listed in order of costliness on the initial owing of I.G. x i.2 .135, for a date falling between 314 and 302 B.C., ough in some cases figures for 359/8 B.C. (i.G. ii^ 1638) or for the idle of the fourth century B.C. (I.G. i± % 1641) are a ls o g iv e n . The -tuation and nature of the various properties is discussed by Homolie M . XIV.,, 1890 pp. 424-430), who quotes the detailed descriptions Ten in the Accounts for 250 B.C. (I.G. xi.2. ). The notes which How the table are based on his findings. **

Mses and lands belonging to the Temple v^ere leased at an annual t, for a period of ten years, to the highest bidder (B.C.H. XIV., , p. 430). In the third century a tenant might , if he wished, renew ease on its expiry without again competing in an auction; the j dition of renewal was increase of his rent by a tenth. (B.C.H. XIV, 0, p. 422, and p. 431.) Ascriptions quoted in the table are: |/8 - I.G. ii “1638 I c. (m id d le) - I.G . i i 1641 teen 314 and 302 - I.G. xi.2 135; xi.2.143B rtly before 301 — I.G. xi.2.144A - I.G. xi.2.146A -I.G. xi.2.149 . ttly before 282 - I.G* xi.2.1o8A -I.G. xi.2161A -I.G. xi.2162A

-I .G . x i . 2..205A -I.G. xi.2. 204 SHELTER. RENTS OR TEMPLE PROPERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA. 359/8 rVthGg. Between Between Shortly 301 O' (mid*) 314&302 314&302 before

1. Oharetia 700d. l,7 5 0 d . 2,250d. 2,475d. - j in Rhenea 2* Porthmus 500d. l , 200d. 1,251d. + - "1“ In Rhenea 3* Charonia - l,0 5 0 d . l,0 5 5 d .+ - in Rhenea 4.. P yrgi - 890d. 1,298d. l,650d. ],6 In Rhenea -.- - - .... 5. Phoinices - 810d. 1 ,100d. l,101d.3oil in D elos 6 . Rhamni — 800d. — 1,330d.+ “■ n In Rhenea 7. Limo — 781d. 600d.. 600d. 650d. 5, in D elos 8 . Liranae 300d., 770d. 600d., 6 5 Id . - g; in Rhenea 9. Panormus 300d. 750d. 925d. - 1 in Rhenea lO.Dionysium 300d. 750d* l , 0 0 0 d. i SI in Rnenea ll.Hippodromus 720d. 920d* 1 , 2 0 0 d. - ,0c and A phesis in D elos 1 2 . S c ito n ia 300d. 250d* 506d* 774d.2job.- 9C in Rhenea 13.Nlcouchorus - 440d. 420d.+ 551d.Job. - 60 in Rhenea 14*§oloe — 50d**~ 240d. 330d. - 62 m D elos 15.Coraciae - - — - _ - in D elos . . Soloe and — — _ — — — — Coraciae I 6 *Lyeohi\]mi u 50d* 120d. 254d. 101a.* a in D elos 17.Episthenia — - - - _ - in D elos 18. Sosim achia — — ~ - - - in D elos 19.Acra Delos - - - - SO.Ceramium — - - in D elos - - -

Sl.Phytalia 135d. — _ - in D elos IS7 Shortly 282 279 278 274 e . 274 b e fo r e Between 269 268 282 278&270 a id . l,800d.l,800d. l,800d. - l,8 0 0 d . l*800d. l,800d. l,800d.

,612d. l,200d.l,320a. l,320d. l,320d. l,452d. l,452d.

450d. 800d. 800d. 800d. 800d. i,lood. i,iooa.

650d. 1, llOd. 1 ,222d. oh. 1, 221d. 1, 221d. 1,343d.ioh.lch. 1,343d.ioh.lch.

IJjjlOld. 720d. 710d. 710d* 710d. 723d. 723d.

715d. 375d. 429d. 429d. 429d. - ’ 471d.2ioh^ 472d.4joh.lch.

561d. 3 0 0 d . 300d. 330d. 330a. 330d. 330d. 330d.2oh. 330d.2oh.

612a*. 361d. 397d.4oh. 428d. 397d*ioh. 5 7 3 d. 573d.

O30d. 660d. 704d. 704d. 704d. 830d. 830d.

372a. 602d. 621d. 621d. 622d2oh. 622d.2oh. 600d.* 600d.,+

o o ia . 550d. 605d. 605d. 605d. 605d. 732d.ioh.lch. 732d.ioh.lch.

9ooa. 560d. 530d. 530d. “ 560d. 560d.

60oa*. 348d. 271d. 271d. 271d. 300d.

321d. 20 0 d . 200d.

lOOd. lOOd.

410d. 410d. 410d. - 372d. 372d.

220a. 80d. 80d. 150d. 150d. 100d.+ 100d.+

612d. 612d. 500d. 500d. 590d. 590d. 590d.

201d. 201d. 340d. 340d. 150d. 150d.

300d. 501d. 501d. 501d. SOld. 512d.2oh. 512d. 120d. 140d. 140d. 140d. 140d. 140d. 166d. 166d. 60d. : 60d. 60d. 60d. jaras OB' TEMPLE PRCJBERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA (co n td .) SOTES* HcfflloH© remarks "that the names o f thi* ■tror*-! r\no ««« , . he Temple Authorities in Delos and Rhenea 5s beJonging to ie former? owner. owner. f-pnm-frn-m the cio-i+no+-?^ +no+-i nv, ^ao L . ive ^ either itu cr irora from -one the name name c of ie ground1 and iis products.* >E«,»0^.r«., x«e“ t^TxJeS'Y<:-]£e Pi \t,KjZ»V6 |OV M.^wX^cos^and Stotfc/*-c^gAL he puts in the first category; tv ' llOVU' _ Iir^^coMui Ak&c . u<<>r/e>xcot TiogBj*. uo Ahw.v'ocic and u o ^ o to k jri De second;** an d ^ W j ppJU k , • U f/Z S ’ W in tie third.- 2.© A o y i and Koe«2,475d* for a year shortly before 301 B.C. The top figure, 3 ,llld ., icurs in 297 B.C. In 282 B.C. the figure l,800d. approximates to the gure for the earlier of the two years between ol4 and 302 B.C., l,750d.« 1 it recurs not only at such other dates as might fall within a ten years/

Ghacun des domaines a son nom particulier: c^est tantot un adjectij. itronymiaue derive du nom de 1 ancien proprie_uaire, tantot une / Pres^ion, geographique, indiquant le lie u qu Ie terre e s t s itu e e , e t tpoeee d un nom de ±a locality pr^c^de de ou de

0TS OF TEMPLE PROPERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA (con td .) otes (contd*) gars' lonse beginning m 282 B.G., but also for the later years 269 and ■ " I B.O. Porthmuss This property obviously owes its name (the Perry), as aiolle observes? to its situation on an arm of the sea, at a point where crossing was regularly made, wnether from Rhenea to Delos (that is on he ea st coast of Rhenea), or from one part of Rhenea to another. (B.C.H. X; 1890, p. 4 2 4 .) I t may have been the most n orth erly of the poperties (v. Oharetia, above). The highest figure for this property - the" rent of which for the irlier year between ol4 and 302 B.C. (l,2Q0d.) is almost two and a half ines as great as it had been in 359/8.B.O. (500d.) - again occurs in i? B.C. (l,612d.j. In 282 B.C* there is a reversion to the earlier gure (l,200d.).. Successive leases, in 279 and 269 B.C., show rents creased by a tenth (l,320d. and l,452d.). Charonia: The accounts for 250 B.C. show that on this property (close the ancient burial-ground opposite Rheumatiari, v. Oharetia, above) vof the buildings were duplicated, and Homolle calls attention to the let that it was sometimes leu as two separate lots. (B.C.H, XTv., 1890, i 427.) The specification mentions an out-house with a door, two rooms, j ie of which had a door, a sheep-fold without a door, a roofless building, ' tower with a door, a main entrance , another house with a main entrance, out-house w ith a door, a room w ith a door, another room, a dining-room h a door, a k itc h e n , the main beam o f which was supported by p illa r s , byre without a door, a barn without a door, a sheep-fold without a doo^ fig-trees and 2,187 vines. The first figure for this property (l,050d.) is for the earlier year -ween 314 and 302 B.C. Again the top figure (l,450d.) belongs to the ar 297 B.C. In 282 B.C. and'subsequent, years the figure dropped to K)d.? but in 269 B.C. l,100d. were paid, showing an increase of 50d. on ie first figure (l,050d.), which is exactly paralleled by the figures ii Charetia (l,750d. between 314 and 302 B.C.; l,800d. in 269 B.C.). Blrgi: Homolle makes the natural suggestion that this property was uated in the neighbourhood of a little harbour of like name (Pyrgos), rth of the lazaret opposite Delos, still (when he wrote) one of the tivated p a rts o f the is la n d , where vin es and f ig - tr e e s grew. < Cine and of Rhenea is today uninhabited..) A main entrance is specified, an ■house with a door, two rooms with doors? a barn without a door, a W without a door, two dining-room s w ith doors, an upper-room w ith, a a kitchen without a door, a sheep-fold without a aoor, 2,250 vines, fig-trees and 2 wild fig-trees. n The.rent of this -orouerty (890d. for the earlier year between 314 and 2B.C*) tv/ice shows increase by a tenth. In 282 B.C. the figure is U0

IS OP TEMPLE PROPERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA (contd.) jotes (contd.,) Here again (cf. Lirno,. above) t>he highest figure, 770d., occurs in the counts for the earlier, year between 314 and 302 B.C*, and for the second wr between these aates tm s rent, too, is 600d. Shortly before 301 B.C. he figure rises to 651d. In 297 B.C. the figure is 621d. There is a drow )i 282 B.C. to 361d. , but this figure is increased in 279 B.C. by a tenth S97d.iob.); the same figure is found for 274 B.C. In 276 B.C. the higher ,gure of 428d. occurs, and for 269 and 268 B.C. the figu re i s 573d. Panormus: Por the situ a tio n of th is property, v. Rhamni, above. I t had main entrance, an outhouse with a'door, a room with a door, a barn Ithout a door, a byre without a door, a kitchen without a door, a c e lla r 1th a door, an upper room, a sheep-fold without a door, a dining-room th a door, 1,298 vines, 29 fig-trees and a wild fig-tree. Its rentyior the earlier year between 314 and 502 B.C.,rose steadily - twas S25d. shortly before 301 B.C, - to l,030d. in 297 B.C. By 2G2 b'I thad dropped to 5C0d. T... 11.,yam dm A A , 276 aad 274 B.C. i s 704d. EBy 69 B.C. it &ad risen again to £30d., the figure also for 268 B.C, • Dionysiums Homolle feels sure that this property ov.es i t s name to a actuary of Dionysius, but remarks that he knows of none found in Idienea#. le assumption (n cttca b o v e, under "Charotia") puts t h is proport.y to ie south of Rhamni. A sanctuary with a little temple Ins been "discovered the village of Heracleon. In the specification of Dionysium a main itrance, an outhouse with a door, a. room with a door, a barn without a oor, a mi 11-house with a door, a kitchen without a door, an upper room ith a door, a dining-room without a door, a sheep-fold without a door, dining-room without a door, 1,501 vines and 36 iig~trees are mentioned. Here again the rent (750d. for the earlier year between 314 and 302 ,iC») rose steadily - it was l,000d. in 301 B.C. - to l,372d . in 297 B.C., id dropped to 602d. in 282 B.C. Nor 279 and 278 B.C. the figure is 621d.; )r 274" and c. 274 B.C, i t i s 622d. 2ob. ; for 269 and 268 B.C. the figure if)0d, + ) i s incom plete. i1, Hiupodromus and Aphesis: Horse-racing was a feature of the Delian ? toes. In the interval between these celebrations the racecourse was « idently let as pasture-land. Its site must have been in the Plain. The I ucification, as one would expect, makes no reference to tillage; farai- | lildings only are mentioned; an outhouse with s. door, a room without a por, a byre without a door, a sheep-fold without a door, a kitchen : Ithout a door, and a main entrance. Its rent (720d. for the earlier year between 314 and 302 B.C., 920d. - .re-let- for the later) rose to l,200d. shortly before 301 B.C., dropioed il,001d. in 297 B.C., and to 550d. shortly before 262 B.C., but rose ain to 605d. (the increase of a tenth) in 279 B.C., a figure which curs in 278 and 274 B.C. and at some other point between'278 and 270 i 0. The fig u re, 7 32 d * iob .lch ., for 269 and 268 B.C. again shows increase : ' a tenth. 1'' S&itonia: For its situation, v. Charetia, above. The specification }tions an outhouse w ith a door, two rooms without doors - their north i EL fallen- - a byre without a door, an upper storey with a door, other lire? buildings without doors, a main entrance and 719 vines. Save for a reflection of the rising prices already noticed shortly ^ope 301 B.C. (774d. 2-g-ob.) and in 297 B.C. (900d.), the figures for A ton i a remain fairly steady - 506d. for the earlier year between 314 ^ 302 B.C., 506d. in 282 B.C., 530d. in 279 B.C. and"278 B.C., and/ is OF TEMPLE PROPERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA (contd.) Ates (contd.) 560d. in 269 and 268 B.G. i, Nicouchorus: Nor its situation, v. Oharetia, above. Homolle thinks iat in this designation we may have Nicias1 name in altered form. [utarch, he recalls, records the purchase of a property by Nicias for jjication to Apollo, its revenue^ to be appropriated to' the provision of [Orifices. He counsels caution, however, in view of the alteration in ie form of the name and the discrepancy between the rent for 279 B.C. !71d.) and the purchase price (l0,600d.). If the highest figure for mt (600d. in 297 B.G.) i s considered, i t represents a dividend of 6 per Bt in contrast to dividends of 8 per cent and 12 per cent noticed above [able VII.,, item 1; Table V I, item l), but Plutarch1 s figure is not icessarily r e lia b le . The property had a main entrance, an outhouse with a lor, a room without a door, a mill-house without a door* a barn without door, a byre without a door, a dining-room without a door, an upper iomr a sheep-fold without a door, a kitchen without a door, 700 vines jdl5 fig-trees. Its rent, 440d. for the earlier year between 314 and 602 B.C., and pgsibly for the second year between 314 and 302 B.G. (the figure ■ (presented as 420d.+ is incomplete), had risen to 551d.pob. shortly ' ifore 301 B .C ., and was 600d. in 297 B.C. For 262 B.G. the figu re i s , I8d., for 279, 278, and 274 B.G*, 271d. , and for 269 B.C., 300d. i U15. Soloe and Goraciae: Homolle, in consideration of the probable .gnificance of these names (Soloe, a height; Goraciae, a haunt of crows), I 'gues that these were upland properties, and finds support for his theory : i that the specification suggests pasture-land. There are mentioned an ^ lthouse with a door, two rooms without doors, a byre without a door, a bep-fold without a door, an upper room without a door, and a room with door. Soloe appears alone in the accounts for both years between 314 . id 302 B.G., and for 297 B.G. Shortly before 282 B.G. Coraciae appears, Ut the properties are let as separate lots in these accounts, aftid again hthe accounts for 282 B.G. In 279 B.G. and thereafter, they are let ; igether. Their joint rent in 279, in 278 and in 274 B.C. is 410d. ; in 269 ■ I 268 B.G., 372d. i. Lyconium: This property, Homolle says, owed its name to a former ' mer or donor. No description of it is given. For the earlier year itween 314 and 302 B.G. its rent w£].s 120d. Shortly before 301 B.G. it • irisen to 254d. The figure for 301 B.G. is incomplete. In 297 B.C. its ; at was 220d. It suffered a sharp decline shortly before 282 B.C. to L a figure found again in 282 B.G. In 279 B.G. and 278 B.C. i t was Od. The figu re for 269 B.G. (represented as 100d. + ) is incom plete. gpisthenia: No description of this property is given. It was Ufiscated from Episthenes in 375 B.C., along with two houses. Its rent 1 »e stead ily between 282 B.G. and,269 B.C. The figure for 282 B.G. (and 'P a year shortly before 282 B.C.) is 500d.; for 279, 278 and 274 B.G. 1 is 612d. 1« Sosimachia? For the origin of the name, v. Lyconium, above. No #eription of this property is given. After a substantial increase, ,1® 201d. (in 282 B.C. and shortly before) to 340d. (in 279 and 278 B.G.) Trent declined to 150d. (in 269 and 268 B.C.). gBNTS OF TEMPLE PROPERTY IN DELOS AND RHENEA (contd.) fotes (contd.) |Q.. Acra Delos? In the absence of* a detailed description, Homolle hesitates ti identify the site& f this property, as the heights from north to south are numerous. His suggestion is, however, that the Southern tip of the island is the most likely situation for a farm? as It is clear of building. ‘ After a considerable increase, from 300d. in 282 B.C. to 501 d. in 279 1 B.O. ( a figure which recurs in 278, 274 and c. 274 B.C.), the rent of I era Delos remains fairly steady. The figure for 269 B.C. is 512d. 2ob., i for 268 B.C* 5iv2d. j B. Oeramiumt The presence of clay and the working of it explain 11 the J tottery1'* Euphantus owned potteries in the Plain (which lay between •= fount Cynthus and the h ills to the north). These were confiscated in l.C., because of a sacrilegious attack on the Amphictyons, and were squently leased by the Temple Authorities. The specification Lons a main entrance, an outhouse with a door, having a room with )r, a ladder, an upper room with a door, a mill-house with a door, a lg-room with a door in the garden, a kitchen without a door in the i ;n, a dining-room^without a door, 4 fig-trees and a pomegranate tree. Lie remarks "cet etat de lieux, sfil n'indique pas oue 1*Industrie Dtier fut toujours pratiquee, montre du moins oue ce domaine nfest corarne les autres, affecte a la culture ou au pSturage; point du Ler, point d’©table, ni de plantation, rien nu'un petit jardin avec figuiers et un grenadier. , ie rent increased from 120d. (282 B.C.) to 140d. (279, 278, 274 and 74 B.C., and between 278 and 270 B.C.), and again to 166d. (269 and B.G.) •

Phvtalia: No description of "the Plantation” is given* On appelle L, says Homolle, un lieu plante, verger ou vignoble, par opposition terres de labour (Iliad VI, 195; JXIII, 314) mais le^fermage est j peu 6lev& pour une plantation, a moins qu’elle ne fut tres peu clue.- 66d* is the figure for 282, for 279, for 278 and for 274 B.C. In : accounts for 269 and 268 B.C. the entry i s 72d. That the figure for 8 B.C. (lS 5 d .) i s higher i s worthy of remark; a ll the other properties more highly rated in later years than they were in 359/'. ollowing on the confiscations of 376/5 B.C* rents of houses appear eparate entries in the accounts. (Si avant 376/5, Homolle writes, le le= possedait et donnait a bail des propri3tes barties,* du moins les ffsmisk has au'il omst suggesteden tirait that etaient- the temple ils insigni^icants, Jusquevla n'avait et de pas la vientde maioons qu’on Wait} ®n pastirait jug6 pas necessaire de loyers, de que les les inscrire a designees part, ils dans se confondaient les, comptes '■teles434 ne femiages formal ent, (p. que 434). aes Ordinarily, aependances confiscated des domaines property et ne differaient was sold, but i iproperty:iAes batiments so passing d'exploitation to the Temple decrits Authorities avec eux in dans Delos les was etats evidently de Uold^(p* immediately, 433). and some not at all*- Some of the houses were 1 te«d as private dwellings, others were let as apartments. Business :§ pulses are also distinguished* The "Charetian" and "Sosilian" houses /le t as apartments*. Specific apartments are also listed without ^ion of the particular house of which they were part. As this makes/ OF PRIVATE DWELLINGS AND OF BUSINESS PREMISES 'IN DELOS. (glees inden t ii i c ation iroiii year to year d if f ic u lt , i t may be noted simply ftat apartments varied in rent for a given year (279 B .C .) from 17d. to ;36d. - the latter figure appears to have been raised to 144d. by j69 B.C. - and that instances of 20d. , 25d.., 30d., 31d. , 42d. , 50d. , 60d* 63d.-9 65d..., 70d.., 80d*., 91d.., and 95d. occur over the years. The following table sets out rents of private dwellings and business premises. j* A tavern: Shortly 282 279 278 274 269 268 before 282 120d. - - - - - !, The house by the quay: 90d.

■I The buildings in which Ephesus carries on a retail trade: 55d. 51d*- 51d._ - 147d. 70d. i ► The house of Eoisthenes: - 54d.~ 5 Id. 51d. - 90d. 60d. The houses by the iron work : 42d. 40d.. 40 d*. The house that belonged to Orthocles: ? 40d. lob. 41d. 45d.-2job. 50d. 50d.

► The house that belonged to the children of Pythagoras: 40d. 25d., - - 20d» 20d. Menippus* hous e : - * - - 40 d. - The house in which Antigonus lives: 30d. 60d^ 60d. jlThe house that belonged to Theocides: 30d.

Another house of Episthenesr 25d. 60d. 60d. - - - Acreonjs3 house: 25d. 25d. 25d. - - - '• The house that belonged to the children of Aristoboulos: 22d.,3ob. 22d.3ob. 39d.4§ob. 39d.22ob. 39d.4^-ob. 79d*Job. 79d.Job, , . r -Tr_-n -- , , .. _ „ nil '•^dstherEs*A. t house at Colonus: lOd. fflgiTER For purposes of comparison, refegnce may be made also to an Ascription belonging to the beginning of the third century B.C. which r«cords the accounts of the Temple of Apollo at Garthaea, on the south- {ftgt coast of the islan d o f Ceos, fourteen m iles from Laurium and fo rty 'row Piraeus (I.G-# xii#5#544). Payment of the year’s rent by forty-nine ,finants i s recorded#. The fo llo w in g is a conspectus of these, beginning !ith the highest figure and ending w ith the lowest. The numbers within (packets show how often each figure occur©: 45Gd*= ( 1 ®0d. ( 2 BLd. (X m * ( 3 60&. C l J25d*. ( l lOOd. ( l 85d*. ( 1 ; 70d* £ l 60dv ( 2 55d. “ [53d#, £ l i 52d. 51d. C l 50d. C 3 " 45d* U ' 35d. 33d. £ l ■*: 26d# * 25d. ( 2 20d# ( 5 -.154# ( 7 * 10a. ( 4 7d. C i - 5d. ( 2 note on this inscription remarks that only in three instances is the below lOd. (but not below 5d#); that the average payment (rather NfIS-than-that-aShI)^lQs^hluS^§SM3:leled by figures from Delphi) ranges 2Q-50d.; and that 450d. is the highest figure. A sifele tenant, )vever, rented three properties at 150d., 400d.,, and 200d. •ipectively# 81

For clothesthe third necessity, the evidence is scanty* Literary Inferences to une cost ol _ clotmng are few, and the epigraphical evidence , though authoritative - is drawn mainly from two inscriptions belonging jo the years 329 /8 and 237/6 B.C.

' ) fe^ 'S) o f coarse Megarian stuff* In cold weather a goatskin jerkin gave Mitional protection* There were two varieties of hat, the , a ■road-brimmed f e l t hat worn when tra v e llin g , and. the vTAosf « round f e l t pp wofcn by workmen*. O rdinarily a corner of the ° v or venx** drawn S n r the ijead served as covering. Out of doors the sandal (

327/6 workman’ s tu n ic 7 d .lo b . I.G. i l a- 1673 46 ■ 327/6 workman* s tu n ic 7d.4ob. I.G. ii*- 1673 46 ------

®iis brief review of Athenian dress is based on "Clothing and Toilet" ‘^he Oxford Companion to C lassical Literature. Hesychiusr : y ^u ri0v X^vov. | MICHES jjmlcg (contd.) | 'otes. a For context and date, v. Barley Meal 2 and Fruit 1. a workman s sleeveless tunic priced at 10d. was Socrates1 final '■inhibit in his demonstration of how cheaply a man might live in Athens, '13*4. Of twenty-eight sleeveless tunics purchased “by the Eleusinian treasurers fo r the p u b lic s la v e s elev en were "bought fcorn C a llia s o f legara for 7d.3-£Ob. each, thirteen from Stephanus the draper for 76.lob. «ch, and four from Midus of Megara for 7d.4ob. each. flnakB e tc . The evidence for cloaks is more plentiful and varied. Date., Item . Drachmae. Source. | Vth c. cloak^ ? 300d. Plutarch, Moralia 30. p d h a lf) ( Tiof ) (De Tranquillitate Anirni 10.470F ) , 423/2 warm cloak (X/°4V.<) ( 6 ,OOOd.) Aristophanes, Vespae 114&-7 >mh c. cloak (1^xT.av ), Aeschines (Soeraticus) (early) hire of, from a Job. Telauges, Vestigia cleaner by the day XVIII. (v. Athenaeus V. 220) \ 595/2 clo a k (T^kriov ) 16d. Aristophanes, Hccles. I or 390/89 408-15 11.589/8 cloak (tyuc4nov ) 20d. Aristophanes, Plutus 982-3 : 1539/8 clo a k (t^ukriov ) 18d.3ob. I.G. iix 1672 102-3 339/8 workmanrs goatskin 4d.3ob. I.G. ii2- 1672 104 jerkin (Sitf^/e^)

j 1587/6 workman’s goatskin 3d. I.G. ii2- 1673 46-7 jer k in {}>! ■jL ;; 327/6 workman’s goatskin 2 d .3ob. I.G. ii2' 1673 47 j e r k in g np66e*)

; !»IIIrd c. warm cloak (XA^WpO 300d. Herodas, II. 21-3

i I t e s . 1 Of. Wine 1 , and Honey 1. " Purple1 (»©ec<*$ b*tiu.w« worth twelve drachmae (VI. 165). I t may be noted that though there is no record of the initial codt of the poor/ 84

etc. (contd.) (c o n td .) oorroanfs cloak, the fuller1s fee for cleaning the Tei^w is mentioned by ^istophanes (Vespae 1127-8). He cites three obols. iS. Again the evidence is confined to one type of hat, the workmanfs I have been unable to find any reference to the cost of the I Wob • Date. Item. Drachmae., Source. 329/8 a f e l t cap (tfTA^ ) Id . Job. I.G . ii** 1672- 70-1

327/6 a f e l t cap ) Id . Job. I.G . i i 2- 1673 47-8

btes. i An entry in the accounts of the Eleusinian Treasurers for 329/8 B.G. icords the purchase from Thettales of seventeen hats for the public laves at a total expenditure of 4d.5job. (Cf. Cloaks 6 and 7: Shoes B; fd the fo llo w in g n o te.,} r Of. the last note (also Cloaks 8 and 9; and Shoes 4). Felt hats were |ught in 327/6 B.G. for twenty-eight public slaves at the cost of •fob. each. |oes. -I Date. Item . f Drachmae. Source. 389/8 sandals ( ) ®d* Aristophanes, Plutus 982-3

329/8 sa n d a ls (5 Wo'byl/^oLTci.) 6d. I.G. ii 1672 105

• 329/8 co b b lin g (diuri) 4d. I.G. ii 1672 109 '^JV}yut-e>6'to 15 K^TTocTiJ ) p er p a ir

327/6 a p a ir (46^ T °i) Id;bob. I.G. ii*~ 1673 48 ld .4 jo b . 48-9 2d..lJob. 49 nails per pair lo b . 49 £i

'teg, &or context, v. Cloaks 5. The sandals, like the cloak, were no doubt superior quality.

* 85 ir,Q!EHES» contd. ) fotes (contd.) | 3, The Eleusinian Accounts for 329/8 B.C. record the purchase of landals for seventeen public slaves from Apollophanes, at a cost of the pair. This purchase was made in the second prytany. All seventeen fiirs were repaired by Apollophanes in the sixth prytany. A further pairing of sandals for the public slaves is recorded in the tenth irytany, but the figure AAAAP .... is incomplete. (Cf. Cloaks 6 and 7; jjts 1 j and the following note.) Following on the purchase of twenty-eight sleeveless tunics, twenty- light goatskin jerkins and twenty-eight felt caps for the public slaves 1 the accounts of the Eleusinian Treasurers for 327/6 B.C. comes the try not (as in the accounts for 329/8 B.C.) of the purchase of lit of twenty-eight (fourteen being bought from philoxenus at p 5ob. each * six from Alciades of Anagyra at ld.4iob. each Mg, ' ad eight from a third source at 2d. l^ob. each^d-^ ) • The next entry Mcords the purchase of an obol’s worth of nails for each^&Cyoj ; the < ext a payment ru O r> TrAnv ^w<4<. t 3 / • • • • • tGm &n/i-cutCj , ww be 2h$ Iw t£>i evi^orTi at the rate of Id. 5ob. the £<=-^05. I have no oubt at all that these entries refer to footwear*for the public slaves, I it I am uncertain about their proper interpretation. The view I favour II that they refer to the initial provision"of sandals, with the cost of ! iterials (twenty-eight ’pairs* and an obol’s worth of nails for each t; air) and of workmanship ( the in itia l payment KotrrJcTM.vTa ) separately ■; ecorded., 80 regarded the total expenditure, variously 3d. 5ob., 3d. 4^ob. ■i pd 4d. l^ ob ., as against 6 d.. for the finished article in 329/8 B.C., I lows a drop in price comparable to that in the price of goatskin jerkins, which in 329/8 B.C. cost 4d.3ob. , but in 327/6 B.C2, some 3d. hd others 2d.3ob. Objection may, however, be taken to the change in Annotation of the word . In the accounts of 329/8 B.C. where, some .! utils after the in itial purchase of the finished article for 6 d. a p a ir , ■ lere i s an en try 5ito-AKA rru^at 4d. the pair, and later Mother entry for , the word must surely refer to repairs. Again ii the _ accounts of 327/6 B.C., it must refer to repairs as well as to the Mitial s ti' ching, as nine of the twenty-eight pairs are entered as jiving been stitched a second time (the charge being the same as that Mde for the original workmanship) • On the other hand, if the entyy of ifentv-eight ’wains* is taken to indicate the purchase of the finished Mticle (the of 327/6 B.C. being taken as synonymous with the of 329/8 B.C.) and kx-rotr-wn to refer, as in the scounts of 329/8 B.C., to repairs, then for fourteen pairs in itial cost deluding an obol for nails) and subsequent cobbling are identical A5ob.), and for six pairs the subsequent cobbling (Id. 5ob.) actually tceeds the in itial cost (l& .4|ob.). This creates, besides, too Mi8iderable a discrepancy between the cost of the of 329/8 B.C. tt.) and that of the^^Y*! of 327/6 B.C. (ld.5ob.) to admit of ready ^lanation. Eot that the figure Id. 5ob. (plus lob. for nails) is with- J parallel if. like the commentator on the seventh mime of Herodas {»300-250 B.C.), one skipd the centuries and (disregarding the context, ^ch implies that the purchase was a cheap one) quotes Lucian’& (A.D. wc.-goo) 2d. as the ’ ordinary price’. **

Cf, o c-^ to v “OoTO r d T° S Y H4^-odU)uo,Kl«>M_ Vtv. f Lucian, Dialogues of Courtesans, 7 .1 4 fces (contd.) I have not included in t^is table the greatly debated prices from the jltvcmtb. mime of Herodas. ihat^ they are not to be taken seriously is .] uitdy obvioas from the satirical character of the mime. The first pair jfshoes (o f ex q u isite workmanship and m aterial) exhibited by Kerdon, the 'Ijlofi-maker^ (a fluent- rogue), to his fashionable customer Metro and her • julous friends he £)rotests to be worth a raina. Not if Athene herself werfc | lie customer, could he make the slightest reduction. After various j changes following on the resultant outcry, one of the ladies (accusing : erdon, more tru ly uhan she knew, of bribing Metro to briny them there to | irbbbed) asks the price of another'pair she fancies, "five staters,” is I erdonf s reply, and to excite greater desire in the prospective purchaser : j tells her that ivutens, the flute-player, is alsoHnterested in that wjp-pair, but that not even by the promise Of four- darics would he be jiduced to part with them to her. She had insulted his r i f e . An expert ’Ipfisman, he then stresses his client’s obvious need of new shoes, j iggests that it would be a pity to allow any of her rivals to walk off J 1th these exclusive models, and finally offers ’’for Metro’s sake” to ske a sacrifice and let her friend have both pairs for seven darics. How I . heatly these prices have exercised the commentators is evident from < iox 5 review of earlier opinions and Nairn’s Excursus. Enter into the X irit of the mime, however, admit the caricature, take into account the l Hidhess of the Greek for bargaining, and the difficulties resolve ■ mselves. I can see ho objection to Kerdon’s asking precisely the some j « rice in other words (3/tiina = 5 gold sta te rs, v*. Boeckn p. 34) for the < econci pair of shoes that attracts the lady’s attention. It is in keeping I Aonce with his impudence and her expensive taste in footwear. Nor do 1°; J hare the view that four darics must be more than five staters. That is ! k overlook the Greek love of bargaining (an e sse n tia l feature of th is . t o e ) . Kerdon would naturally ask in the first instance much more than he I jpea to get. To be offered in other words (the gold stater and the daric | ding equivalent in value, v. Boeckh p. 34) four-fifths of his intial diaand was no doubt highly satisfactory, as may be seen from the text ■ belf. Nor seven darics (seven-tenths of the figures first asked) nrdon subsequently parts with the two pairs of shoes for which he had •! figinally demanded a mina and fiv e sta ters r esp ectiv ely , and so /ratified is he with this sale that, as the ladies are leaving the shop, M detains Metro, who had introduced them, to t e l l her that if she c a lls Mafww days there will be a pair of red slippers for her. He adds 1 ignificantly (and so ends the mime) ’’You see, we miist take care to mend Me cloak that keeps us warm.-”* The need to suppose that four darics is a I MPger sum than five staters is conditioned by translation of i Me, as an unfulfilled condition in future time - the sense being ’’but | ■fflno friend of hers, and I wouldn’t sell them to her, not jbf she were : , M promise me four darics”. May not be taken as j jessing a repeated action and etc. as indefinite? (Of. Hodwin, Greek Moods and Tenses, 51) — the sense being "but I hate her, pi pi when she promises me four darics”., True or fa lse as these . • 1 nervations may be, the fa c t remains that as palpable exaggerations of/

According, at least, to Nairn’s reading and interpretation ( e i dVSoy cpeovoGvToL - ”we must think betimes to keep w ell (‘nded the cloak that warms us”), but Knox disallows thpse and reads MlKR OuV o£y6U ■’vjoV ToV G V T o C b

gHES* tactual prices these figures of Herodas find no place in this table. fe lle r ^ * All the prices for jewellery relate to rings* Date*. Item . f Drachmae. Source. 412/11 a r in g ( &<*k.toXvo 5 ) 3ob. Aristophanes, Thesmoph. 424-5

| S89/8 a ring (WoX.«S ) Id. Aristophanes, Plutus 883-4 , IVth c. a ring (d*K-TuXioj ) Antiphanes, Omphale IIK. 84, (c. mi Idle) v. Athenaeus 111.1231) ites. I For three ohols Athenian wives had hitherto been able to buy the JJiinterpart of their husbands1 seal rings, which by enabling them to wplace the husband’s broken seal gave them secret access to the stores. Sipides is blamed for suggesting to the husbands the security afforded "] 'a comnlicated lock and the use of a worm-eaten seal which defied ■5 station* ,Jo doubt made more credulous by the cost, the Just Man considers a tog sold him by Sudemus fo r a&raehma p o ten t magic a g a in st the fu r io s s n icusations o f the co n v icted inform er, enraged at s ig h t o f the ju s t Man s ijoyment of his former possessions. ,Again on the strength of its cost, a drachma, the speaker puts his . iith in a ring, as a protective charm against every internal ill, rather • ian in the professional sk ill of the flvery able‘'doctor” from whom he has * night i t . I lathing e tc ., as part of a dowry The worth of clothing given as part of a dowry may suitably be noticed Date. Item. Drachmae. Source. c.359/8 part of a dowry l,000d. Demosthenes XLI.27 - jewellery and (c. Spudiam) clo a k s (XeA>

I IVth c. part of a dowry 200d. I*J.G. vol* I, pt. 2, VI.p.49 j late) or — c lo th in g (i

Hbat, ohon, may "bo said of rich’ and ’poor’ in Athens of the fifth 4 fourtn cenuuries B.C.? It was earlier suggested that comparison of 8 incomes of rich and poor might he made; that their abundance, ieauapyj or inadequacy m|ght "be established in relation to^pontemoorq.rv ,J»ts (indicated ty extano prices ior lood, shelter and clotning; ana they might oe further examined in lignt of current incomes . similarly igidered, ihe preceding pages set out, with relevant comment, the dence for costs m ancient Greece. It yet remains to review the 'dence for incomes in fifth and fourth century Athens before an answer the question may be attempted. I First5 however, certain other figures claim consideration. In lawsuits pichj while they relate to a cross-section of the community, are the jief source of information about the financial circumstances of the mope. Joiperous citizens) reference is more often made to the value (actual or miectural) o f a man’s esta te (real and personal) than to the siz e of j i income. These figures too are relevant. Not only do they suggest the • lative importance of the fortunes of various ’rich’ men, but, since it \ ig valuation of th eir property at three hundred drachmae or less* that i de competent the claim of the disabled and incapacitated for relief, i ley also make possible a comparison which contributes to a better < iderstanding of. the distinction between wealth and indigence in ancient ' lens# They are accordingly tabulated, with appropriate" comments ipended.

It may be objected that this interpretation of Aristotle’s text is

iU i < f c s t * admittedly means ’those possessed of less than three nae’, but common sense requires the lav/ to define the upper lim it. The Nious implication - in the absence of explicit definition - is surely icee minae, not two minae ninety-nine drachmae. (The round sum of three inae is thought to represent, a labourer’s maximum annual earnings in ie latter oart of the* fifth century B.C.; v. Oxford Companion to bsical Literature p. 61.) A variation in the amount of relief granted ty be noted here. ebo>ct m *. k,ov-r0 b& ot Jtbvvoero\ 5 tt<> tt6 tc*i ixi.jufrt'fov i^S, A uf«s *&-(*< ofieXo*61 ut ^ in ’Ae.KJ'foi e XnS €4 'Yi • Lex. Seg. p. 200, 3. , v. inyon on Ath.Pol. 49. In a speech of Lysias, which seems to have been

»va y vv c- c1 opu.AOW / ■ ~ v v - ' 1 v ^ —v ------*’ fob able; that each author gives the rate appropriate to his own day,* that (obol was the grant made in the fifth century; that two obols were Iven in the ffourth century, and five in the third. (Lysias c.459/8 - 381/0; Aristotle 384/3 - 322/1; Philochorus, executed c. 262/1.) ^or the u se o f k<£kt»um.6you 3 to denote capital, cf. (Lysias XIX > v. infra p. qo ) . 90 £CHf AND ^POOR*. inflates. ta len ts IVth e. common estimate of 600?. Suidas, v. 'EitiKe^c Epicrates* estate j^e? The e n tr y / in Suida^s reads* : ’Af^voulov kiT{ ‘ 0 & KoM t£ > n^OlfAd-io<^ M.v*^JU

|l]T®£,0S ^"*1 b6:STY)^ . ta len ts Tth c. estimate of his own 200?. Lysias XIX. 48 (beginning) property by Callias (De Bonis;Aristophanis) the second, son of Hipponicus the second ittt The speaker (the defendant in 388 or 387 B.C. against a change of ithholding some p a r t o f a c o n fisc a te d p roperty found to he worth much us than had been generally expected) to substantiate his assertion - [have been told by my father and other elderly people that you have I id similar experiences in the past of being deceived in the fortunes of ^laymen who were supposed to be wealthy while they yet lived, but whose ;] iath showed your supposition to be wide of the mark” (Lysias XIX. 45, h isb translation) - instances Callias the third, son of Hipponicus the ’! drd, whose rateable property then stood at less than two talents ias XIX.. 48)f although oust after his father had been killed in the httle of Delium (424 B.C.) he 11 was thought to have more in his

crt/t*i5 ‘*r®. c clcm ics f - be;.-1 cue. cl cm i.io^ ta.rec _ tore — k.£ 5~cf i y*t-f0* Xoti ofC£tfu<7)^v. Auueuueno nao a 5i~) Gy now,, by acquiring a treasure entrusted to him by an Eretrian the Persians carried away captive, Hipponicus, father of the second as, increased the family wealth. As for Callias the second him self, Ifepcd ( * ' y iw. °nc) gp’S that he considered the r ic h e s t of the uenians ( TrXooTv-oc <2v "Mfyvrf.W)« Andocides c a lls h is son, ''(ponicus the third, ir>v&o*fv

r* Estates, note 13 - if Callias was registered at the highest rate, property must have been valued at ten ta le n ts. yjjfTg1 AfoD/POQR* * 4 Mates ( c o n td .) /(c. Alcibiadem) , specifying the ouni of ten talents, and mentions the jx&ction oy Alcioiades of as much again after the death of Hipponicus on the strength of an alleged promise of his that an additional ten talents nould he handed overr on the birth of a son - a story which Plutarch 'irepeats (Alcibiades 8;. The actual sum received by Alcibiades matters ■ little* Its reputed magnificence is represented by a figure without .p a r a lle l except in comedy* A character in Menander’s Plocion thinks a ■ owry of sixteen talents poor compensation for his w ife’s lack of beauty j 402K), but even a quarter of that sum - four talents paid in cash - is iotviously abnormally large in the Epitrepontes (Act I), and in the • ioneiazomenae the o ff e r o f th ree ta le n t s w ith f iv e minae fo r d r e ss and jjewellery excites the exclamation ’’I ’m dreaming’?, and in the fullness of jliis heart the father in. the B@riceiromene (720K) offers a dowry of th ree talents with his new-found daughter. In real life , however, so far as ■ tttant records show, only the wealthy Pasion secured a dowry of over three talents to his widow (three talents forty minae secured on lands Bid a tenement) in addition to her slave-girls, ornaments and all the irest of her personal property (Dem. XLV.28). Apollodorus, their son, disputing the validity of this provision, speaks of the dowry as ’’such iigno man in the city,,w as ever known to g iv e ” ( ‘ne.oiSTi&eis tre.o?K-<. fau&iS w 6 \e\ S TiVSJ ) m v 5 y . )0 ta len ts i,Tth c. popular estimate of Nicias’ 100T. Lysias XIX.47

(2nd half) fortune (De Bonis Aristophanis) ste; Public opinion credited Nicias (d. 413 B.C.) with an estate of I hundred t a le n t s . ( ® roAw nLkIou oTkoj tt z.oSe'SoxJkT'o e?v«o o

AH* MD ’POOR*, imitates ( c o n td .)

more than seventy talencs, that id s v/ith being as rich .as Pasion |cf« Estates, note 6), division^of his estate gave each of his two soil +u«-n ten t a le n t s . ( Ttcxwre^ ^*Wro e?Wi TiX6~v tf'O*]'/ $ e T il) u £ ? Ou& 6 ^6KoC T 'v A '^ y V c * o«fu^<

talents §, IVth c. in h e r ita n c e o f Tim otheus, 17T. L y sia s XIX. 39-40 (teg. ) son of Con on (De Bonia Aristopiianis) fetes v. Estates, note 8. talents j, 7th c- estate of Diodotus 15T. Lysias XXXII.5,6,13,14, (end) (c. Diogeitonem) 15 otes The items given in the detail of Diogeiton*s estate are l jllectively worth rather more than fifteen talents. Mention is made of • deposit of five talents left by Diodotus with his brother Diogeiton, lorn he had appointed guardian of his children (XXXII. 5,13), of a sum of 1 sven talents, forty minae recovered from a bottomry loan (XXXII.6.14), ftfiety minae invested in the Chersonese (XXXII.6, implied in 15;, of i le talent, forty minae recovered from mortgages (XXXIi.15), of other i [enty minae (XXXII.15), and - which brings the total over fifteen ilents - of valuable furniture (XXXII.15). The speaker1 s assertion , lat Diogeiton, accused of appropriating his wards1 property, ”is intent hi reducing them from affluence to beggary11 ( o u $ .. • • S'vt T irAoov T6ttw£«ov kjx *- o6k7 Vd/M. 6 V ^ V fc[*4). His guardians allowed the estate to be inscribed in the ■Hgigter of rateable values at three talents, the rateable value of o n ■■■Hate of fifteen talents (XXXII. 7,9), an assessment which put i piosthenes into the highest tax-paying class since ’’Timotheus, son of Hon, and men of the largest fortunes” (K<*i ot tA ) 1 re also assessed st a fifth of their estates. Timotheus, son of Conon, - H Estates, 11 and 8) had inherited seventeen talents from his fsther. I * only does Demosthenes class Timotheus with ’’men of the largest Hunes”, but he refers to his own patrimony (where the context shows 1' he is employing meiosis) as ’’not a small one” (XXX.7). Bet ail of the Hate of almost fourteen jjalents is given (XXVII.9-11). A sword factory/ j gateflJcOTLtdgJ. |iith thirty—tvvo or -three slaves (worth, most of them, about five or six liae each, and none less than three) produced annually a clear thirty jaae« A couch factory v/ith twenty slaves, who were security for forty Jiae, brought in twelve minae each year, A talent lent at 12 per cent tjjelded more than seven minae a year. Put briefly, Demosthenes says a jjpital of four talemts, fifty minae produced an annua}, income of fifty [nae« Materials in the factories at Demosthenes1 father's death were ®th two talents, thiry minae; his house was worth thiry minae; jmiture, plate, his wife s jewels and clothes were valued at one iient, forty minae; and cash in the house amounted to one talent, twenty Inae. for the rest, there was a bottomry loan of one talent, ten minae, • gum of twenty-four minae in Pasion's bank, six minae in Pylad.es' bank, ! [xteen minae in Demomeles bank, and one talent lent without interest in 1 is of two or three minae to friends. These items give a total of "more nan eight talents, fifty minae" (viz. 8T.56m.) making a grand total of '• mghly fourteen talents (viz. 13T,46m.). talents 1, IV th c f. contemporary estimate of 14T* L y sia s XIX.47 (teg*) the inheritance of Nicias, (De Bonis Aristophanis) son of Niceratus - grandson of the general of the Peloponnesian.War [tot v*. Estates, note 5. The inheritance passed to him in 403 B.O.; the Jaker’s e stim a te i s made in 388 or 387 B.C. {talents Ivth c. estate of Stephanus, son 11T. Lysias XIX.46 end) or o f T h allu s (De Bonis Aristophanis) IV th c. (beg.) *i Contrary to common report , which credited Stephanus v/ith an estate more than fifty talents, he was found on his death to be w&rth eleven j ®ts. for other such exaggerations, v. Estates 8 and 10. Eleven tots, though a fraction of the popular estimate, was a large enough iin itself. Of. 16,17,18, and ly. talents Vth e. inheritance of each of 10T. Lysias XIX.46 (end) or Ischomachus* two sons (De Bonis Aristophanis) IV th c. (beg.) |»t For comment, v. Estates, note 10. That such an inheritance was not Raider able, items 18, 19 and 20 show. Ischomachus' estate was small yin comparison with the estimate (three and a half tfcmes as great) popular o p in io n . 96 jU ' AHD 'POOR*. itates (contd.)

f.lVth c. property of Gallias the third 10T. ? Lysias XIX.48 ("beg.) (De B onis A r is t ­ ophanis) Jotei v. Estates, note 16# Ten talents, though aj^mall fraction of two bared.(v. Estates, note 2 ), evidently represented considerable [foiperity. The figure is conjectural! it is based on the possibly err on­ us assumption* that Callias rateable property was rated at a fifth of g whole e s t a t e . , IVth c. D em osthenes 1 estimate of 10T. Dem# XXX. 10-11 (1st half) Timocrates* property (c. Onetorem l) [otei for comment, v. Estates, note 9. i, IVth c. inheritance of Aphobus 10T. Dem. XXVIII. 18 1(lst half) (c. Aphobum 2) Jte: Demosthenes says that his hearers all know that Aphobus, in suite -ft his Considerable inheritance olv), toe,in addition to an inheritance of more than five talents from his ther-in-law, a gift of two talents had been slipped him by the leaders the Naval Boards for his damaging attack on Demosthenes* iiaval ? forms. Earlier in his speech Demosthenes has said of approaches made toctiy to him ttthere was nothing they would not give** (a^k ea'fr’ o n ) if the nww plan could be brought to nothing (XVIII. 104). 97

* AND 'POOR1.

itateB (c o n td ,) talen ts

* IVtn c. the defendant's estimate 5T.3,000d. Isaeus XI.42 (1st half) of Stratoclee' estate, (De H agniae Heredit- whose son he was accused a t e ) of swindling otel The detail of his estate is given as_follows: land at Thria (let at 12 minae the year) 2T, 3 ,000d . house in Melite. (together let at 3m. 3 ,0 0 0 d . house in Eleusis the year) 500d. money lent at 18 per cent 4 ,0 0 0 d . furniture, sheep, barley, wine 4 ,900d . and f r u i t s cash in house 900d. sums le n t w ith ou t in t e r e s t -oa Tr«^re*^ 015 ), amounted to three tousand seven hundred drachmae (cf. XI.40), or it might be explained by le speaker's inclusion of a year's interest (two thousand , two hundred id twehty drachmae) in the reckoning - he wished to make the sum as irge as possible. This gives a total of five talents, one thousahd, five !i pdred and twenty drachmae, which special pleading might readily (present as five and a half talents. talents '..IVth c. a citizen's estate 5T. Isaeus VII. 19,31. (middle) (De Apollodori Hereditate) tes The owner of this estate dying dhildless, it was according to law Tided betvireen a sister's son and a second married sister. The speaker, lose opponents these persons were in the present suit, reproaches them Jh rapacity. They should rather have allowed the deceased to adopt a 1 a to heir an undivided inheritance and prevent a family able to bear 8 expense of the most costly public service, the trierarchy, from tog out. "My opponents," says the speaker, "have viewed with (iirference their brother's childlessness, and are in possession of his Ptune" - they had sold his land for five talents and divided the j*oc_eeds - "and have allowed a family to die out which was obviously fable of supporting the expense of a trierarchy." (Loeb translat: . on IVth estate of Philo, 5T. Dem. XVIII.312 father-:in-lav/ of A esch in es 'toi v. Estates, note 2 1 . [»and !pq o r *.

\itdt g q _ (contd*.) .talents j), XVt l ' l ‘Go in h e r it,.ii co o f Oyr on l i ­ 4T. I 000--0 X.23 (1st h a lf) as estimated by an (De Aristarchi opponent who disputes Hereditate) Cyronides* claim to a second estate lotef The im plication is thatxCyronides, having already "been fortunr.tr lough to in h e r it an ©*k.ov ttA

(co n td * ) fn revenge for earlier actions brought against him, is now jointly =|ngeiged with Theornnestus, his brother-in-law, in prosecuting Stephanus), Iheoronestus pictures the sad extremities to which Apollodorus and his Innocent family would have been reduced had the jury endorsed Stephanus* Jalicious proposal of a fine of fifteen talents, when he earlier Inceeeded m nis indictment of a decree of Apollodorus as illegal* jpollodorus, Theornnestus asserts, could not possibly have paid such a pie;, asj'his estate did not^amount even to three talents** K / w y olei*. ret«Dv r^XcivTtov ttxa /u n ^v)., (Apollodorus originally inherited a lalf share in an estate of seventy rfealents (v* Estates 7, Pasion*s Kate): in spite of the ostentation and litigiousness of Apollodorus, wee talents may have been an underestimate of what remained of his Jatriraony*) 'The lamentable consequences on which Theornnestus dwells were, swever, averted* The jury saw fit to impose a fine of one talent only, 0 that Apollodorus was, with some difficulty, able to pay it ( [Il/LM/Jrf'AV TeL&c ) • That the possession of property to the capital value of three talents mdered a man liable to the performance of public services* is suggested j Demosthenes* complaint against his guardians* Whereas they had raudulently deprived him of all but seventy minae of his substantial inheritance of fifteen talents, so that he (formerly charged with the Urf&rmanee of the most costly services and taxed at the highest rate) ould no longer be able to discharge even the less expensive duties, ireful management had been known, so to increase small estates of two dents or even of one, by doubling or trebling them, that their owners litherto free from such obligation) had presently found themselves , ligible for the performance of these services* (kociVdi 0 0

SoV»|V(9 Toil blot VoUTt^V cO tf/(uvr,0

At Athens the wealthier citizens were required to discharge at their ft expense certain public services (Ajyrodeffi^V )• The ordinary liturgies 5re the (provision of a chorus for one or other of the various Pie and dramatic contests at the Festivals), the (the I bruiting and training of one of the ten teams that competed in the ireh. race} th e %rrr(of.6~t$ (the provision of a banquet for the members of * tribe or deme on the occasion of a festival), and the <*eX» irovision of the cost of a sacred embassy to one of the Panhellenic Rivals)• The t was an extraordinary liturgy imposed principally : 1 time o f war* 100

10H’ AND ’POOR’ ♦ fat.fltes ( con td .) [talents i’ IVth c. estimate of an inheritance 2T, Isaeus XI,44 (1st h a lf) (De Hagniae Hereditate) ites v. Estates, 26* jl, IVth c. a disputed estate 2T. Isaeus IV*7 (1st h a lf) (De N ic o s tr a ti Hereditate) iote* When, after an absence from Athens of eleven years, Nicostratus, goldier of fortune, died on foreign service, leaving an estate of two lents, there was no end to the eager claimants who asserted their light to inherit* While sueh an estate d&d not stamp its owner rich - in 'at he was not obliged to defray the cost of any public service - it s evidently an attractive inheritance* talent + I, Vth c* Socrates1 invested capital IT. 10m. Plutarch, Aristides 1. 1 ite: Plutarch, quoting the third century scholar Demetrius of Phalerum, licords Socrates’ possession of a dwelling-house and of a capital of nventy minae invested for him by Crito. Taylor (Socrates pp. 40-41) ascusses a change in fortune which disposes of the seeming1, contradiction •yich exists even after allowance has been made for Socrates1 irony) ' tween this statement of Demetrius and the valuation of five mihae out his effects by Socrates himself (Xen. Oec. 2, v* Estates, note 20), 'minae (§ T .)

I IVth c. the sp eak er’ s in h e r ita n c e 45m. Dem. X L II.22 (2nd half) _ (Adv. Phaenippum) te: The speaker calls this inheritance one 4s e-iSiov a retrospective comment it may, of course, be coloured by his Jteeauent experience as one of the three hundred citizens who, as the ilthiest of their fellows,* were not only subject to the highest rate, assessment for payment of the property tax, but were each called upon advance the whole sum due from the particular group of taxpayers to

iginally small enough*** to exempt him from the discharge of the turgies.

IVth c. a citizen’s valuation of 25m. Lysias III.24 (beg.) his property fe* In Lysias III.24, a citizen is asserted to have valued h is/

for example, Dem. XVIII.171; XLII.3; Isaeus VI.60 for example, Dem. XXI. 157; XXII.42; L.9; cf. XIV. 16ff. 1 It was less than three talents - v. Estates, note 29, and footnote P* 99. 101 w * AID ’POOR’ * jmt.flte S ( C OP td . ) jig property at two hmdred and fifty drachmae. ( *y*

Irby removes from penury. As' the modern counterpart of the three hundred rachmae maximum capital permitted to disabled citizens receiving a grant fom the State, take the £400 maximum capital permitted to applicancs or the old-age non-contributory pension granted at seventy years of age id to applicants for supplementary pensionsn under the Old Age and j [flows’ Pension Act of 1940, and tne man at sixty removes from penury julcL have £24,000, the man at three hundred removes, £120,000, the man t eight hundred removes, £320,000, the man at one thousand, four hundred1 {moves, £800,000, and the man at four thousand removes from penury, U,600,000.Plutarch, A To r is speak t id e s , of 25 a man as a ITicias must, then have meant to the/ that 300d. was the maximum capital allowed a claimant for public relief; y, p, 89. 3 Athenaeus VI.272B , following relevant excerpts are taken from the Assistance Board’s splanatory Leaflet, Supplementary Pensions, Old Age and Widows1 Pension lit, 1940* "A supplementary pension is granted on^y to pensioners who are in need one and the amount of the grant depends on tne amount of the need.

e needed U, if so, the amount of it. j The way in which resources are t alii en into account depends on what hey are. Some resources are disregarded in part or altogether; these I re the first 10s. 6d. of superannuation payments, the first 5s. of friendly society sickpay, the first 20s. of disability pension, one half 1 ‘ f any ?/eekly payment of v/orkmen s compensation, the capital value oi •he house in which the pensioner lives,: and the first £375 of War Savings I*.,. In the case of capital other than War Savings a sum of less tnan * hO is disregarded and if it amounts to £o0 or more 6d. a week is taken ato account for the first £50 and for each complete £25 thereafter up to ;< too. If the capital exceeds £400 in value, no supplementary pension can Usually be paid. Earnings of the pensioner or of tne wife or nusband of ? he pensioner are taken into account but 10s.Sd. a w6GrL is allowed xor he personal requirements of the earner* i Where the pensioner' (or the husband or wife of tne pensioner; is the Householder and has s e ll—supporting sons, daughters or other relatives/' 102 ilCH’ AND ’POOR1* itates (contd.)

kies are ra te d a t 75 per c e n t, * while Epicrates was surely their :0Uivaleno o f our m ulti-m illionaire. To th e ir f e llo w citizens the estates if Pas io n , Oon on and Demosthenes must have represented sums such as in !3fidem times might he reck o n ed as intelligible fractions o f a m illi o n - wards of a hall, upwards of a quarter, and rather less than an eight. fIt must be remembered, however, that the maximum capital permitted to ■ M i oners in ancient and modern times may reflect different standards of \ iving* It is not enough to draw a parallel between Iiicias and the ■i [gabled Athenian pensioner on the one hand, and the modern m illionaire

iat of the modern recipient of state relief.2- What in practice as jtinct from theory was penury in ancient Athens? And how does it ; spare with what we recognize as penury now? The usefulness of the lalogies drawn above i s lim ite d to th e ir p r o v isio n o f a background against lich incomes define themselves. Pasion’s income, for example, may be lought of as representative of the incomes of a limited number of 1 iceptionally rich men, that of Demosthenes’ father as typical of the 'the richer rich citizens3 - and possiblybvof the least rich of the chest (if Demosthenes means to imply that/his guardians entering his jtate of almost fourteen talents as an estate of fifteen he was just icluded in the Three Hundred.*) Since rates of interest and the cost of iving * vary from age to age, an examination of incomes and their/

Natives living v/ith him, a contribution of not more than 7s. a week ■ m each such relative may also be taken into account as id art of his sources, and set off against the amount of the supplementary pension.” sse provisions w ill, of course, be superseded in October 1946 by those • itained in H.Iv*.Stationery Pamphlet Omd. 6878 - Increases in Old Age, y lows’ and Blind Persons’ Pensions, July, 1946. "1 tie duty on an estate of £2,000,000 or over is 75 per cent - Chancellor i the Excheauer’s Budget, April 9, 1946. -lie argument is not vitiated by the use (p. »iu ) of figures which relate 'H to Old Age Pensions but to Unemployment Benefit and Assistance, for dse figures are equally dictated by contemporary conditions. • [s estate comes midway .between that of Oiletor (50 talents, analogous to 10,000) and Timarchus (10 talents, analogous to £80,000) both of whom | losthenes was c o n fid e n tly able to rep resen t to h ie h earers as a f f lu e n t . • Ihe collection of the Eisphora, which at first had been in the hands of hte officials, Was made over about &74 B.C. as a liturgy to the 300 West citizens, who paid in advance the full amount of the tax and. hovered as best they could from the other members oi their respective Ivories.” (Companion to Greek Studies p. 494) That Demosthenes was 1 Huded in the Three Hundred seems to be implied by his,,leadership of a i^ of taxpayers - qiwVt Ck^ £»5ito eir(Te.oirt»i^r J ^aa* <*tto tvjj 0 yw.or rc<* T<£ A crrfcv

AND 1 POOR income] their purchasing power necessarily contributes more to an under standing if the economic life o f ohe ancient Athenian than analogies based on lapital values* It is the amount 01 money available for spending and what [t can buy that gives life to th ; picture. Instances of actual incomes are, hov/ever, all too few. It is greatly lobe regretted that there is no authoritative record of Pasion's income, m that an attempted estimate must cm-p-p-i Tn ru+n-ii o-p vh« +a te are IftXU ^ * “T , Z" v v ^rvuiu/vciov j • Xii 01 iO iUlli l»U cenOC^llLiLlXhy tu ry |C» interest at 12 to 18 per cent (if the higher rates ibf bottomry loans [reset aside) seems to have been normal.* Reckoned at 15 'per cent, the nterest on a c a p it a l o f 50 ta le n t s i s 7 t a le n t s , 6 m in a e / In A d d itio n /

Capital in ancient times was considerably more productive than it is j - a f he t which must be remembered in considering the relative size of icient and modern fortunes. The following brief survey does not claim to 5 eshprehensive, but it is indicative of the ancient rates of interest. th c» I.G . i 1 377 - a loan of 9 talents, 20 drachmae for five years at 10 per cent interest made by the officials who administered the temple of Apollo and at Delos is recorded in the accounts for 434/2 B.C. J fth Isaeus XI. 42 — this reference, which relates to the beginning of the century, is to rents rated at roughly 8 per cent of the capital value of the houses and land. Dem. XXX.7. - m ention i s made o f in t e r e s t at 10 per cen t p a id on a dowry retained by a former husband in the first naif of the century. It is possible to argue from the context that this was a lower than average rate. Dem. XXVTI.9• money lent in the first half of the century by Demosthenes1 father at 12 per cent interest is mentioned. Dem. XXVII. 23 and 35 - 12 per cent was the rate employed by Demoshtenes to reckon the liab ility of his guardians. (N.B. the suggestioii that 12 pe£ cent was a moderate t rate: © en Tt$ T ( 6 b i u & o v ...... ; ofCj To ov TT€<5

r* AND ’POOR** totameg (c o n td .)

(ddition to this, Pasion s bank brought in an annual rent of* 100 minae Ilem*XXXVI• 1 1 , 37 and 51; XLV.32), and his shield factory an annual rent if Ii talent* Possible revenue from other landed property must for lack of (lidenC'C; be discounted.. As an estimate of Pasion s income the sinn of "talents seems, therefore, reasonable..1 In Demosthenesf speech against Phaenippus (XLIl) - a suit arising out the speaker1 s challenging Phaenippus to an exchange of properties, x l better able to be included in the Three Hundred 3 than himself - a most Eteresting record survives. For wood from his farm, Phaenippus received be than 12 drachmae a day; that is to say, in a year of 350 days ( % |ivo) d«’ fcVi^uroC ) more than 43m. 20d. (X L II.7 ). More than 1,000 medimni of barley at I8d. the raedimnus, and upwards of 800 metretae fwine at 12d. the m e tr e te s, brought in more than '41. 36m. (X L II.2 0 ). H e/

jontd. from preceding page) jfthc. (contd.) Dem. LIII.,13 - the reference, which relates to the first half' of the century, records the rate of interest paid on a loan on mortgage., (Cf. a similar rate, 16%per cent, exacted in the Bosphorus. Dem. XXXIV.23) Isaeus XI. 17 — money lent at 18 per cent at the beginning of the century is mentioned. Dem* XXVII.17 - in the first half of the century interest on the dpwry of a rejected wife was paid at this rate. Dem. LIX. 52 - in the second half of the century a similar payment is recorded. I.G. i i a 2679 - an inscription belonging to the year 305/4 B.C. records the payment of interest at 18 per cent on land held as security for" a dowry. Xen* On Revenues 3.7.14 - the reference is to a bottomry rate in the first half of the century. Dem. XXXV.10 - the reference is to a bottomry rate in the second half of the century. Dem. XXXV.10 - the reference is to a bottomry rate in the second half of the century. Dem. XXXIV. 23 - the referen ce i s to a bottom ry r a te in the second half of the century. ** Xen. On Revenues 3.7.14 - the reference is to a bottomry rate in the first half of the century. Aristotle (Rhet. III.10) quotes a metaphorical expression of ho erodes (IVth c.) - ’’that he was as little of a rogue as a certain respectable citizen he named; for the latter got 33 per cent for his roguery, while he himself got only 10.” bis is the 5 income l c I i , according to Xenophon, (On Revenues 4.14) siac (Vth c . , 2nd At Atlien se rv ic e; 93? "4 th tizen v.h. a i he thou ?ht richer than himself either to exchange Dporti e° suhni t 4- + "h n "h .q y> r m "h i r i r* rU -p _ 102, fo o tn o te ilCH1 V*

poiim q ( .qou th/. J

e had, therefore, an^income of over 5 talentc.1 That the year - 7.0 ;: one o 'amine priccc (after 3 3 0 B.C.), that the speaker had a strong incentive 0 plausible cxaggerati on, does not affect the ■ fact that the '"posses s i on if such an income stamped a man as unmistakably one of the wealthiest itizens. In detailing his inheritance_ (XXVI1.9ff.,) Demosthenes estimated that art of his father s capital_ whichprodueed a . regular income at 4T*50m. , oughly a third of the whole. This gave an annual return of 50 minae. To I his must be added possible revenue from IT. 10m. then invested in I ottomry, from 46 minae deposited in various banks, and from IT. then J tot without interest to friends. (The value of the materials in the factories, of the house and its ■ furnishings, and of money in the house disregarded.) Reckoned at 15 per cent the a d d itio n to he made i s fc.40d., which gives a total of IT. 16m.40d., rather;'more, than ljT. j ottomry lo a n s m ight, however, be much more p ro d u ctiv e. The cash in the louse - IT.20m. - represented, on the present estimate, rather more than ■year s income. To assume an income of ST.. seems reasonable, a- That an income of between one and two talents excited admiration is Fident from I s a e u s ’ speech on th e d sta te o f D icaeogen es. More than once t calls attention to the fact that the income from the estate of caeogenes amounted to 80 minae (V. 11; V.35), and attacking Dicaeogenes a third, who had enjoyed it for ten years, the speaker characterizes as vf\ov (S i ov ifd v^£,©toctoy o

Bipponicu© the third, father-in-lav/ of Alcibiades, is quoted by Hophon (On Revenues 4.,14) as drawing an income of 6 talents from his nee. ftiree talents a year, Xenophon records, accrued to Philemonides from * * mines., I.G. ii* 1672. MH» AND ’POOR’ • | ncomes l contd>-l U an inscription relating to public works in the year 433/2 B.C. where /drachma a day i s the ra te m entioned. The in s c r ip tio n d e a lin g yath the /{gumption of work^on the Erechtheum in 409/8 B.C. (I.G. i? 373; also : urnishes useiul figures. Skilled work (that of sawyers and carpenters) j gg paid au the rate of a drachma a day. In the Erechtheum accounts for . 38/^ B.C. (i.G . i2 374) payment for skilled labour (sawyers) is entered etimes as a drachma the day, sometimes (joiners) at 5 obols. Fragments accounts subsequent to 408/7 B.O. also record payments of a drachma a i (I.G. 374). Much of the work, however, was* done (probably more

fitably for the worker) as piece-work. Rhadius living in Collytus, example, in the sam^ brytany in which he and an assistant worked Ive days aj i a drachma/the day, earned also 28 drachmae "for sawing rteen eight-foot timbers, 84 cuts, at 2 obols the cut", 5 drachmae r sawing a timber 24 ft. long, 5 cuts, at Id. a cut", and Id.2ob. "for ...ing a timber for the struts". The architect1 s salary was reckoned at 3 ie rate of a drachma a day; that of his clerk at 5 obols. Thus in a year - f560 days, if allowance is made for sixtj/iolidays but not for unemploy- at,1 the workman* s income, reckoned at a drachma the day, comes to~ 300&. to architect’s salary comes to 360d. , and that of his clerk to 300d. In the second half of the fourth century B.G. rates of pay were ligher. Entries in the accounts of the Eleusinian officials for 329/8 B.G ] [»G. ii^ 1672) show that labourers taking their meals at home were paid' /drachmae the day, skilled workmen 2 or 2j drachmae. If their employ­ ment was unbroken, the year’s income therefore amounted to 450 drachmae ,1 ir a labourer, and to 600 to 900 drachmae for the skilled workman. The pchitect’s salary reckoned at 2 drachmae the day was 720 drachmae.3 hate slaves were given 3 obols a day - 180d. in the year - for main ten- i ,ce, and had their clothes provided. Their overseer also received 3 / ids a day - 180d. in the year - for maintenance, but was paid in ■ • Bition lOd. in the prytany - lOOd. in the year - and had to provid e j ii own clothes. His income was, therefore, 280d. Prom this review of the evidence for earned incomes in fifth and opth century Athens the following facts emerge: In the second half of ie fifth century a labourer may be reckoned to have earned 200d. a year, •, illed workers 250d. or 300d. An architect’s clerk had a salary of 300d., I a architect himself, a salary of 360d. That is to say, a skilled Biker’s income was 1.25 or 1.5 times as great as a labourer’s. A clerk’s : i eoual to that reckoned at the higher rate for skilled workers (1.5 lifts "a labourer’s), but the clerk’s income was assured. The professional U (represented by £he arikitect) also had an assured income, 1.8 times * * aater than the labourer’ s9 If we suppose the whole of the disabled neioner’s capital3 to have been productive, reckon his interest at 10 I I cent, + and add in his dole of an obol the day, * he had 90 drachmae on ; ich to live. His income was at the most (since he is credited with the/

fj ■*— i— .. B lithe fourth century, citizens could earn 3 obols a day - the equivalent ! & worker’s maintenance - by attending the ecclesia* ;c* B.C.H. XIV* 1890, pp. 478ff• - For the years 283, 279, 269, 190 and C

MD ’ POOR1 . [monies (coii'tclaj^g Purciia.sin g_ Power._

maxim Ola amount of capital reckoned as wholly productive , wli.il g the lOggibility oi one l8.oourer’s having any unsarned income is disregarded) ■*s than half that of the labourer. ■ ~ ^' In the second half of the fourth century, a labourer may be reckoned „ have m earned' 4-501. a year, skilled workers 6001. or 9001. The jofessional man's income was 7201. That is to say, a skilled worker's * acorae was just over 1.5 times as great as a labourer’s or, reckoned at •i ae higher rate, twice as great. The professional man, with the advantage :f security, had an income 1*6 times as great as the labourer. Pasion the inker’s income of approximately 10 talents (60,0001.) in the first half 'the fourth century was 133.33 times greater than that of the labourer .the second half of_the century, 83.33 times greater than the earned icome of the professional man. Phaenippus the farmer with, in a good lar, an inro-. .o of 5 talents, earned 66.66 times as much as the labourer, .66 times as. much as the citizen engaged in a profession. Reckoned a n talents, the income of Demosthenes* father in the first half of the sntury was 26.66 times greater than the labourer's, 16 36 dimes greater Ian the professional man’s. With possibly 23W minae a year (v. p. 105) tratocles, a man of means, had in the first naif of the century an icome rather more than 5 times in advance of the labourer, and just over ,25 times greater than that earned by a member of what we should call ie professional class. If we, assuming as before that the whole o : the gabled pensioner’s capital was productive but reckoning his interest is time* a t 15 per c e n t,' add in h is d ole o f 2 ob ols a day , x we fin d tha^ had 165d. on which to support himself - nearer a third than a half of ie labourer’s earnings. What, then, could be done with such incomes? What food, shelter and tithing could they -provide? , Unfortunately the evidence; for the fifth century is too scanty to be aclusive - there are indeed no figures for ' the cost or rent of houses - i it is obvious enough that the lot of the disabled pensioner was one * * 'abject poverty. His diet at the best must have been restricted to i fley-meal and olives (varied by figs or myrtleberrieb, if we accent Urtii century figures), and he con nave had little enough of these, ipose his household to have consisted simply of his wife and himself, wre is no mention of additional allowance for wife or children. ) A II ration each of barley-meal (and that was not accounted ecual in irishmen t to a similar allowance of wheat) would (using Plutarch’s ;ure, v. Pood, Barley-meal 2) swallow up a third of his income. Allow instead two-thirds of the normal ration for two persons, and 20d. gone. Sup-oose they made a choenix o f o liv e s (1 .9 2 p in ts ) l a s t fo r aays, their scanty opson would cost 7-g- drachmae (v. Pood, Bruit 1).. price of the poor man's cloak ov ) ijs not; recorded. Suidas ilains Tt.(Ativiov' as t f e e ^ 6^ Kubikov - b* ocv bou\o$ u t t o &&

J footnote, pp. 103-4. footnote, p. 89. 10 i OH' AMD 'POOR yebaslng. Power (contd.) il the only garment, "but as tlia out or garment, (Cf*. Aristoohanes, Vespae . 131- 2, where is to be worn Tev^uw 11^5 . ) p0r the sake or fgument, say that it cost, like the workman's tunic - Tunics l), I (j&drachmae.. ihen, if a new undergarment was bought for each in alternate hars, and. a new outer-garment for each in turn every four vears, at like lost for nusban& ^and w iie, 15 drachmae must be added to their yearly i men&iture.^ I f 8 per cent of the capital value may be taken as the rent iarged in the xntn as well as in the fourth century , 1 and if eaoital dilues were similar in both centuries, then, reckoned on that of" the j leapest house of which there is record,2- their rent (supposing such 1 jcommodation was available in the city - the house in Question was in j ©achidae, an in la n d deme) would be about 8 y drachmae,.® B arely n ou rish ed , .* [1-elad, and problematically hpused, they are left with 39 drachmae, ] ider-fed and scantily clad like themselves, a single child would account IF another 21 drachmae# Fifteen of the remaining 18 drachmae expended ’i I'barley-meal would bring the family meal ration (icowiting . the child's . 1 half that of the adult J up to normal subsistence level, but would lave only 3 drahmae for sundries. (To mention only one essential sundrv, ■ ,! ielwas coupled; in the Wasps - 300-1 - with barley-meal and on son j 1 an indispensable necessity,) If, on the other hand, there were 110 lildren, they might allow themselves the luxury of sandals in alternate I «rs. No fifth century price is recorded, but very early in the fourth mtury (389/8 BiC.) 8 drachmae are mentioned by Aristophanes in a • otext which suggests a price above the average, "r Suppose them, ? iierefore, to have cost 6 drachmae (as later in the fourth century they Id5') and, remembering the roughness of the terrain, allow 3 drachmae .ch for yearly repairs,. This leaves 30 drachmae with which to review I b situation. Ten drachmae would bring their meal ration up to normal; 1 in more allow them three cotylae of wine rpughly once a week. Ten would Plain for sundries. Even if the wife supplemented the income by casual ■timings of her own, the struggle to make ends meet must have been rem itting. It is true that conjecture has played a considerable part m trus idget. Not every price is sufficiently attested and hypothesis furnishes /detail of the expenditure. Even so, the inadequacy of the pensioner's ilowance is evident. Childless, his w ife'and he must have subsisted Hgrily on a spare and monotonous diet. Oil at 3d, the chous (v. p. 29, 111) and cooked meat at ^ obol (v. p. 28, Cooked Meat 2 and 3) were not i r him. It was difficult, if not impossible to be clad. A child added to f 8 hpusehold meant bare reet and water; more than one child, starvation, Lack of reliable figures for the fifth century makes pointless ^ailed examination of other fifth century incomes. From what has been id, it is clear enough that the lot of a married labourer earning, if 1 employment was unbroken, 2 0 0 d, in the year was not an enviable one. must have been anxious even for the man with 300 drachmae. ■ 1 p, 103, footnote; also Shelter, Table V, item and note 2. Shelter, Table I, 32. rent of a house in. Delos - 10d.. — In 282 B.C., p. 79, and the rents "houses in Ceos - lOd., 7d., and 5d. - at the beginning of the third 1 fttury B.C., p. 80. In the absence of figures for the rent of an ;^artment in a

ffflft* AND ’POOR * ♦ j ^chasing Power (contd.) For the fourth century there is more evidence. Representative ipenditure on the yearns food for a family consisting of hush and. wife ,SM two chilciren is indicated in the following table. If it is remarked J that the cost of the year's barley-meal or wheat is reckoned at three |)dult rations a day, that the opson is meagre, and that the price of oil 1{ib been omitted from the reckoning, it w ill he recognized that the ‘lllowance, though sufficient to sustain life, is not liberal. L' for a Family of Four (husband, wife and two children) [ear’s barley-meal (reckoned at 3 adult rations) ...... 30d. or wheat...... 45d. [ear’s opson — 1. at the rate of fob. per day ...... 7d. Sob. (e.g. a choenix of lupins) 2, at the rate of fob. per day ...... 15d. (e.g. a choenix of figs or myrtleberries) 3* at the rate of fob. per day ...... 22d. 3ob. (ill-natured gossip’s report of a husband’s allowance to his wife for the purchase of the family opson - Theophrastus XXVIII.) 4* at the rate of. fob. per day ...... 30d. (e.g. cheese; anchovies; meat - possibly only as much as one m ight have eaten ) 5. at the rate of fob. per day ...... 37d. 3ob. ( e«g« p ic k le d tunny; sausage) 6. at the rate of fob. per day ...... 52d. 3ob. (e.g. mussels) 7. at the rate of lob. per day ...... 60d. (e.g. citrons, urchins, 4 scraps of meat) 8. at the rate of 2ob. per day ...... 120d. (e.g. salt fish; dried fish) 9. at the rate of 3ob. per day ...... 180d. (e.g. honey, a morsel of roast pig) 10. Average opson ...... 58d. tar’s wine - 1* at lob. for 3 cotylae ...... 60d. 2. at Ifob. for 3 cotylae ...... 90d. i for shelter, the purchase of a small house in Athens is recorded 1FDemosthenes. It cost 700d.’ Such ahouse (if available) might be I toted, therefore, for 56d.* We know too, on the most reliable evidence ) ftall - epigraphical - that a workshop in Piraeus ahdh a dwelling-house joining it were im fact rented for 54d*^For clothing the prices from/

Up, 38, Table I, 30., *v. p. 108, footnote 1. p. 67, Table VI, AND ’POOR’ . ing Power (contd.) [row the nleusinian building inscriptions form the basis of reckoning! workman’ s t u n i c ...... c . 7 d. 3 ob. workman’s goatskin ja ck et ...... c. 3 d. workman’s cap Id. fob. cloak 18d. Sob. andals (purchase and subsequent cobbling) lOd. total ...... es30d. budget o f 1 0 0 drachmae for the family 1 s yearly expenditure on clothing add not admit of a superfluous purchase. With an income of 450d. (but this was not assured to those paid wages the day) a man could provide for asmall family in frugal fashion. In year of unbroken employment wheat (if available) could be purchase! astead. of barley-meal, an average (but admittedly scanty) opson and wine \ the cheaper rate for a total expenditure of 163d. Add to this 54d. jr rent, and lOOd. as a minimum expenditure on clothing, and the total f3l7d. leaves 133 drachmae from which (after a deduction for oil at irhaps Id. the chous = 5.76 pints) to meet general household expenditure* lat a meagre existence such a family must have had is readily grasped len we consider that the present estimate for their year’s food (163d.), iless augmented from the money s till to be expended, could not have dntained two state slaves at their official rate of 3 obols the day* 180d. in the year). With a possible income of 600 to OOOd. the skilled mrkman, and with an assured income of 720d. the professional man at irst sight seem relatively well-off. They could certainly afford four 1 bit rations of wheat, an opson at the rate of 2 ob. a day, and the Urer wine (240d.). Yet were the latter to feed himself, his wife and wo children (reckonong the children’s allowance as the equivalent of a ingle youth’s), at the rate thought proper for the ephebi ... \5 ) of the ephebi (Ath. Pol. 42) e?s reoqty , 1 d to the arehon sent to Sal amis, and to the Amphi c t y on 3 sent to Dei os drachma a day was allowed for board (e*S firwfrt r )• Thex year 3 food fo r family of four (allowing 4 obols'each for two ehildreji) main to mod on •|6se liner vculcT amount to l,200d. 'or 12m. Demosthenes* household was 1 Phaps in this cntororv. For the maintenance of the young Demosthenes, { s yoan.gr sir ter end his mother 7 minae were ow^awhwd r.el: year (XX7II, I i seq.J. 1 How terrible; by contrast, and in fact, was the plight of the disabled | ttsionerj W ith 165d. a year h is income 7/as smaller than the maintenance lowance of a state slave I 1 AVD /POOR* * i &rchoofug Power .( cantd . J[

If the irom uhe Delian Temple Accounts nav ino ink nr n,-- cane o.j. i married man^witnouhp children in the third century, when ne r . . .apioal regarded wholly productive giver an income of 345 drachmae. Without children, ftey’might have spent 4 obols a day on food. Two obols was the daily Iowance fo r food made to the fem ale sla v e (of &/&£«> *•«•/©$ v . B.C.H. XIV. > 480) who baked the workmenrs rations of meal, to a male slave [ o W*l$) whose duties are not clearly defined (p. 480), and to a female .ute-player, whether sdaveoor free (p.487).. Using as the basis of reckon- ig a clothing allowance of from 15 to 25 drachmae a year made to the lie slave (B.C.H. XIV. pp.480-1), there would have been at lea st’ j drachmae for rent and other expenses. In the accounts a rent of lOd. I recorded.,51 The addition of a single child to the household would, nrever, result,in short commons;: for even the addition of half an.obol day for food (a quarter of tne adult's allowance; leaves at most45d. ir rent, general expenses and the clothing of the child. It should be irther remarked that the detail of the temple accounts for 282 B.G. lows that a workman's rations consisted of either 14 choenices of wheat V 3 choenices of barley-meal (que la boulangere fait cuire - B.C.H. XIV. ,,482) and a daily allowance of 2 obols for opson alone, ( to7$ ts/v ,T320 rising to £1,870 per annum by annual increments of £50, plus war

tment 1 oted salaries of 3f200 per annum rising to £320 plus £78 war bonus. This resents a skilled workman's income as rather less than 1.25 times ater than a labourer1®, an architectural assistant's maximum income j rather less than 1.75 times greater than a labourer's, and an architect' a responsible position as having an income roughly 5 times in advance/

allowing 50d. for clothing l°re than one of from 20 to 25d. blowing 30d. for clothing n :

|ICH» AND ’POOR' inrohasing Power (contd. ) \ idvance of a labourer’s* It should at once be remarked, of course, that iuch remuneration as this last is noj? typical of the professional iasses, but only of their more successful members. In Scotland the laximum income of a male teacher, for example, other than a Headmaster or 'rincipal Teacher of a subject or combination of subjects In a Secondary jehool (reached in the nineteenth year of employment; is £650, 1 a sum >ather less than 3 times greater tnan that earned by the labourer. The complexity of modern life , however, makes haphazard comparison jaaed on the character of a man’s employment* What ’’rich’ and poor* mean ’n modern times is , perhaps, best determined by reference to the various I rades of tax-payers, but, before considering the proportion obtaining I etween the incomes characterized in this way in relation to that in i hch the incomes of Pasion, and Demosthenes^ father, and those like them i tood to the incomes of the noor citizens of their day, the circumstances ii the modern counterpart o f the Athenian receiving relief may be noticed* The income derived from Unemployment B enefit**may be compared with I iiat of the disabled Athenian pend&oner. At 39/- a'week, the income for an and wife is £101.8.0,or at 39/- a week plus 5/- a week,for man* wife i nd child £114.8.0. The unemployed workman married but childless, or with !ne child, receives rather less than half of the labourer’s earnings for . j year. With the introduction of Family Allowances which entitle all I arents to 5/— for a second and each succeeding child below the upper lmit of the compulsory school age, 3 further payments of 5/- to the Unemployed workman in r e sp e c t o f each su cceed in g c h ild now" ca n cel ou t. f first sight - this ratio seems similar to that in which, the incomes f the Athenian labourer and pensioner stood to each other (v. p. 107), i at it must be remembered that, whereas the calculation in respect of I tie disabled Athenian was based on his whole income, tho oresent r aicillation is based only on-relief granted,, and that no further relief i ijpSQ far-iS 'fe know, granted to the Athenian in respect of his ^ Ini Iren. I How far does £101.8.0 go toward the provision of food, clothing and fielter? The present weekly allowance of rationed foods for a household two adults works out as follow s: **■ j aeon - 6oz. (cheapest, uncooked, boneless smoked 6 jd . - 1/5 per lb.) | igar - 8oz. (granulated , @ 4d. per lb.) 2 d. a - 5oz. (@ 3/- per lb.) H id . : eese - 4oz. (cheapest, @ lOd. per lb.) 2i a . pat 2 s. 8d. I Joking f a t — 2oz. l? d . ltter/largarine - 12oz. (reckoned as half butter @ 1/6 per lb., 8£d. and half standard margarine @ 5d. lb . ) ?ead - 18 units (reckoned as 4 large loaves and one small) I s . e fa . deserves - 8oz. (if bought 21bs. at a time) 6 d. )tal 6s. 9d«

f* Teviot Salary Scales, April 1, 1945 - March 31, 1948* Panted to Insured persons between the age of 16: years and 65 years provided the n e c e ssa r y c o n tr ib u tio n s have been made. Unemployment Assistance - -naici at the name rate - is granted to a person wi thin the entitiea to by. right of v* family Allowances Act, 1945. Calculations are b a se d on the Ministry of Food Pamphlet, 7 ^ k(l, 4 . 113'

jpjf AND ’POOR’ * \nrohasing Power (contd.); General Comparison of Modern and Ancient " Incom es.

Mf a crown a week might he allowed for ’pointed’ foods, making a total if 9/3* In t h is y e a r l y expenditure of £23..10.3, the cost of milk has not -fen included, since price and permitted quantity vary with the seasons. |lie rent of a one-room-and-kitcnen house in a working-class tenement jexclusive of rates which may he reckoned at roughly a third of the rent) jg about £14. If £20 a year is set aside for the provision of a house, out £58 remain for clothing and general expenses (including light and at, and u n ration ed fo o d s).. I f U t i l i t y C lo th in g on ly were bought, th ey fight manage on a clothes allowance of £30. Theirs is obviously not an 1 gsy life, but it seems possible that, if they chose so to expend their : oney, they could be both better fed and better clad than the disabled {;• thenian. On the oth er hand , h is en tertain m en ts were provided by the f iate. E xpenditure on en tertain m en t may e a s i ly mean th a t h is modern ! ranterpart goes both hungry; and ragged. Hop. bard his lot is may be ' mged by the zact that lr the yearns expenditure on oare rations­ 'll 683.10.3) be added to the maximum available for general household ; jpenses (£28.0.0), the total, £51.10.5, is under half of the £10-£15 a -jjnth (£120-180 a year) required to maintain (exclusive of light and pat) a middig?-cl ass family of two to three persons in comfort, .i The incomes of rich end poor at the present day may be distiguished fth reference to the lim it for Income Tax Exemption - set for 1946-7 at .•j .20 - and the lim it for exemption from Surtax - set for 1946-7 at £2,000. I thin these lim its incomes of £1,200 and of £1,500 help to define 1 'osperity, since earned income allowance on incomes between thses lim its non a diminishing scale and at £1,500 disappears altogether. Estimated jithis way, the rich man’s income (£ 2 , 0 0 0 ) is 16.66 times greater than ■ ie poor man’s (£1 2 0 ), the very degree of difference which existed be tv/e «. me estimated income of Demosthenes’ father and that of a fourth century I 'Chitect. The man who earns £2, 500 a year, the lowest figure on which urtax is charged, may be thought of like Demosthenes father as the wdst rich of the richest citizens. His income is rather less tnan 10.75 ;mes as great as a labourer’s today, but Demosthenes’ father’s income iis 2 6 .6 6 °times greater than that of the labourer of his day. Stratocles, i Lose estate of five talents stamped him as unmistakably prospwrous, has reasonable parallel in the man with £1,500. Stratocles’ estimated I icome was rather more than 5 times greater than the fourth century libourer’ s, that of his modern counterpart rather less than 3.25 times in fvance of the labourer’s today. The fourth century architect’s income, - may be remembered, was fully 3.25 times smaller than that of fratocles. Today , if his post is a good one, the architect may himself dim upwards, of £1,500. In the Glasgow Herald, October 24, 1945, a table f'owing amounts of Income Tax and of Surtax payable by the various grades | taxpayers under the rates of tax and allowance announced by the ancellor of the Exchquer in his interim Budget (teals with incomes up i1 £100,000, but the scaling of the rates of taxation and of surtax is ich that once the taxation on both incomes has been deducted, the i ^gest income is not 30 times as griat m a labourer’s* Pasion’s,

4 rflH* AMD ’POOR1. ■ | gneral Comparison of Modern and Ancient Incomes (contd.); Conclusions. -;g represented in a speech of Lysias as exceptional (XXI. 1-5), and in ,ttother speech (XIX. 42-3) a sum of 9T. spent on liturgies in five years y y i obviously expected to impress the jury, hut an annual expenditure of ■, g much as 2T. would have left Pasion with an income over 100 times in ? ivance of the labourer’s. j The conclusions, then, to which the present inquiry seems to dead are hiefly theses In fifth and fourth century Ath .no the gulf that separated filch from poor was three or four times wider than that which separates Jem at the present day. Our machine-age can provide incomes that at '• ii»st sight appear to controvert such a statement,, but modern taxation is 5 {signed so to diminish the amount by which incomes at the top exceed j iose at the bottom of the scale that the divergence between rich and ; oor in ancient times was in practice far greater. This does not, of burse, necessarily mean that the rich man in ancient times lived in : peater comfort than the rich man does today. From the evidence available : t is, indeed, evident that poverty in fifth and fourth century Athens i us much more terrible than it need be today, so that the advantage ' lherent in life at a greater number of removes from poverty in the one | (e over life at a lesser number .of removes from poverty in the other •• be more apparent than real. The greatness of the gulf between rich I id poor in ancient times, coupled with the fact that in the pre-machine I relatively few large fortunes could be acquired, and the observation hat at the present day the man who rises to the top of his profession j iy rank with the rich among his fellow citizens whereas his ancient bunterpart was never far removed from poverty, does mean, however, that i (thing comparable to the modern middle-class then existed. Such a view : nds further support in Aristotle. Not only does he assert as , Iicwtestable fact"’’the poor abound everywhere” (P olitics 1302a), and ?(fleet that ’’where the poor rule, .that is a democracy” (1280a),’but the i iticity or threatened diappearance of a middle class of well-to-do .tizens may well be reflected where, in insisting on the importance of .-strong middle class, he says .Where the middle class is large, there we least likely to be factions and dissensions.... large states are less table to faction than small ones, because in them the middle class is’ firge: whereas in small states it is easy to divide all the citizens into ;ro classes who are either rich or poor, and to leave nothing in the rddle” (1296a-}.* What evidence there is certainly suggests a general lack f affluence and much real hardship. The Glory that was Greece seems to *ive been achieved against a background of economic stringency. I*'* /-Ua/ koT6 Wri , cTSbucr^fcrn o

. — — The translation is Jowett’s. Cf. A ristotle’s warning (1309a):”In democracies the rich should be 4 ared: nd)t o n ly sh ould th e ir p rop erty n ot bo d iv id e d , .b u t th e ir incom es i «o,; which in some states are taken fromtthem almost imperceptibly, \ ould be protected. I*ifi is a good thing to prevent the wealthy citizens, ;|'5n if they are w illing, from undertaking expensive and useless public dfrvices, such as the giving of choruses, torch-races and the like. ’

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