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Llt 121 Classical Mythology Lecture 32 Good Morning
LLT 121 CLASSICAL MYTHOLOGY LECTURE 32 GOOD MORNING AND WELCOME TO LLT 121 CLASSICAL MYTHOLOGY IN WHICH WE RESUME OUR ADVENTURES IN THE CITY OF THEBES. THE CITY THAT THE GODS SEEM TO LOVE TO HATE. THE ORIGINAL FOUNDER TURNS INTO A SNAKE. WE'VE GOT THAT AT THEBES. A YOUNG MAN IS TURNED INTO A STAG FOR SEEING ARTEMIS BATHING IN THE NUDE. YES, WE HAVE THAT AT THEBES. THE SON KILLS THE FATHER. WE HAVE GOT THAT. WE DO THAT AT THEBES. THE SON MARRIES MOTHER. WE DO THAT TOO. BROTHER KILLS BROTHER, YEP. IF IT'S BAD AND IT HAPPENED IN ANCIENT GREEK MYTHOLOGY YOU CAN BET IT HAPPENED AT ANCIENT THEBES. I'VE ALREADY TOLD YOU WHY THAT IS. IT HAPPENS TO BE RIGHT NEXT DOOR TO ATHENS. WHERE I WANT TO START TODAY IS WITH ONE OF THE MOST FAMOUS CHARACTERS IN ALL WESTERN CIVILIZATION, ONE OF THE MOST COMPLEX PEOPLE YOU'LL EVER WANT TO MEET. THIS GUY IS BY THE NAME OF OEDIPUS. OEDIPUS STARTS OFF AS A LITTLE BABY. HE IS A CUTE LITTLE BABY. HE USED TO BE A LITTLE BOY. THEN HE WINDS UP AS THIS SAD, MULING, PUKING, UNHAPPY MAN WHO HAS POKED HIS OWN EYES OUT WITH A BROOCH. THIS IS THE GORE DRIPPING OUT OF HIS EYES AND ALL OF THAT BECAUSE HE SUFFERS FROM CLASSICAL GREEK MYTHOLOGY'S WORST DOCUMENTED CASE OF ARTIMONTHONO. NOW I GET IT. I PAUSE FOR YOUR QUESTIONS UP TO THIS POINT. WHEN LAST WE LEFT OFF LAIUS HAD BECOME KING AFTER A LONG WAIT WITH SOME INTERESTING MATHEMATICS BEHIND IT IF YOU'LL RECALL. -
Oedipus and Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex: a Comparative Study مسرحية توفيق الحكيم الملك أوديب ومسرحية سوفكليس أوديب ملكا: دراسة مقارنة
I Tawfiq Al-Hakim’s King Oedipus and Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex: A Comparative Study مسرحية توفيق الحكيم الملك أوديب ومسرحية سوفكليس أوديب ملكا: دراسة مقارنة Prepared by: Israa Jamil Mohammed Supervised by: Professor Tawfiq Yousef A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master’s Degree in English Language and Literature Faculty of Arts and Science Department of English Language and Literature Middle East University August 2015 II III IV Acknowledgment My deepest thanks and gratitude are to Allah, the Greatest, who gave me the patience and strength to do this research. My special appreciation and thanks are to my supervisor Professor Tawfiq Yousef who has been a tremendous mentor for me. I would like to thank him for supervising my research and for allowing me to grow as a researcher. His comments, guidance, and advice on my research have been very helpful. Special thanks also are given to my parents. Words cannot express how grateful I am to my father and my mother for all of the sacrifices that have made on my behalf. Their prayers and their support for me were what sustained me thus far. Finally, I would like to thank my brothers and sisters who stood by my side during the period of preparing the thesis. V Dedication I would like to dedicate this research to my parents, who were my strongest supporters throughout this whole experience. I also would like to dedicate it to my brothers and sisters who also supported me. Finally, I dedicate it to my uncles, aunts and friends. -
Seven Tragedies of Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus
Seven Tragedies of Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus Translated in verse by Robin Bond (2014) University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Seven Tragedies of Sophocles : Oedipus at Colonus by Robin Bond (Trans) is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10505 Oedipus at Colonus (Dramatis Personae) Oedipus Antigone Xenos Chorus of Attic Elders Ismene Theseus Creon Polyneices Messenger Seven Tragedies of Sophocles : Oedipus at Colonus Page 2 Oedipus Antigone, my child, since I am blind and old, what is this place that we have reached, to whom belongs the city here and who will entertain the vagrant Oedipus today with meagre gifts? My wants are small and what I win is often less, but that small gain is yet sufficient to content me; for my experience combines with length of life and thirdly with nobility, teaching patience to a man. If, though, my child, you see some resting place beside the common way or by some precinct of the gods, 10 then place me there and set me down, that we may learn our whereabouts; our state is such we must ask that of the natives here and what our next step is. Antigone Long suffering, father Oedipus, as best as my eyes can judge, the walls that gird the town are far away. It is plain to see this place is holy ground, luxuriant with laurel, olives trees and vines, while throngs of sweet voiced nightingales give tongue within. So rest your limbs here upon this piece of unhewn stone; your journey has been long for a man as old as you. -
Alcmaeon in Psophis
Alcmaeon in Psophis Psophis was said to have been originally called Erymanthus, and its territory to have been ravaged by the Erymanthian Boar.Pausanias, "Description of Greece" viii. 24. § 2-10] [Hecat. "on Stephanus of Byzantium s.v." polytonic|Ψωφίς] [Apollodorus, ii. Alcmaeon (mythology) â” In Greek mythology, Alcmaeon, or Alkmáon, was the son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle. As one of the Epigoni, he was a leader of the Argives who attacked Thebes, taking the city in retaliation for the deaths of their fathers, the Seven Against Thebes ⦠Alcmaeon in Psophis. Year: between 180 and 200 AD. Scripts: Alcmaeon in Psophis by Euripides. Genres: Tragedy. Psophis. How to cite this ancient performance. Alcmaeon in Psophis, accessed at http://www.apgrd.ox.ac.uk/ancient- performance/performance/98 <16 September 2018>. Alcmaeon in Psophis (Ancient Greek: Ἀλκμαίων ὠδιὰ Ψωφῖδος, AlkmaiÅn ho dia Psophidos) is a play by Athenian playwright Euripides. The play has been lost except for a few surviving fragments. It was first produced in 438 BCE in a tetralogy that also included the extant Alcestis and the lost Cretan Women and Telephus. The story is believed to have incorporated the death of Argive hero Alcmaeon.[1]. Alcmaeon in Psophis. Alcmaeon (mythology)'s wiki: In Greek mythology, Alcmaeon (Greek: Ἀλκμαίων), was the son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle. As one of the Epigoni, he was a leader of the Argives who attacked Thebes, taking the city in retaliation for the deaths of their fathers, the Seven Against Thebes, wh. -
A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources. -
The Shield As Pedagogical Tool in Aeschylus' Seven Against Thebes
АНТИЧНОЕ ВОСПИТАНИЕ ВОИНА ЧЕРЕЗ ПРИЗМУ АРХЕОЛОГИИ, ФИЛОЛОГИИ И ИСТОРИИ ПЕДАГОГИКИ THE SHIELD AS PEDAGOGICAL TOOL IN AESCHYLUS’ SEVEN AGAINST THEBES* Victoria K. PICHUGINA The article analyzes the descriptions of warriors in Aeschylus’s tragedy Seven against Thebes that are given in the “shield scene” and determines the pedagogical dimension of this tragedy. Aeschylus pays special attention to the decoration of the shields of the com- manders who attacked Thebes, relying on two different ways of dec- orating the shields that Homer describes in The Iliad. According to George Henry Chase’s terminology, in Homer, Achilles’ shield can be called “a decorative” shield, and Agamemnon’s shield is referred to as “a terrible” shield. Aeschylus turns the description of the shield decoration of the commanders attacking Thebes into a core element of the plot in Seven against Thebes, maximizing the connection be- tween the image on the shield and the shield-bearer. He created an elaborate system of “terrible” and “decorative” shields (Aesch. Sept. 375-676), as well as of the shields that cannot be categorized as “ter- rible” and “decorative” (Aesch. Sept. 19; 43; 91; 100; 160). The analysis of this system made it possible to put forward and prove three hypothetical assumptions: 1) In Aeschylus, Eteocles demands from the Thebans to win or die, focusing on the fact that the city cre- ated a special educational space for them and raised them as shield- bearers. His patriotic speeches and, later, his judgments expressed in the “shield scene” demonstrate a desire to justify and then test the educational concept “ἢ τὰν ἢ ἐπὶ τᾶς” (“either with it, or upon it”) (Plut. -
INQUIRY INYO the PURCHASING POWER OP the DRACHMA in ANCIENT Grebci
INQUIRY INYO THE PURCHASING POWER OP THE DRACHMA IN ANCIENT GREBCi . THE PURPOSE OP DETERMINING, IP POSSIBLE, THE MATERIAL CONDITIONS HCH PREVAILED IN ATHENS DURING HER EXISTENCE AS AN INDEPENDENT STA' ProQuest Number: 13850489 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13850489 Published by ProQuest LLC(2019). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ?RJSFACE» I have derived my information from the following sources: Aeschines - Against Timarchus; Against Ctesiphon. Andocides - Concerning the Mysteries. Pseudo—Andocides - Against Alcihiades. Aristophanes - Acharnians; Knights; Clouds; Wasps; Peace; Birds; Lysistrata; Thesmophoriazusae; Frogs; Ecclesiazusae; P lutus. Aristotle - Constitution of Athens; Rhetoric; Politics. Pseudo-Aristotle - Oeconomica. Athenaeus - The Deipnosophists. ■ Demosthenes - Speeches, XIV;XVIII;XXI;XXII;XXVII;XXVIII;XXIX;XXX;XXXI XXXIV; XXXV; XXXVI; XXXVII; XL; XLI; XLII; XLV; L; LIII; LIX. Diogenes Laertius - Lives of the Philosophers. Harpocration - Lexicon to the Ten Orators. ' Herodas - Mimes. Herodotus - History. Hesychius - Lexicon. Isaeus - Speeches, II;III;IV;V;VI;VII;VI1I;X;XI. Isocrates - Concerning the Team of Horses; Antidosis. Lucian - Dialogues of Courtesans. Lycurgus - Against Leocrates. Lysias - Speeches, III;XIV;XVT;XVII;XIX;XXIV;XXVI;XXXII. -
Thebaid 2: Oedipus Descendants of Cadmus
Thebaid 2: Oedipus Descendants of Cadmus Cadmus = Harmonia Aristaeus = Autonoe Ino Semele Agave = Echion Pentheus Actaeon Polydorus (?) Autonoe = Aristaeus Actaeon Polydorus (?) • Aristaeus • Son of Apollo and Cyrene • Actaeon • While hunting he saw Artemis bathing • Artemis set his own hounds on him • Polydorus • Either brother or son of Autonoe • King of Cadmeia after Pentheus • Jean-Baptiste-Camile Corot ca. 1850 Giuseppe Cesari, ca. 1600 House of Cadmus Hyrieus Cadmus = Harmonia Dirce = Lycus Nycteus Autonoe = Aristaeus Zeus = Antiope Nycteis = Polydorus Zethus Amphion Labdacus Laius Tragedy of Antiope • Polydorus: • king of Thebes after Pentheus • m. Nycteis, sister of Antiope • Polydorus died before Labdacus was of age. • Labdacus • Child king after Polydorus • Regency of Nycteus, Lycus Thebes • Laius • Child king as well… second regency of Lycus • Zethus and Amphion • Sons of Antiope by Zeus • Jealousy of Dirce • Antiope imprisoned • Zethus and Amphion raised by shepherds Zethus and Amphion • Returned to Thebes: • Killed Lycus • Tied Dirce to a wild bull • Fortified the city • Renamed it Thebes • Zethus and his family died of illness Death of Dirce • The Farnese Bull • 2nd cent. BC • Asinius Pollio, owner • 1546: • Baths of Caracalla • Cardinal Farnese • Pope Paul III Farnese Bull Amphion • Taught the lyre by Hermes • First to establish an altar to Hermes • Married Niobe, daughter of Tantalus • They had six sons and six daughters • Boasted she was better than Leto • Apollo and Artemis slew every child • Amphion died of a broken heart Niobe Jacques Louis David, 1775 Cadmus = Harmonia Aristeus =Autonoe Ino Semele Agave = Echion Nycteis = Polydorus Pentheus Labdacus Menoecius Laius = Iocaste Creon Oedipus Laius • Laius and Iocaste • Childless, asked Delphi for advice: • “Lord of Thebes famous for horses, do not sow a furrow of children against the will of the gods; for if you beget a son, that child will kill you, [20] and all your house shall wade through blood.” (Euripides Phoenissae) • Accidentally, they had a son anyway. -
The Temple Classics
THE TEMPLE CLASSICS Edited by W. H. D. ROUSE M.A. First iss_t *f titis Edition, J898 ; R#printtd t908 , 191o PRINTZD IN OJUgAT BH|TAIN In compliance with eurre,lt copyright law, the Univer- sity of Minnesota Bindery produced this facsimile on permanent-durable paper to replace the irreparably deteriorated original volume owned by the University Library. 1988 TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTV PRINCESS ELIZABETH By the Grace of God, of F.mghmd, France, It_ Ireland Queen, Defender of the Fltith, etc. U_DER hope of your Highness' gracious and accus- To the . tomed favour, I have presumed to present here wiaeamd _unto your Majesty, Plutarch's Lives translated, as virtuo,,- • a book fit to be protected by your Highness, and Queea -meet to be set forth in English--for who is , fitter to give countenance to so many great states, - than such an high and mighty Princess ._ who is fitter to revive the dead memory of their _', fame, than she that beareth the lively image of ...their vertues ? who is fitter to authorise a work _of so great learning and wisedom, than she whom all do honour as the Muse of the world ? Therefore I humbly beseech your Majesty, to -_suffer the simpleness of my translation, to be covered under the ampleness of your Highness' pro- _gtecfion. For, most gracious Sovereign, though _-this book be no book for your Majesty's self, =who are meeter to be the chief stone, than a '_student therein, and can better understand it in Greek, than any man can make in English: ' U;k_. -
The Erinyes in Aeschylus' Oresteia
The Erinyes in Aeschylus’ Oresteia Cynthia Werner A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington (2012) ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the Erinyes’ nature and function in Aeschylus’ Oresteia. It looks at how Aeschylus conceives the Erinyes, particularly their transformation into Semnai Theai, as a central component of the Oresteia’s presentation of social, moral and religious disorder and order. The dissertation first explores the Erinyes in the poetic tradition, then discusses the trilogy’s development of the choruses, before examining the Erinyes’ / Semnai Theai’s involvement in the trilogy’s establishment of justice and order and concluding with an analysis of why Aeschylus chooses Athens (over Argos and Delphi) as the location for trilogy’s decision making and resolution. Chapter One explores the pre-Aeschylean Erinyes’ origin and primary associations in order to determine which aspects of the Erinyes / Semnai Theai are traditional and how Aeschylus innovates in the tradition. It further identifies epithets and imagery that endow the Erinyes / Semnai Theai with fearsome qualities, on the one hand, and with a beneficial, preventive function, on the other. The discussion of the development of the choruses throughout the trilogy in Chapter Two takes three components: an examination of (1) the Erinyes’ transformation from abstract goddesses to a tragic chorus, (2) from ancient spirits of vengeance and curse to Semnai Theai (i.e. objects of Athenian cult) and (3) how the choruses of Agamemnon and Choephori prefigure the Erinyes’ emergence as chorus in Eumenides. Of particular interest are the Argive elders’ and slave women’s invocations of the Erinyes, their action and influence upon events, and their uses of recurrent moral and religious ideals that finally become i an integral part of the Areopagus and the cult of the Semnai Theai. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE the Motif of Fate In
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE The Motif of Fate in Homeric Epics and Oedipus Tyrannus A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature by Chun Liu August 2010 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Lisa Raphals, Chairperson Dr. Thomas Scanlon Dr. David Glidden The Dissertation of Chun Liu is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my committee chair, Professor Lisa Raphals, whose guidance and support have been crucial to the completion of this dissertation. While the academic help she has offered me during the dissertation writing is invaluable, her excellent expertise in the field and indefatigable enthusiasm for her study set me a lifetime example. I would like to thank my committee members, Professor Thomas Scanlon and Professor David Glidden, who illuminated me not only in the writing and revision of the present work, but also in possible future projects. I benefited greatly from the many course-works and talks with Professor Scanlon. A special thank to Professor Glidden, for his kindness and patience, and for his philosophical perspective that broadened my scope. In addition, a thank you to Professor Wendy Raschke and Professor Benjamin King. For the past years they gave me solid trainings in the languages, read my proposals and gave many useful suggestions. I would also like to thank my parents and my friends in China who have always stood by me and cheered me up during the writing of this dissertation. iii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Motif of Fate in Homeric Epics and Oedipus Tyrannus by Chun Liu Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in Comparative Literature University of California, Riverside, August 2010 Dr. -
Nanas, a Luwian Personal Name in the West
TALANTA XXX-XXXI (1998-1999) NANAS, A LUWIAN PERSONAL NAME IN THE WEST (Supplementum Epigraphicum Mediterraneum 25) Fred C. Woudhuizen In Dionysios of Halicamassos' work The Roman Antiquities (I, 28,3, Loeb ed.) we find a quotation from Heilanikos (== frg. 4) bearing refer ence to a Pelasgian king called Nanas. The passage runs as follows: "Hellanicus of Lesbos says that the Tyrrhenians, who were pre viously called Pelasgians, received their present name after they had settled in Italy. These are his words in the Phoronis: 'Phrastor was the son of Pelasgus, their king, and Menippe, the daughter of Peneus; his son was Amyntor, Amyntor's son was Teutamides, and the latter's son was Nanas. In his reign the Pelasgians were driven out of their country by the Greeks, and after leaving their ships on the river Spines in the Ionian Gulf, they took Croton, an inland city; and proceeding from there, they colonized the coun try now called Tyrrhenia. '" As duly emphasized by Emst Wust (1935) in his lemma Nanas in the Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopiidie, the name of this mythological founding father of Etruscan Croton (=a conuption of Cortona) "weist zunachst auf Kleinasien hin; dort war er weit verbreitet." One can eas ily check this statement by consulting Ladislav Zgusta's Klein asiatische Personennamen.1 On the other hand, it must be admitted that the personal name Nanas is not prolifically attested in the epichoric Etruscan record, being recorded only once for a recently surfaced inscription from Pontecagnano which reads mi nanes "I (am) of/for Nane".2 The least that can be said is that our Nanas' overseas connec- ' Zgusta 1964a; cf.