Open Political Science, 2019; 2: 153–173

Research Article

Andrea Mariani*1 The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites

https://doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0015 received July 18, 2019; accepted November 25, 2019. 1

Abstract: The paper deals with the role played by the Jesuit in the political formation of the Lithuanian elite during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The author analyzes the influence of the Jesuit school system on the political culture of the nobility through rhetoric, theatre and public examinations. In particular, it shows the elements of continuity, such as the unquestioned value of classical literature and Humanistic formation. These contributed to shape the political ethos of Polish-Lithuanian elites, based on consensus and active participation in public life. The changes introduced as a result of the reform of Jesuit school system did not alter the traditional understanding of education, but rather answered to the need for better qualified civil servants in an age of modernization of the Polish-Lithuanian state.

Keywords: Society of Jesus, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, education, seventeenth century, eighteenth century

1 Introduction

In the last decades researchers from Western Europe and the United States have explored the relationship between Jesuits and politics. Regarding this issue, two historiographic trends can be distinguished: one focuses on the contribution of the Jesuit Fathers to the development of Early-Modern political thought2, the other – on their political activity in the age of Counterreformation3. Since the nineteenth century Polish historiography has attempted to assess whether the influence of the Jesuit Order contributed to the decline of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, a process which eventually led to its partition by the neighbouring powers of Austria, Prussia and Russia. In such context, the political activity of the Polish Jesuits represented both an object of interest and a source of controversy4. On the one hand, authors Such as Władysław Smoleński argued that the influence of Jesuit confessors on the monarchy was detrimental to the Polish- Lithuanian reason of state5. On the other, the apologists of the Jesuit Order such as Fr Stanisław Załęski SJ sought to prove that the interest of the Polish-Lithuanian state coincided with that of the Catholic Church6. Despite this

1 Andrea Mariani is a doctoral researcher affiliated with Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Currently he is working on the project “Inwentarze kolegiów jezuickich w Nieświeżu i Nowogródku – opracowanie i edycja źródłowa”, financed by the National Centre for Science (Narodowe Centrum Nauki) (grant n. 2015/19/D/HS3/00597). 2 H. Höpfl, Jesuit Political Thought: the Society of Jesus and the State, c. 1540-1630 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2008); H.E. Braun, Juan de Mariana and Early Modern Spanish Political Thought (London, Taylor and Francis 2016). 3 R. Bireley, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William Lamormaini, S.J., and the Formati- on of Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press 2011); idem, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts, and Confessors (New York, Cambridge University Press 2008); idem, Maximilian von Bayern, Adam Contzen S.J. und die Gegenreformation in Deutschland 1624-1635 (Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1975). 4 A. Siwek, “Spory o jezuitów w polskiej historiografii 1795-1918”, Studia Historyczne, vol. 34, No. 4, 1991: 561-565. 5 These historians often borrowed arguments from early-modern anti-Jesuit literature. See J. Tazbir (ed.) Literatura antyjezuicka w Polsce 1578-1625: antologia (Warszawa, Ludowa Współdzielnia Wydawnicza 1963). 6 Compared to his adversaries, Załęski used a wide source basis, often of Jesuit provenance. However, due to the apologetic purpose of this work, Załęski’s attempt to understand the point of view of the Jesuit Fathers is not free from biases. See S. Załęski, Jezuici w Polsce, vols. 1-3 (Lwów, Druk. Ludowa 1900-1902), vol. 4 (Kraków, Druk. W. Anczyca 1904).

*Corresponding author: Andrea Mariani, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Poland, E-mail: [email protected]

Open Access. © 2019 Andrea Mariani, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. 154 Andrea Mariani controversy, the alleged political role of the Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits has only recently become an object of deeper research. Besides a synthesis by Stanisław Obirek7, works have appeared on Jesuit court chaplains and on some key figures active in the first decades of the history of the Jesuit Order in Poland-Lithuania8. However, almost no researcher has ever attempted to analyze the relationship between Jesuits and politics against the background of political culture and practice in Poland-Lithuania9. The purpose of this article is to outline the contribution of the Jesuit Fathers to the development of the political culture of the elites in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. According to Gabriel Almond’s and Sidney Verba’s definition, political culture is a set of attitudes towards a specific political system and its institutions10. In other words, this notion does not represent the reality of the political system itself, but how people view it and act within its framework. Since in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth wealthy nobility was responsible for the political direction of the state, attention should focus on this very social class, which can be considered an elite11. Therefore, the paper deals with the formation of political attitudes among the nobles rather than the alleged influence of the Jesuits on a specific political agenda or decision-making. Due to its limited size, this work mainly relies on historiography and edited sources, while manuscripts simply exemplify analyzed phenomena. The choice of sources focuses on what was most peculiar to the Jesuits: their educational role. In this field, they played a prominent role for the entire duration of their activity in the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth (1564-1773). Until the half of the seventeenth century, as the Piarists settled in Poland, the Jesuits practically had the monopoly of secondary education. Thus, to analyze the contribution of the Order of St. Ignatius Loyola to the political education of the nobility, one should mainly use sources related to its school teaching, such as textbooks, panegyrics, theatre plays, and course notes. Although indirectly these texts also influenced adults, they were primarily addressed to young nobles. Instead, other sources like sermons may be excluded from the scope of research, as they were neither typical for the Jesuit Order, nor exclusively addressed to young noblemen12. The Jesuit Order was a highly centralized religious congregation, with a government structure that was based on the model of Spanish absolute monarchy. Thus, the present research attempts to assess to what extent the Jesuits adapted themselves to the completely different social and cultural milieu of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In this vast central-European state the power of the monarch was limited by a strong nobility (Pol. szlachta). This social group not only enjoyed greater social and economic privileges than in Western Europe, but also exercised a great influence

7 S. Obirek, Wizja państwa w nauczaniu jezuitów polskich w latach 1564-1668 The Vision of the State in the Teaching of the Polish Jesuits in 1564-1668 (Kraków, WAM 1995); idem, Jezuici na dworach Batorego i Wazów 1580-1668. Wpływ kapelanów dworskich na postawy panujących i politykę państwa (Kraków, WAM 1996). 8 See D. Quirini-Popławska (ed.), Antonio Possevino SJ (1533-1611): życie i dzieło na tle epoki (Kraków, Ignatianum – WAM 2012); S. Cieślak, Marcin Laterna SJ (1552-1598): działacz kontrreformacyjny (Kraków, WAM 2003); A. Bruździński, “Czy ksiądz Piotr Skarga wdawał się w politykę? Wokół sporu o polityczne zaangażowanie ks. Piotra Skargi SI”, Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica, vol. 21, 2013: 43-66. 9 Jesuit authors are mentioned in many works concerning Polish-Lithuanian political culture. See A. Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Regina libertas: wolność w myśli politycznej XVIII wieku (Gdańsk, Słowo obraz terytoria 2006); eadem, Dyskurs polityczny Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów. Pojęcia i idee (Toruń, Wydawnictwo UMK 2018); D. Pietrzyk-Reeves, Ład rzeczypospolitej: Polska myśl polityczna XVI wieku a klasyczna tra- dycja republikańska (Kraków, Księgarnia Akademicka 2012). Less attention has been paid to the Jesuits in syntheses dedicated to the foreing public. See J. Lukowski, Disorderly liberty: the political culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eighteenth century (London – New York, Continuum 2012). 10 G.A. Almond, S. Verba, The Civic Culture. Political attitudes and democracy in five nations (Princeton, Princeton University Press 1963): 13. This definition has been adopted by Polish sociologists, politologists and historians as well. See J.J. Wiatr, Socjologia polityki (Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar 1999): 189-190; E. Opaliński, Kultura polityczna szlachty polskiej w latach 1587-1651: system parlamentarne a społeczeństwo obywatelskie (Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe 1995): 5. 11 The Polish-Lithuanian nobility was divided de facto – but not de iure – in two categories: the gentry or szlachta and the aristocracy or ma- gnateria. On the criteria of the appurtenance to the latter, see T. Zielińska, Magnateria polska epoki saskiej: funkcje urzędów i królewszczyzn w procesie przeobrażeń warstwy społecznej (Wrocław, ZNiO 1977). 12 The tradition of political sermons represented by Skarga was continued troughout the first half of the seventeenth century under the Vasa dinasty. See S. Ochmann-Staniszewska, Z. Staniszewski, Sejm Rzeczypospolitej za panowania Jana Kazimierza Wazy: prawo – doktryna – praktyka (Wrocław, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego 2000): 146, 170, 204-205, 237, 247, 411, 453, 547, 576. In the eighteenth century Jesuit preaching focused rather on moral, catechetical and theological issues, while political education played a secondary role in this field. A. J. Zakrzewski, Idee Oświecenia w kazaniach polskich (studium literacko-socjologiczne) (Częstochowa, Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Ped- agogicznej 1986): 89. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 155 on the government through representative institutions such as the Diet (Pol. Sejm) and the local assemblies of self- government (the so-called sejmiki). The predominance of the szlachta was also reflected by the specific political culture of the Commonwealth, whose characteristic features were: the republican interpretation of the idea of a mixed regime, a conception of liberty implying not only legal and economic privileges, but also an active participation in public life; the idea of law as a guarantee of liberty, and the exercise of legislative power by the entire body of the political nation. The Jesuits’ contribution to the practice of these ideas not only fits into the adaptation of the Catholic Church to the Polish-Lithuanian social and political reality, but also helps to understand the reason for the success of the Society of Jesus in this milieu. So far, research on this issue has been hampered by the lack of a systematic view on state reform in Jesuit writings. This consideration applies in particular to the mid-eighteenth century, a period during which the Jesuits implemented the reform of their educational system. To the eyes of scholars, the work Trwałość szczęśliwa Królestw, albo ich smutny upadek, published in 1764 by the Jesuit Szymon Majchrowicz, represents the apogee of Sarmatian conservatism13. In contrast, many authors have been fascinated by the Piarist Stanisław Konarski, whose treatise O skutecznym rad sposobie is considered a turning point in the Polish political thought of the age of the Enlightenment thanks to the criticism of the liberum veto and a detailed program of state reforms14. Some scholars have reasonably argued that the emphasis placed on the liberum veto has led to the appraisal of political authors as conservative or progressive depending on whether they defended or criticized this parliamentary device15. In reality, this simplification does not allow to fully understand the Jesuit contribution to Polish-Lithuanian political thought. Compared to the Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania showed both similarities as well as peculiarities. First of all, in this part of the Commonwealth greater differences can be observed among the nobility. Though unofficially, in Lithuania a small number of aristocratic families (the so-called magnateria) held more power than in Poland thanks to a widespread system of patronage. Moreover, between the fifteenth and seventeenth century the elite of the Grand Duchy underwent profound religious, linguistic and cultural changes, such as Christianization and as well as the spread of Latin and Polish language16. On a confessional level, an expression of Westernization of the elites was the conversion from Orthodoxy to Catholicism and later into Protestantism. At the same time, the nobility defended the autonomy of Grand Duchy within the Jagiellonian monarchy. Another characteristic feature of the Lithuanian society was the influence of Protestantism: despite the progress made by Counter-Reformation, until the eighteenth century the Reformed (Calvinist) Church maintained a stronger position than in Poland17. [ogólne uwagi zawarte w tym akapicie można by przesunąć do wstępu książki] The Jesuits established themselves in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1569, just five years after their first college in the Commonwealth was opened in Braniewo, a city in the German-speaking region of Warmia. In Lithuania, the role of the Jesuit Fathers was twofold. On the one hand, they strengthened the local Catholic Church, an institution that had been established in the Grand Duchy only in the end of the fourteenth century18. On the other, they planned the re-catholicisation of Sweden and the reconciliation of the Orthodox with Rome, not only under Polish-Lithuanian rule, but possibly also in the neighbouring Tsardom of Russia19. An important role in the achievement of these goals had to be played by the Vilnius college, which was raised to the rank of university by King Stephen Báthory in 1579. The royal privilege, approved and extended by Pope Gregory XIII, ensured the monopoly on higher education in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the Jesuit Fathers and enhanced their influence on the local elites. At the same time, the

13 On Majchrowicz, see A.F. Grabski, Myśl historyczna polskiego Oświecenia (Warszawa, PWN 1976): 46. 14 A. Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, “Wkład pijarów w kształtowanie politycznej kultury szlachty w czasach stanisławowskich”, in Wkład pijarów do nauki i kultury w Polsce XVII-XIX wieku, ed. Ireny Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa (Warszawa-Kraków, Instytut Historii Nauki Oświaty i Techniki PAN – Wydawnictwo Zakonu Polskiej Prowincji Pijarów 1993): 136-137. 15 Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Regina libertas, op. cit.: 85. 16 See M. Liedke, Od prawosławia do katolicyzmu: ruscy możni i szlachta Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego wobec wyznań reformacyjnych (Białystok, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku 2004). 17 This depended on the one hand on the patronage of influential noble families, on the other hand on the legal entity guaranteed by the Third Lithuanian Statute. On Protestant Churches in eighteenth-century Lithuania, see W. Kriegseisen, Ewangelicy polscy i litewscy w epoce saskiej (1696-1763): sytuacja prawna, organizacja i stosunki międzywyznaniowe (Warszawa, Semper 1996). 18 This occurred at the end of the fourteenth century, following the conversion of the Lithuanian Duke Jogaila (Pol. Jagiełło). On the Christi- anization of Lithuania, see M. Kosman, Drogi zaniku pogaństwa u Baltów (Wrocław, ZNiO 1976). 19 See M. Jučas, “Motywacje polityczne powołania Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego. Ku czci jubileuszu 420-lecia Uniwersytetu”, in Jezuicka ars historica: prace ofiarowane Księdzu Profesorowi Ludwikowi Grzebieniowi SJ, ed. M. Inglot, S. Obirek, (Kraków, WAM 2001): 210-217. 156 Andrea Mariani

Vilnius Academy became the intellectual background for all other undertakings of the Jesuit Order in the Grand Duchy. In this context, Jesuit schools played a crucial role in the education of the elites. In particular, they popularized a form of Humanism adapted to the principles of Post-Tridentine Catholicism20. Moreover, thanks to the mobility of religious people, the Society of Jesus was also a factor of cultural integration between the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania21.

2 Jesuit political thought between local reality and European sources of inspiration

Before considering the Jesuit school system as an instrument of political education, it is necessary to make some remarks concerning the views on state and politics expressed by Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits. The interest in politics was rooted in the cultural formation provided by the Society of Jesus. The Jesuits drew their definition of politics from antiquity, and in particular from Plato and Aristotle, according to whom the art of rule is inseparably connected to ethics. The aim of politics was therefore to achieve common good, especially of a spiritual kind, and to educate people to virtue22. In the name of these ideas the Jesuits opposed Machiavellian pragmatism, which emphasized the effectiveness in attaining and maintaining power23. The Jesuit teaching on politics was subject to precise limitations. As pointed out by St. Ignatius, a Jesuit should take position on a political issue to the only purpose of helping the faithful achieve salvation24. A prominent Polish Jesuit, Piotr Skarga, developed this thought, arguing that Jesuits should deal with politics on the one hand to dissuade rulers from committing sins or inducing their subjects to them, and on the other to protect people from damnation caused by political actions in contrast with morality and religion25. In his defence of the Jesuit Order from the accusation of interfering with politics, Skarga wrote that “Theologians and preachers should teach about wars, laws, government, tribunals, contracts, law enforcement, economics, diets, public councils, trade and profits, in the manner required by the honour of God and the salvation of the people”26. Although pastoral ministry was their primary function, the presence of Jesuit chaplains in both the royal court and the entourage of aristocratic families gave them a deep insight into politics27. Due to the sensitiveness of this office, the activity of Jesuit chaplains was precisely regulated28. According to an instruction issued by Father General

20 See A. Borowski, “Renesans a humanizm jezuicki”, in Jezuici a kultura polska: materiały sympozjum z okazji Jubileuszu 500-lecia urodzin Ignacego Loyoli (1491-1991) i 450-lecia powstania Towarzystwa Jezusowego (1540-1990), Kraków, 15-17 lutego 1991 r., ed. L. Grzebień, S. Obirek (Kraków, WAM 1993): 27-39. 21 In 1608 the Lithuanian Province of the Society of Jesus was separated from the Polish Province, founded in 1574. The new administrative unit included not only the territory of the Grand Duchy, but also some regions located in the Kingdom of Poland such as Masovia and Warmia. This ensured a sufficient basis for the recruitment of religious personnel and paved the way for the migration of Jesuits to the Eastern territo- ries of the Commonwealth. See L. Grzebień, The Circumstances of Partition of the Polish Province and the Origin of the Lithuanian Province, in: Neringa Markauskaitė (ed.), Jėzuitai Lietuvoje (1608–2008): gyvenimas, veikla, paveldas (Vilnius: Vilniaus nacjonalinis muziejus 2012): 10-28. 22 A. Bruździński, “Czy ksiądz Piotr Skarga wdawał się w politykę?, op.cit., vol. 21, 2013: 44-45. 23 S. Obirek, “Jezuicki antymachiawelizm”, in: Jezuicka ars educandi: prace ofiarowane Księdzu Profesorowi Ludwikowi Piechnikowi SJ, ed. M. Wolańczyk, S. Obirek (Kraków, WAM 1995): 149-154. 24 St. I. Loyola, Spiritual exercises, § 40. 25 P. Skarga, Kazania sejmowe i Wzywanie do pokuty obywatelów Korony Polskiej i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, ed M. Korolko (Wars- zawa, Pax 1985): 106-107. 26 P. Skarga, Obrona jezuitów niegdyś przez księdza Piotra Skargę pod tytułem: Próba Zakonu Societatis Iesu roku 1607 wydana, a teraz dla publicznej wiadomości przedrukowana (Warszawa, Drukarnia Wiktora Dąbrowskiego 1814): 138. 27 On court chaplains, see A. Mariani, “Aktywność jezuickich kapelanów nadwornych prowincji litewskiej. Między ustawodawstwem zakon- nym a praktykę, Rocznik Litewski”, vol. 1, 2015: 37-82; idem, “Aktywność jezuickich kapelanów nadwornych na ziemiach koronnych. Między dworem a placówką zakonną”, in: Wielkie rody na ziemiach polsko-litewskich w XVI-XX wieku. Postacie i legandy. Działalność i pamięć. Majątki rodowe i ich znaczenie, ed. N. Kasparek, T. Zych, R. Pawłoszek (Olsztyn – Tarnobrzeg, Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie 2017): 128-153. 28 On the regulations regarding the activity of court chaplains, see M. Friedrich, “Politikberatung durch Intellektuelle? Das Verhältnis des Jesuitenordens zu den frühneuzeitlichen Fürstenhöfen im Spiegel von Giulio Negronis Traktat ‘Aulicismus, sive de fuga aulae dissertatio’”, The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 157

Claudio Aquaviva in 1602, a Jesuit confessor must avoid giving the impression of interfering with politics or executing the political decisions of his penitent, since this makes the entire Order unpopular and puts its religious mission at risk. In practice, Jesuit court chaplains were allowed to intervene discreetly whenever political decisions threatened moral or religion29. The contribution of the Jesuit Fathers to the development of the political culture of Lithuanian elites should also be considered against the background of their views on state and society. Much attention was devoted to these issues by the early Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits. A prominent role was played by Piotr Skarga, the first rector of the Vilnius Academy (1579-1584) and later preacher at the royal court. As a member of the first generation of Jesuits, mostly of non-noble descent, Skarga supported the idea of a strong monarchy embodied by a pious king. He also called for the strengthening of central administration and stigmatized the inefficiency of the Sejm30. In the field of religious policy, Skarga argued that the confessional unification of the country would prevent divisions among citizens and civil wars. Therefore, he criticized the Warsaw Confederation Bill, a document that guaranteed religious freedom to the nobility, signed by some members of the Sejm during the first interregnum in 157331. Expressing these views had serious consequences during the Zebrzydowski Rebellion (1606-1608) (Pol. rokosz Zebrzydowskiego). Although the rebellion failed to overthrow King Sigismund III, it established the dominance of the nobility over the monarch and hindered any further attempts to strengthen his authority. Rebel propaganda also targeted the Jesuits in Sigismund’s entourage as Piort Skarga and even demanded the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from the Commonwealth. Due to its strong anti-Jesuit attacks, the Zebrzydowski Rebellion was a turning point for Jesuits, who became more cautious in expressing their political convictions32. Parallel to the approach of the Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits to political issues, the political ideology of the szlachta also underwent important changes. Among others these were reflected in the evolution of the idea of liberty itself. During the seventeenth century freedom was no longer considered the power to establish laws, but to prevent already existing ones from being changed. Thus, the aim of politics became the preservation of the status quo in the face of the feared absolutum dominium, i.e. the strengthening of the monarchy33. The fear of Absolutism provided also the justification to the so-called liberum veto, a parliamentary practice based on a radical interpretation of unanimity and legal equality of the szlachta, according to which the protest of a single deputy could disrupt the Sejm and nullify any legislation that had already been approved34. Although the Jesuits accepted the fundamental elements of the political system, such as the idea of mixed regime and the elective monarchy, during the seventeenth century they maintained a critical approach to the Polish- Lithuanian political reality. The most interesting author of this period was probably Jan Chądzyński, a professor of the Vilnius Academy active in the turbulent years of the Khmelnytsky Uprising (1648) and the wars with Russia (1654-1667) in Intellektuelle in der Frühen Neuzeit, Hg. Luise Schorn-Schütte (Berlin, Akademie Verlag 2010): 175-209; A. Mariani, Aktywność jezuickich kapelanów nadwornych prowincji litewskiej, op.cit.: 41-45. 29 Institutum Societatis Iesu, vol. 2 (Pragae, Universitas Carolo-Ferdinandeae in Collegio Societatis Jesu Ad S. Clementem 1757): 259-263. 30 S. Obirek, Wizja państwa w nauczaniu jezuitów, op.cit.: 59-62. On the historiography about Skarga, see L. Grzebień, “Podstawowa biblio- grafia skargowska”, in Piotr Skarga SJ (1536-1612). Życie i dziedzictwo. Rok jubileuszowy, ed. R. Darowski, S. Ziemiański (Kraków, WAM 2012): 391-418. 31 [P. Skarga], Upominanie do ewangelikow y do wszystkich spolem nie katholikow, iż o skażenie zborow krakowskich gniewać się y nic nowego y burzliwego zaczynać niemaią, Poznań, U Wdowy y Dziedzicow Jana Wolraba 1592. Reprint in: M. Korolko, Klejnot swobodnego sumienia. Polemika wokół konfederacji warszawskiej w latach 1573-1658 (Warszawa, Pax 1974): 177-214. 32 Regarding the Jesuits during the Zebrzydowski Rebellion, see S. Załęski, “Rokosz Zebrzydowskiego i jezuici”, Przegląd Powszechny, vol. 15, No. 57, 1898: 406-422; No. 58: 48-69, 188-204. Interesting considerations have been recently published by J. Byliński, “Antyregalistyczna propaganda w czasach rokoszu Zebrzydowskiego (1606–1608)”, in Na obrzeżach polityki: praca zbiorowa, part 1, ed. M. Kosman (Poznań, Wydaw. Naukowe INPiD UAM 2002): 15-34; P.P. Szpaczyński, “Polityka Zygmunta III wobec wyznań kontrreformacji. Kilka uwag w sprawie wpływu rzekomego fanatyzmu króla Zygmunta III na politykę Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów na przełomie XVI i XVII w.”, in: Młodsza Europa. Od średniowiecza do współczesności. Prace ofiarowane profesor Marii Barbarze Piechowiak-Topolskiej w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. J. Jurkiewicz, R.M. Józefiak, W. Strzyżewski (Zielona Góra, Uniwersytet Zielonogórski 2008): 243-258; P.P. Szpaczyński, “Piotr Skarga i Zygmunt III. W czterechsetną rocznicę śmierci królewskiego kaznodziei”, Studia Oecumenica, vol. 12, 2012: 161-182. 33 Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Regina libertas, op.cit.: 129-130. 34 On this parliamentary device, see W. Konopczyński, Liberum veto: studium porównawczo-historyczne (Kraków, S.A. Krzyżanowski 1918; reprint: Kraków, Universitas 2002); Z. Wójcik, Liberum veto, in Dzieje narodu i państwa polskiego, No. 28 (Kraków, Krajowa Agencja Wydaw- nicza 1992); E. Opaliński, Sejm srebrnego wieku 1587-1652. Między głosowaniem większościowym a liberum veto (Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe 2001); K. Kuźmicz, “Z badań nad filozoficzno-prawnymi aspektami liberum veto”, Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica, vol. 2, 2004: 53-65. 158 Andrea Mariani and Sweden (1655-1660). These events not only made some members of the elites aware of the need for reforms, but also stimulated the evolution of Chądzyński’s views. While in his first text, Assertiones ex universa philosophia (1642), Chądzyński emphasized the role of cardinal virtues in politics, in later writings he rather focused on the importance of law and justice for the preservation of the state35. This shift may have been partly caused by Chądzyński’s increasing scepticism about civic virtues, which proved insufficient to prevent the crisis of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, the emphasis placed by the Jesuit author on law depended also on the observation of the social inequality and exploitation of the lower social classes. In his manuscript Dyskurs kapłana jednego from 1657 the Jesuit author openly accused the nobility of preferring private interest to common good36 and criticized institutions highly valued by the szlachta37. He also took defence of the peasants, reminding the nobility that they too are members of the Commonwealth38. Chądzyński’s remarks belonged to an old tradition of social thought cultivated in the milieu of the Vilnius Academy39. Despite his criticism, Chądzyński did not outline a wide program of reforms. He only suggested the creation of a commission of wise men with the power to reform the laws of the Commonwealth40. Besides this general postulate, the Jesuit author rather addressed problems of which his contemporaries were widely aware of, such as the reform of the tax system and the need for regular payment of the army. In any case, Chądzyński was probably the last Polish-Lithuanian Jesuit to openly demand state reforms in response to the difficult political and military situation of the country in the second half of the 1650s. Jesuit political thought was not only the result of a reflection on local political and social reality. It was also stimulated by the contemporary debate within the Commonwealth and abroad. The sources of inspiration of Jesuit political culture in Poland-Lithuania have not yet been the object of extensive research. However, some general observations can be made on the basis of Jesuit book collections. Libraries were an indispensable instrument to carry out the pedagogical and pastoral mission of the Order. They also reflected a wide range of cultural interests, defined by the Ratio studiorum and Antonio Possevino’s Bibliotheca selecta. In reality, the content of Jesuit libraries was determined not only by the purchases made by the Jesuits, but also by the donations of their benefactors. According to the Order’s legislation, Jesuit libraries were available primarily to the members of the religious community. However, they had also an indirect influence on a larger public, depending on the use made by Jesuit authors41. The scope of political literature preserved in Jesuit libraries was wide, as evidenced by the inventories issued after the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773. The political literature available in the Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits libraries obviously included classical authors, the Salamanca School represented by Francisco Suarez and Juan de Mariana42 and the Early-Modern critics of Machiavelli, such as Carolus Scribanius43 and Adam Contzen44. However, there is also

35 See S. Pyszka, “Jana Chądzyńskiego SJ (1600-1660) trzy koncepcje reformy państwa”, Rocznik Wydziału Filozoficznego Towarzystwa Jezusowego w Krakowie, 1994 (1993-1994): 229-245. 36 J. Chądzyński, “Dyskurs kapłana jednego polskiego [...], w którym pokazuje, za co Bóg Koronę Polską karze i jako dalszego karania ujść mamy”, in: Pisma polityczne z czasów panowania Jana Kazimierza Wazy, 1648-1668: publicystyka – eksorbitancje, projekty – memoriały, vol. 1: 1648-1660, ed. S. Ochmann-Staniszewska (Wrocław, ZNiO 1989): 190. 37 In fact, Chądzyński did not openly question the basic features of the Commonwealth political system, such as the elective monarchy. However, he stated that the election of the king goes hand in hand with the insubordination of the nobility. Ibidem: 190. An open attack was directed by Chądzyński against the noble host (Pol. pospolite ruszenie), that is, the mobilisation of nobility as an armed force. Chądzyński’s considerations directly referred to the current military situation, since the pospolite ruszenie had proven ineffective against the professional troops deployed by the Swedes. Ibidem: 187. 38 Ibidem: 186. See also Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Dyskurs polityczny, op.cit.: 46. 39 See S. Pyszka, Professori di Vilna in difesa dei diritti umani dei contadini negli anni dal 1607 al 1657: lo sviluppo della filosofia sociale nell’Accademia di Vilna sullo sfondo della dottrine filosofico-sociali dell’epoca rappresentate in Polonia (Roma, Pontificia Università Grego- riana 1987). 40 Chądzyński, Dyskurs, op.cit.: 188-189, 192. 41 On Jesuit libraries, see L. Grzebień, Organizacja bibliotek jezuickich w Polsce od XVI do XVIII wieku (Kraków, WAM 2013). 42 Mariana’s tratise De rege et regis institutione libri III (Toledo 1595) was available in the Jesuit libraries in Slutsk (Pol. Słuck) and Vilnius. Nacjanalnij Gistaryczny Archiv Belarusi (Minsk) (further NGAB), f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 24r; Vilniaus Universiteto Biblioteka (further VUB), F2, DC6: 555-556 43 His Politico-christianus (Antwerp 1624) was available in Brest, Pinsk, Slutsk and the Vilnius Academy. Rossyjskij Gosudarstvennij Archiv Drevnich Aktov (further RGADA), f. 1603, op. 1, No. 44a: fol. 14r; ibidem, No. 49: fol. 52v; Nacjanalnij Gistaryczny Archiv Belarusi (Minsk), f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 24r; VUB, F2, DC6: 551, 554-555. 44 His Politicorum libri X (Mainz 1620) were recorded in the Jesuit library catalogues from Hrodna, Pinsk and Vilnius. RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 35: fol. 33v; ibidem, No. 49: fol. 52v; VUB, F2, DC6: 553. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 159 plenty evidence about the reception of alternative trends. Throughout the seventeenth century, an important role was played by Lipsianism. Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits read not only the works of Justus Lipsius, but also those of his pupils Erycius Puteanus and Nicolaus Vernulaeus45. Although Lipsius was a supporter of Tacitism in rhetoric and Neostoicism in philosophy, two alternative trends to the Ciceronian and Scholastic tradition of the Jesuit Order, in some respects he was close to the sensibility of the Jesuits. His vision of a strong monarchy, the role of Divine Providence and the active participation in public life could be reconciled with the Post-Tridentine conception of Ecclesia militans46. On the contrary, his idea of prudence as a civil virtue was not far from the so-called politiques, the supporters of religious tolerance harshly condemned by the Jesuits47. Probably the reception of Lipsianism among Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits did not depend very much on his pro-absolutist views, but rather on the close contacts between Polish-Lithuanian elites and the Leuven University48. Among the factors that favoured the reception of Lipsius’ thought, his role as a model of eloquence should not be underestimated49. Besides Lipsianism, another interesting feature of the political culture of Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits was the myth of Venice, reflected in the circulation of Gasparo Contarini’s work De magistratibus et republica Venetorum (Venice 1543), which represented the Serenissima as a state based on wise laws and a balance of powers. Despite the scepticism of some early Jesuits like Piotr Skarga50, Polish readers could find many similarities between the Maritime Republic and the political system of the Commonwealth51. This explains the popularity of Contarini’s treatise in the second half of the sixteenth and during the seventeenth century as well as its presence in several Jesuit libraries52. The eclecticism of the political culture of Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits is also reflected in the writings concerning the political reality of the Commonwealth. Jesuit book collections included a variety of texts from local printing houses, useful for the political education of the nobility. These ranged from the legislation of the Sejm to the Lithuanian Statutes, and from pamphlets to treatises. Many seventeenth-century works were available, presenting the traditional conservative views of the szlachta on state and politics, such as Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro Monita politico-moralia (Gdansk 1664)53 and Stanisław Herakliusz Jabłonowski’s De vanitate consiliorum (1699)54. Despite their pessimism, these books could also serve as a source of moral education and a training of logic reasoning55. At the same time, the most important eighteenth-century treatise criticizing the Polish-Lithuanian political system – Stanisław Konarski’s O skutecznym rad sposobie (Warsaw 1760) – was also preserved in many Jesuit libraries56. The presence of the latest Polish political writings raises the question about the reception of the foreign political literature of the Enlightenment. Due to the European-wide influence of French culture, authors from this country

45 Lipsius’s Politicorum sive Civilis Doctrinae Libri Sex (Leiden 1589) were available in Slutsk, Brest, Pinsk and Vilnius. NGAB, f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 24r-v; RGADA, No. 44a: fol. 14r; ibid., No. 49: fol. 52v; VUB, F2, DC6: 552, 554. Vernulaeus’ Institutionum politicarum libri quatuor (Leuven 1623) were recorded in the library catalogues from Slutsk, Hrodna, Brest, Jelgava (Pol. Mitawa) and Vilnius. NIABMi, f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 24v; RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 35: fol. 34r; ibidem, No. 44a: fol. 14r; ibidem, No. 68: 10; VUB, F2, DC6: 551, 556. 46 J. Dąbkowska-Kujko, Justus Lipsjusz: i dawne przekłady jego dzieł na język polski (Lublin, Wydawnictwo KUL 2010): 200-201. 47 Ibidem: 206. On prudence in Jesuit political thought, see Höpfl, Jesuit Political Thought, op.cit.: 180. 48 S. Kot, “Stosunki polaków z uniwersytetem lowańskim”, in idem, Polska złotego wieku a Europa. Studia i szkice, ed. H. Barycz (Warszawa, Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy 1987): 545-576; A. Borowski, Iter Polono-Belgo-Ollandicum. Cultural and Literary relationships between the Commonwealth of Poland and the Netherlands in the 16th and 17th centuries (Kraków, Księgarnia Akademicka 2007): 108-139. 49 B. Otwinowska, Modele i style prozy w dyskusjach na przełomie XVI i XVII wieku: (wokół toruńskiej rozprawy Fabriciusa z 1619) (Wrocław, ZNiO – Wydawnictwo PAN 1967): 144-145. See also M. Wichowa, “Lipsjanizm”, in Słownik literatury staropolskiej, ed. T. Michałowska (Wrocław, ZNiO 1990): 384-386. The success of Lipsius as a model of eloquence was reflected in the frequent quotations of his works in seventeenth- century rhetoric textbooks. Otwinowska, Modele i style, op.cit.: 164. 50 Pietrzyk-Reeves, Ład rzeczypospolitej, op.cit.: 381. 51 D. Pietrzyk-Reeves, “Vita activa civilis: Virtues and Citizenship in Polish Renaissance”, in Świat teatru, op.cit.: 52-54. 52 Contarini’s book was recorded in the catalogues of Jesuit libraries in Brest, Navahrudak and Slutsk. RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 44a: fol. 18r; NGAB, f. 27, op. 6, No. 23: fol. 46v; ibid., f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 24v. 53 This text was available in Navahrudak, Slutsk, Brest, Pinsk and Vilnius. NGAB, f. 27, op. 6, No. 23: fol. 51v; ibidem, f. 1781, op. 27, No. 538: fol. 18r; RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 44a: fol. 14r, 17r; ibidem, No. 49: fol. 58r; VUB, F2, DC6: 551, 553. 54 This writing could be found in Hrodna, Brest, Pinsk and Vilnius. RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 35: fol. 34r; ibidem, No. 44a: fol. 14r; ibidem, No. 49: fol. 53r; VUB, F2, DC6: 567. 55 P. Buchwald-Pelcowa, “Świat odwrócony Stanisława Herakliusza Lubomirskiego”, in Stanisław Herakliusz Lubomirski. Pisarz – polityk – mecenas: praca zbiorowa, ed. W. Roszkowska (Wrocław, ZNiO 1982): 138-155. 56 Konarski’s treatise was recorded in the library catalogues from Navahrudak, Hrodna and Pinsk. NIABMi, f. 27, op. 6, No. 23: fol. 51v; RGADA, f. 1603, op. 1, No. 35: fol. 34r; ibidem, No. 49: fol. 53v. 160 Andrea Mariani became a source of inspiration and debate also in the Commonwealth. The reception of authors like Montesquieu and Rousseau during the reign of Stanislaw August (1764-1795) helped to create a new political discourse, one that enabled the articulation of a program of state reforms57. The lack of works published by the aforementioned authors in Jesuit libraries did not mean that that the Fathers ignored them. On the contrary, they were aware of French political thought thanks to their foreign contacts and the arrival of some French confreres after the expulsion of the Jesuit Order from that country in 176258. While Rousseau was criticized by the Jesuits for his rejection of civilization and education59, Montesquieu was appreciated for his moderate republicanism. Due to the inscription of his works into the Roman index of forbidden books, Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits had to be cautious: they usually quoted and translated him without mentioning the source60.

3 School system as a tool of political education

Thanks to the success of their schools, the Jesuit Fathers found themselves in the position to provide political education to the future elites. An important role was played by disciplines such as rhetoric, history and geography. Skills acquired by pupils were exhibited through public performances such as theatre plays, public exams and school sejmiki. On the one hand, these initiatives increased the prestige of Jesuit schools to the eyes of parents and dignitaries. On the other, they aimed at propagating certain moral and political values. Especially in the province, where Jesuit colleges often represented the only available cultural institution, these performances had a strong influence on the political moods of the nobility.

4 Rhetoric

The Jesuit approach to rhetoric was closely related to the ancient ideal summarized in Quintilian’s formula vir bonus ac dicendi peritus. The orator was expected not only to master rhetorical technique, but also to use plausible arguments and to be a virtuous man. Although in the aftermath of the Council of Trent this ideal was subordinated to religious orthodoxy, at the same time Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits emphasized the intimate connection between rhetoric and political life in the Commonwealth61. This belief was clearly expressed by the Neolatin poet Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski (1595- 1640), who described his countrymen in the following way: “[Poles] are the only the people who enjoy the two most beautiful treasures [...]: liberty and eloquence, [the latter of] which coincides with the freedom of speech. They elect the king, live freely and express themselves under his rule. While elsewhere rhetoric finds shelter in books, among us it rules in assemblies, judicial courts and diets. Thus, while Spaniards are by nature theologians, Italians – philosophers, Frenchmen – poets and Germans – historians, Poles are orators”62. The reference to antiquity, and in particular the Roman Republic, was an important element of humanistic formation. According to the Ratio studiorum, lessons should take place in the language of ancient Romans and Cicero was considered the unsurpassable model of eloquence63. Together with language skills, the civil values expressed by

57 Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Dyskurs polityczny, op.cit.: 202-214. 58 S. Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, op.cit.: 66-68, 491-493. 59 Ibidem: 77. For example, Jesuit Grzegorz Kniażewicz in Monitor argued that human unhappiness depends on stupidity and not know- ledge. Monitor 1765-1785. Wybór, ed. E. Aleksandrowska, (Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków – Gdańsk, ZNiO 1976): 246-247. 60 W. Smoleński, Monteskiusz w Polsce XVIII wieku (Warszawa, Kasa im. Mianowskiego – Instytut Popierania Nauki 1927): 64-68; See also P. Matyaszewski, Monteskiusz w Polsce: wczoraj i dziś (Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego 2018): 65-66. 61 Generally on the role of rhetoric in Jesuit education, see M. Korolko, “Retoryka w polskich kolegiach jezuickich”, in Jezuici a kultura pols- ka, op.cit.: 121-142; J.Z. Lichański, Retoryka w Polsce. Studia o historii, nauczaniu i teorii w czasach I Rzeczypospolitej (Warszawa, DiG 2003): 59-72; idem, Retoryka: od renesansu do współczesności – tradycja i innowacja (Warszawa, DiG 2000). On Lithuania, see E. Ulcinaitė, Teoria retoryczna w Polsce i na Litwie w XVII wieku: próba rekonstrukcji schematu retorycznego (Wrocław, ZNiO 1984). 62 M.K. Sarbiewski, O poezji doskonałej czyli Wergiliusz i Homer – De perfecta poesi, sive Vergilius et Homerus, transl. M. Plezia, ed. S. Skimina (Wrocław, ZNiO 1954): 201. 63 Ratio atque insitutio studiorum SJ czyli Ustawa szkolna Towarzystwa Jezusowego (1599), ed. K. Bartnicka, T. Bieńkowski, transl. by J. Ożóg (Warszawa: (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Ateneum 2000): 91, 96, 99, 102. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 161 ancient authors were also transmitted. Latin became a characteristic means of expression of the Polish-Lithuanian elite64. Although intellectuals sought similarities between their polity and Republican Rome in other countries as well, in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth these appeared more obvious and were generally accepted by the all participants of political life65. The concept of mixed regime maintained a particular appeal in the Polish-Lithuanian reality66. During the rhetoric course, the Jesuits provided their pupils with detailed knowledge of the Polish-Lithuanian political system and institutions. So far, no comprehensive research has been conducted on extant course notes. However, even a general overview of selected sources shows how much effort Jesuit rhetoric professors devoted to prepare their pupils for active participation in public life. For example, many manuscripts contain transcripts of speeches held by contemporary political orators67, as well as extracts from the instructions given by the sejmiki to the deputies of the Sejm68. A general overview was also devoted to the different types of Sejm69. In other cases, the choice of material for the rhetoric course depended on the social and economic interests of the nobility. For instance, much attention was devoted to the correct use of titulature70. In regard to fiscal issues, the Jesuit professors usually accepted the anti-tax views of the szlachta, which they justified on the basis of examples taken from ancient or Polish Medieval history71. Among printed rhetoric books, epistolary and speeches anthologies are particularly interesting, as they reflected the various circumstances of the social and political life of the nobles. Some of them, such as Kazimierz Wieruszewski’s Fama polska72 and Wojciech Bystrzonowski’s Polak sensat w liście73, were published for the first time by Jesuit typographies in Poland and then reprinted by the Vilnius Academy. Other texts, such as Mowy exercytującey się w szkołach młodzi74 and Instrukcya o mowach na seymikach y seymach75 were original works by Lithuanian Jesuits. The purpose of these anthologies, which contained both real speeches made by politicians and pupils’ rhetoric exercises, was not only to prepare the future elite for participation in public life. They also appealed to the political ideology of the nobility and at the same time they were used by the Jesuits to defend the interests of the Catholic Church. For instance, on the one hand Wieruszewski called for the respect of verdicts and the balance between the three estates of the Sejm (i.e. the monarchy, the senate and the chamber of deputies), according to the traditional political views of the nobility. On the other, he advocated for the restriction of the political rights of non-Catholic nobles and defended the fiscal immunities of the Catholic Church76. In this respect, Wieruszewski’s writings were the continuation of his political activity as a close collaborator of the Primate of Poland Teodor Potocki77. On a substantive level, anthologies of speeches referred also to current political issues. For example, Informacya o mowach, by far the most innovative text of all above, advocated for the modernization of fortresses and enhancement of the army, which was the most important issue of the public debate at the turn of the 1730s and 1740s78. At the same time, the Jesuits remained aware of the difference between school and real life and attributed to their works the character of school exercises. So, it was in the Informacya o mowach, whose author argued that the rhetoric training focuses on the use of rhetorical figures, while

64 J. Axer, Łacina jako drugi język narodu szlacheckiego Rzeczypospolitej, in Łacina jako język elit, ed. J. Axer (Warszawa, DiG 2004): 151-156. 65 Regarding criticism of ancient solutions applied to Early-Modern States, see T. Bieńkowski, “Z badań nad recepcją antyku w Polsce do końca XVIII wieku”, Pamiętnik Literacki, vol. 59, No. 3, 1968: 41-42. 66 Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Regina libertas, op.cit.: 22, 27-28; eadem, Dyskurs polityczny, op.cit.: 173-214. 67 A manuscript rhetoric textbook from Nieśwież contains speeches of Krzysztof Zawisza (1660-1721). VUB, F3, N. 918: fol. 84r-v. 68 Ibidem: fol. 94r-v. 69 Ibidem: fol. 274r-275r. 70 Ibidem, N. 887: fol. 28r-31r. 71 Ibidem, N. 918: fol. 233r. 72 K. Wieruszewski, Fama polska publiczne stany y mlodz szlachetną informująca (Wilno, w Drukarni Akademickiey Societ. Jesu, 1733). 73 W. Bystrzonowski, Polak sensat w liscie, w komplemencie polityk, humanista w dyskursie, w mowach statysta, naprzykład dany szkolney młodzi (Wilno, w Drukarni Akademickiey Soc. Jesu, 1733). 74 Mowy exercytującey się w szkołach młodzi: niegdyś na zwykłych Akademikach w Akademij Wileńskiey Societatis Jesu miane (Wilno, w drukarni J.K.M. Akadem. Wileń. Soc. Jesu 1734). 75 Instrukcya o mowach na Seymikach i Seymach, w krotkie punkta dla wiadomości, pożytku y łacnieyszey mów na Congresach publicz- nych trafiaiących się (Wilno, w drukarni JKM Akad. Soc. Jesu 1742). 76 K. Wieruszewski, Fama polska, op.cit.: passim 77 On Wieruszewski see H. Olszewski, Doktryny prawno-ustrojowe czasów saskich (1697-1740) (Warszawa, PWN 1961): 196. 78 Informacya o mowach, op.cit.: 70. See H. Palkij, “Praca komisji aukcji wojska w latach 1736-1738”, Kwartalnik Historyczny, vol. 106, No. 1, 1999: 19-44; Z. Zielińska, Walka “Familii” o reforme Rzeczypospolitej, 1743-1752 (Warszawa, PWN 1983): 87-158 162 Andrea Mariani political rhetoric should base on solid arguments. According to this principle, the Jesuit teacher also warned against the abuse of Latin as a means to embellish speeches79. The approach to rhetoric changed in mid-eighteenth century as a result of the reform of the Jesuit school system. Since then this discipline was regarded as an instrument of intellectual development and a means of making youth aware of its patriotic duties. In addition, more and more space was given to the national language. Therefore, Latin inserts tended to disappear from Polish texts. At the same time, Jesuit professors undertook a remarkable effort to translate Classical authors into Polish. In the Grand Duchy these trends were represented by Józef Boreyko’s Nauka o krasomówstwie. Following Cicero’s ideas, Boreyko imbued pupils with civic passion and love for the mother tongue, and considered the lack of eloquence as a danger for the Commonwealth80.

5 Panegyrics between praise and models of public service

Although the belief about the intimate connection between humanist education and the Polish-Lithuanian political system remained unchallenged throughout the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the role of rhetoric in politics changed as a result of the social and political transformation of the country. The weakness of the monarchy did not result in the strengthening of the Sejm, which indeed entered a deep crisis in the second half of the seventeenth century. Decision-making gradually shifted from the centre to the periphery, according to a process defined by Adolf Pawiński’s as the sejmiki government (Pol. rządy sejmikowe). However, these changes were only apparently favourable to the local elites. In reality, due to the increasing economic inequality among the nobility, political decisions were taken not in the self-government institutions, but in the magnates’ courts81. This also influenced the development of rhetoric. The deliberative genre (genus deliberativum), used in political assemblies, as well as the judicial one (genus iudiciarium) lost importance in favour of the epideictic genre (genus demonstrativum). In this context a crucial role was played by eulogy, whose purpose was not much to win the benevolence of the praised person, but rather to morally educate the audience morally through examples of virtuous behaviour82. The growing importance of the epideictic genre was reflected in the increasing production of panegyrics. These texts, mostly addressed to the magnates, were usually written in Latin prose by Jesuits teachers and distributed during public celebrations, such as the entries of newly appointed officials, marriages, births and funerals. Printed panegyrics widely circulated, as evidenced by their presence both in private libraries and those of educational institutions. So far, researchers have not focused on the content of printed panegyrics, regarding them as a symptom of the degeneration of rhetoric. However, even a selective overview of these texts shows how much attention was devoted to civic values. Panegyrics dedicated to the members of the Radziwiłł family can be used as examples. In 1720 the funeral panegyric of Karol Stanisław Radziwiłł, great chancellor of Lithuania, praised the wisdom of his advice and his diligence as a dignitary. According to the author, in 1718 he even attended the Sejm in Hrodna (Pol. Grodno) despite serious illness83. In 1745 the panegyric offered to his son Michał Kazimierz “Rybeńko” during the entry in Vilnius as newly appointed grand hetman of Lithuania praised his efforts to enhance the army and his participation in the military exercises in Zabłudów84. Two years later, during the funeral of his mother Anna Katarzyna nee Sanguszko “Rybeńko”

79 Informacya o mowach, op.cit.: 11-12. 80 J. Boreyko, Nauka o krasomówstwie z ksiąg M.T. Cycerona na polski język wytłumaczona (Wilno, w Drukarni J. K. Mci Akademickiey Societatis Jesu 1763). See K. Puchowski, Jezuickie kolegia szlacheckie Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów: studium z dziejów edukacji elit (Gdańsk, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego 2007): 321; Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, op.cit.: 429-430. 81 Historians have recently questioned the alleged omnipotence of magnates, arguing that their initiatives could be carried out only with the support of middle nobility. Moreover, since the influence of magnates depended the concentration of land ownership, the middle nobility enjoyed greater political autonomy in those regions, where latifundia were less widespread. See M. Jusupović, Prowincjonalna elita litewska w XVIII wieku: działalność polityczna rodziny Zabiełłów w latach 1733-1795 (Warszawa, PTH – Neriton 2014). 82 See J. Niedźwiedź, Nieśmiertelne teatra sławy: teoria i praktyka twórczości panegirycznej na Litwie w XVII-XVIII w. (Kraków, Księgarnia Akademicka 2003). 83 Signator supremum et signaculum iustus dolor in supremis funebribus […] Caroli Stanislai […] Radziwił […] a maestissimo Radiviliano Nesvisiensi collegio […] (Vilnae, Typis Soc. Jesu 1720): fol. 2r-v. 84 [A. Żebrowski], Supremus Palaemoniae honor ducali Radivilliorum domui semper debitu, nuper augustis meritis, et virtutibus […] Micha- eli Radziwiłł […] redditus […] ab Academia Vilnensi Soc. Jesu celebratus (Vilnae, Typis Soc. Jesu 1745): n.n. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 163 was praised for providing political mediation on several occasions, for his activity as marshal of the Supreme Tribunal of Lithuania and for his efforts to restore military discipline85. Instead, his younger brother Hieronim Florian was celebrated for having crushed a rebellion of peasants in Kryčau (Pol. Krzyczew) and compared to the heroes who fought against the Khmelnytsky Uprising in 164886. In reality, the arguments used by panegyrists did not always truly reflect historical facts. For instance, Karol Stanisław Radziwiłł was late at the 1718 Sejm87, while “Rybeńko” had an ambiguous attitude towards the proposals of enhancement of the army88. Finally, although Hieronim Florian maintained a large and well-equipped private army, which he employed against rebellious peasants, he was considered rather a coward by his contemporaries. These examples show that Jesuit panegyrists often exaggerated reality. They did not invent facts, as this would have made their texts unbelievable, but they often distorted reality to praise their benefactors. However, at the same time they put models of public service and civic attitudes in front of their audience. As a result of the reform of the Jesuit school system, from the 1730s the production of panegyrics declined89. Lengthy prose texts in Latin were gradually superseded by shorter ones, often written in verses and in Polish language90. Also, the topic of praise changed. While until the mid-eighteenth century much attention was devoted to military deeds, in later texts cultural patronage and merits in the sphere of civil service were rather emphasized91. This shift did not depend on the military weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which had already emerged much earlier, but rather on the idea that the state reform should begin from cultural and civil values.

6 Theatre as an instrument of political education

For a long time, Jesuit theatre has been object of extensive research both in Poland and abroad92. However, scholars have only recently stressed its role as an instrument of civic and political education93. Jesuit drama was part of the tradition of school theatre: plays, written by professors and staged by pupils, were considered a rhetorical exercise, whose purpose was to train memory and accustom young actors to speak in public. Therefore, theatre was used to prepare youth for active participation in public life. Historians have also emphasized the role of Jesuit theatre as a tool of Catholic propaganda. This applied in particular to the plays staged during religious solemnities to strengthen the

85 Gloria immortalis [...] Annae Catharinae [...] Radivilliae [...] a maestissimo Radivilliano Nesvisiensi collegio S. I. (Vilna, Typis Soc. Jesu 1747): fol. M-M2v. 86 Ibidem: fol. N2v-O; Viri fortis et boni civis mortem patria deplorans: sive de laudibus Hieronimi Floriani Radziwiłł […] oratio funebris […] a Provincia Lithuana S.J. (Vilna, Typis Soc. Jesu 1760), n.n. On the Krzyczew uprising, see M.J. Lech, “Powstanie chłopów białoruskich w starostwie krzyczewskim (1740 r.)”, Przegląd Historyczny, vol. 51, No. 2, 1960: 314-330. 87 A. Rachuba, “Radziwiłł Karol Stanisław h. Trąby (1669-1719)”, in Polski Słownik Biograficzny (further PSB), vol. 31, ed. E. Rostworowski (Wrocław-Kraków-Warszawa-Gdańsk-Łódź, ZNiO – PAN 1987): 246. 88 Historians argued that due to the lack of his support the Diet failed to achieve this objective in 1744. H. Dymnicka-Wołoszyńska, “Radziwiłł Michał Kazimierz zwany Rybeńko h. Trąby”, ibidem: 301. 89 The production of Jesuit panegyrics reached its peak in the 1720s (123 printed titles). In the 1760s their number had fallen to 67 titles. These data are based on K. Estreicher, Bibliografia polska, Part 3: Stólecie XVI-XVIII w układzie abecadłowym, vols. 12-36/1 (Kraków, Akademia Umiejętności 1891-2013). 90 A good example of this trend is Józef Katenbring’s Rozprawa Litwy z Polską, written for the marriage between Karolina Katarzyna Radziwiłł and Stanisław Ferdynand Rzewuski. Due to the Lithuanian origin of the bride and the Polish origin of the groom, this poem focused on the bonds between the Grand Duchy and the Kingdom of Poland. [J. Katenbring], Rozprawa Litwy z Polska O Zabrana do Polskiey Ksiestwu Litewskiemu [...] Karoline Katarzyne Radziwiłowne Wojewody Wilenskiego [...] Core [...] Panu Stanisławowi Rzewuskiemu [...] Zaslubiona Rozsadkiem spolney oboyga Narodow sławy Uczyniona (Wilno: w Drukarni J. K. M. Akad. Soc. Jesu 1758). 91 In their speech to the Supreme Tribunal of Lithuania, the students of the Vilnius noblemen college stated that judges should be more appreciated than warriors. Puchowski, Jezuickie kolegia szlacheckie, op.cit.: 356. 92 See J. Poplatek, Studia z dziejów jezuickiego teatru szkolnego w Polsce (Wrocław, ZNiO 1957); J. Okoń, Dramat i teatr szkolny. Sceny je- zuickie XVII wieku (Wrocław, ZNiO 1970); idem, Na scenach jezuickich w dawnej Polsce (rodzimość i europejskość) (Warszawa, DiG 2006). On Jesuit theatre in German countries, see J. M. Valentin, Les Jésuites et le théâtre (1554-1680): contribution a l’histoire culturelle du monde catholique dans le Saint-Empire romain germanique (Paris, Desjonquères 2001). 93 J. Axer, Polski teatr jezuicki jako teatr polityczny, in Jezuici a kultura polska, op.cit.: 11-22. Previous knowledge in this field has been re- cently deepened by a research team directed by Jan Okoń. See Świat teatru – świat wartości, op.cit.; J. Okoń, Wychowanie do społeczeństwa w teatrach szkolnych jezuitów w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów (Kraków, Collegium Columbinum 2018). 164 Andrea Mariani piety of both students and their parents94. In such context, theatre also could help to spread political ideas and values. This phenomenon was favoured by the theatricalisation of public life. As a result of this process, public events such as the entries of newly appointed dignitaries, the sessions of collegial institutions and the family celebrations of the magnates were accompanied by fireworks, parades, declamations and music performances. Moreover, by means of temporary architecture, urban space itself acquired a ceremonial value. Thanks to their intellectual background, Jesuit colleges often played an important role in the arrangement of these celebrations95. Theatre performances fitted well in these initiatives. The choice of the subject of a play often depended on political circumstances96. However, direct reference to current politics was not frequent and only occurred in the case of indisputably positive events for both the Polish-Lithuanian state and Christianity. In the last decades of the seventeenth century Jesuit authors focused on the war with the Ottoman Empire97. Plays on King John’s III contribution to the relief of Vienna from Turkish siege (1683) were staged in Vilnius and Kražiai (Pol. Kroże) in 168498. In this regard, John III was an exception, since more school plays were dedicated to him than to any other Polish-Lithuanian ruler99. More often, Jesuit theatre used historical allegory to comment on current politics. Although the number of plays on historical subjects was relatively small compared to panegyric dramas100, the reference to past events was popular in all types of plays. The purpose of Jesuit drama was not to spread historical knowledge, but to present examples of virtues, often according to the conventions of eulogy101. So, it was in the case of two historical dramas staged by the Jesuit Fathers in Vilnius102 and Brest (Brześć Litewski)103 in 1694. Both celebrated the return of hetman Kazimierz Jan Sapieha from Kamyanets-Podilskyj (Pol. Kamieniec Podolski), then under Ottoman occupation. In reality, the significance of Sapieha’s military campaign did not correspond to the grandeur of these plays104. Jesuit theatre celebrated not only the Sapiehas, but also other magnate families. For instance, a drama staged in Njasviž (Pol. Nieśwież) in 1724 expressed the royal ambitions of the young owner of the city, Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł “Rybeńko”105. These examples show that Jesuit theatre was often put into the service of the aristocratic protectors of the Jesuit Order to legitimize their political power. However, this was not the only political element of Jesuit theatre, since sometimes Jesuit authors were much closer to the political ideology of the middle nobility. An interesting example is represented by the play staged in the Pinsk college in July 1733, during the interregnum that followed the death of King August II. Under the allegory of the succession of the Anglo-Saxon king of Mercia, the play taught that wisdom and culture are more important qualities in a monarch than descent106. This idea suited to the political ethos of the nobility, for whom reasonability and consensus about political decisions were more important than authority and loyalty to the king. The play could be read as an

94 See Z. Boras, Le théâtre de jésuites comme arme contre le luthéranisme, in Théâtre et société de la renaissance á nos jours. Actes du VI Colloque Poznań-Strasborug 19-20-21 avril 1990, ed. M. Serwański (Poznań, Wydawnictwo UAM 1990): 7-15. 95 Arches were built, alluding to ancient Roman triumphs. Vilnius played an important role in the theatricalization of public life in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Okoń, Wychowanie do społeczeństwa, op.cit.: 39. 96 J. Okoń, Dramat i teatr szkolny, op. cit.: 118. 97 See: J. Okoń, Odsiecz wiedeńska Jana III w staropolskim teatrze szkolnym, Pamiętnik Teatralny, vol. 33, No. 1-2, 1984: 103-112. 98 K. Puciłowski, Victoria Mariae seu Viennae Austriae ab obsidione liberata [...] [Vilna, Typis Academiae Soc. Jesu 1684]. See Dramat staro- polski od początków do powstania sceny narodowej: Bibliografia (further DS), ed. W. Korotaj, vol. 2, part 1 (Wrocław, ZNiO – PAN 1976): 431- 432. Triumphus orbis christiani de confracta potentia Othomanica [Vilna, Typis Academiae Soc. Jesu 1684]. See DS: 119-122. 99 Okoń, Wychowanie do społeczeństwa, op.cit.: 96-97. 100 According to Jan Okoń, only 12% of printed playbills fitted into this genre. Ibidem: 89. 101 Ibidem: 89; K. Puchowski, Teatr jezuicki w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów – Clio w edukacji obywatela, in Świat teatru, op.cit.: 126; T. Bieńkowski, Dzieje ojczyste w jezuickim teatrze szkolnym, in Kultura staropolska – kultura europejska. Prace ofiarowane Januszowi Tazbi- rowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. S. Bylina (Warszawa, Semper 1997): 316. 102 Theatrum fortitudinis Poloniae et Lithuaniae, in Ioanne Hunniade fortissimo belli imperatore adumbratae [...] [Vilnae, Typis Academiae Soc. Jesu 1694]. See DS: 449. 103 Klęska turecka na publicznej scenie od młodzi Coll. Brzeskiego S.I. ogłoszona roku 1694 [n.p. 1694]. See DS: 33; Okoń, Dramat i teatr szkolny, op.cit.: 163-165. 104 A. Rachuba, “Sapieha Kazimierz Jan Paweł h. Lis”, in PSB, vol. 35, ed. H. Markiewicz (Warszawa – Kraków 1994): 41. 105 Corona aurea super mitram, eruditio filio Ethelredi regis Angliae […] [Wilno, Druk. Akad. S.I. 1724]. See DS: 168. On the royal ambitions of the Radziwiłł family, see A. Bernatowicz, Mitra i buława: królewskie ambicje książąt w sztuce Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej (1697-1763) (Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego 2011). 106 [W.A. Kinellowicz], Sapiens uno minor Jove, Kinelmus Merciorum princeps ope eruditionis ac sapientiae ad paternum regnum sublima- tus [Pinsk, Druk. Coll. S.I. 1733]. DS: 200-201. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 165 exemplification of the thesis according to which two characteristics common to every Catholic noble – i.e. a right moral attitude and a sufficient understanding of public matters – were necessary requirements to be elected king. At the same time, through the praise of education and culture, the Jesuit author suggested that Jesuit schools were the only reliable institutions providing these immaterial goods. Jesuit theatre underwent deep changes as a result of the reform of the Jesuit school system. Baroque panegyric plays in Latin were replaced by tragedies and comedies, often written in the Polish language. Plots were often based on the texts of French authors such as the Jesuits Gabriel-François Le Jay, Jean Antoine du Cerceau and Charles Porée, as well as secular writers like Molière and Louis-Francois Delisle de La Drevetière. Tragedies, often based on ancient history, the Bible or the hagiographies of Early Christian martyrs, focused on the issue of the right moral choice between faith, state and family107. Religion was at the top of the hierarchy of values and therefore, in case of conflict with other values, it prevailed over civil duties and family ties108. Instead, the dilemma between civil and family values was solved in favour of the first109. Moreover, Jesuit tragedies presented the ideal of pious ruler, embodied by King Louis of France110, and his characteristic virtue: clemency111. His opposite was the tyrant, who causes the sufferings of the tragedy hero and therefore deserves God’s punishment (like the Emperors Mauritius and Eutropius)112. The anger of the people was regarded as the instrument of God, in the face of which the ruler had to choose between rewarding the wrongs he had committed or being overthrown113. Other tragedies presented the model of a military commander fighting for the freedom and common good of his people114. The rise of comedy was a typical trend of Jesuit theatre in the age of school reform. This genre remained far from politics and focused on daily life, since its purpose was to amend the vices of ordinary people. This aim was reflected by the two popular genres of the eighteenth-century Jesuit theatre: the commedia dell’arte and the texts of French Jesuits modelled after ancient Greek tragedy. In this context, a particular role was played by Franciszek Bohomolec, whose comedies referred directly to the Polish-Lithuanian society115. Bohomolec came from the Grand Duchy (he was born in the Vitsebsk district) but staged his comedies in Warsaw. However, these were known in Lithuania, as they were printed in small-format books which widely circulated through the Commonwealth. Although Bohomolec’s comedies dealt primarily with morality, they also addressed the issue of civic education. The author criticized the influence of French fashion on youth, which he considered as a source of libertinism and moral relativism and imbued his pupils with patriotism and traditional Polish virtues116.

7 School sejmiki as a preparation for self-government

Skills acquired during the humanistic course were often demonstrated in front of an audience of parents and dignitaries under the supervision of Jesuit teachers. In this field, an important role was played by school sejmiki, a sort of debate between pupils modelled on real self-government institutions. Although the importance of these performances has already been stressed by some historians of education117, due to scant source evidence school sejmiki have not been

107 I. Kadulska, Ze studiów nad dramatem jezuickim wczesnego oświecenia (1746-1765) (Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków – Gdańsk, ZNiO 1974): 70. 108 [J. Wichert], Teodor, tragedia […] [n.p. 1764]. See DS: 205-206. Witus chrześcianin w wierze siete stateczny [Wilno, Drukarnia Akademicka 1752]. See DS: 549-550. Hermenegild [Wilno, Drukarnia Akademicka 1754]. See DS: 559. 109 So was it in the tragedy Brutus, staged in Vilnius in 1753. See DS: 552-553. 110 DS: 563-564. 111 This virtue was highlighted in the tragedy Syroes, based on Metastasio’s libretto, staged in Nieśwież during the marriage between Stanisław Ferdynand Rzewuski and Karolina Katarzyna Radziwiłł in 1758. See DS: 172-173. 112 Maurycyusz cesarz, sprawiedliwości Boskiej przykład, [Wilno, Druk. Akademicka 1753]. See DS: 550-551. Wolność i powaga kościołów i duchownych abo F. Eutropiusz, [Wilno, Druk. Akademicka 1754]. See DS: 557-558. See also Kadulska, Ze studiów nad dramatem, op.cit.: 90. 113 So it was in the aforementioned tragedy Teodor. DS: 205-206. 114 Dawid przez prześladowanie Saula na tron wyniesiony, od pmłodzi w szkołach poszawskich […] wyprawiona, [b.m. 1762]. DS: 236. Ka- dulska, Z studiów nad dramatem, op.cit.: 91. 115 See A. Stender-Petersen, Die Schulkomödien des Paters Franciszek Bohomolec S. J. (Heidelberg, C. Winter 1923). 116 I. Kadulska, Komedia w polskim teatrze jezuickim XVIII wieku (Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków, ZNiO 1993): 157-158. 117 S. Kot, “Sejmiki szkolne jako środek wychowania obywatelskiego w Polsce XVIII wieku”, Sprawozdanie z czynności i posiedzeń Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, vol. 26, No. 1, 1921: 6. 166 Andrea Mariani object of extensive research yet. However, it should be noted that these debates took place not only in cities where self-government institutions held their sessions, such as Vilnius118, but also in private towns like Njasviž. In this case Janusz Tadeusz and Karol Stanisław, sons of the owner of the town Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł “Rybeńko”, actively participated in the pupils’ sejmik while attending the humanistic course in the local Jesuit college119. The practice of school sejmiki can also be traced in manuscript course notes as well as in printed books. Both Mowy exercytującej młodzi and Bystrzonowski’s Polak sensat contain speeches made during school sejmiki, which in fact have been written by Jesuit professors. Thanks to the polyphony of views typical for such debates, Jesuits could express bold opinions without the risk of being accused of attacking the fundamental principles of the political ideology of the nobility. This formula made it possible to deal with issues that the nobility considered crucial, such as the liberum veto120. Bystrzonowski devoted his sejmik to the opportunity of suspending this prerogative. This proposal met fierce opposition and was eventually withdrawn. Bystrzonowski’s sejmik expressed the ambivalence towards the liberum veto: some argued that its restriction or abolition would be the first step towards tyranny121, others claimed that those who disrupt diets follow their personal interest and only use common good as a pretext122. The result was, in fact, a non-solution, given to satisfy the most conservative among the public. By affirming that “There is no reason to criticize freedom, just as free will is given by God, even if man often abuses it”123, Bystrzonowski implicitly accepted the idea that the political system is good and the problem consists in the lack of public virtues. Besides political issues, much attention was devoted in the school sejmiki to economic and social issues. For instance, Franciszek Bohomolec’s Zabawki oratorskie discussed the following questions: whether foreigners have a positive or negative influence in the Commonwealth, whether noblemen should trade, and whether Jews should be tolerated or rather expelled. Although these debates were attributed to the pupils, themes and arguments were undoubtedly chosen by Bohomolec. Regarding the Jewish question, a dissonance should be observed between the anti-Jewish views of the Jesuit professor and the traditional approach of nobility, which maintained close economic relationship with the members of this ethnicity.

8 History and geography – from erudition to knowledge of contemporary politics

History played an important role in the political education of elites. Since the Ratio studiorum did not foresee history as an autonomous subject, this discipline was traditionally taught as part of the humanistic course124. While the knowledge of the ancient world was required to understand classical texts, the history of more recent events was mainly used as a tool of inter-confessional polemics. In this context, the past was usually interpreted in an unhistorical way, as a set of moral examples125. This approach to history did not satisfy the Lithuanian elites, who expected a more prominent place for this discipline in the education provided by Jesuit colleges. In 1609 the Lithuanian Father Provincial Paweł Boksza requested Father General Claudio Acquaviva the permission to introduce history as an autonomous subject in the newly created Province of Lithuania. The Roman authorities of the Order, however, rejected this request126. Until the 1740s history was taught within the rhetoric course.

118 L. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej, vol. 4: Odrodzenie Akademii Wileńskiej 1730-1773 (Rzym, IHSI 1990): 72-73. 119 F.U. Radziwiłłowa to M.K. Radziwiłł, Nieśwież, 6 XII 1742, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych, Archiwum Radziwiłłów, dz. IV, No. 663; K.S. Radziwiłł to M.K. Radziwiłł, Nieśwież, 22 XII 1745, ibidem, dz. IV, No. 242; M. Kuczewski to F.U. Radziwiłłowa, Nieśwież, 11 XI 1744, ibidem, dz. V, No. 7948/I. The father of the two boys was proud of his children’s performance. AGAD, AR, dz. VI, No. II-80a: 1353-1354. 120 Bystrzonowski, Polak sensat, op.cit.: fol. L3v-Q4v. See also Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, op. cit.: 423-424. 121 Ibidem: 125, 127. 122 Ibidem: 132. 123 Quoted after Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Regina libertas, op.cit.: 220. 124 K. Puchowski, Edukacja historyczna w jezuickich kolegiach Rzeczypospolitej (Gdańsk, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańśkiego 1999): 28-29. Historical education in Jesuit schools lagged behind the Protestant cultural institutions of the time. L. Mokrzecki, Studium z dziejów nauczania historii: rozwój dydaktyki przedmiotu w Gdańskim Gimnazjum Akademickim do schyłku XVII w. (Gdańsk, ZNiO 1973). 125 Puchowski, Edukacja historyczna, op.cit.: 32. 126 Ibidem: 53. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 167

Despite this setback, the Jesuit played an important role in developing a historical consciousness among the Lithuanian elite. The most prominent figure in this field was Albertus Wijuk Kojałowcz. His two-volume Historia Lituana, dealing with the history of Grand Duchy from ancient times until the death of King Sigismund the Great in 1572, was one of the most important sources of knowledge about the history of the Grand Duchy not only in Western Europe, but also in local Jesuit schools during the second half of the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth century. The reason for the success of this work was its elegant style, which made it suitable for teaching. This ensured the popularity of Historia Lituana even in the second half of the eighteenth century, despite the criticism of enlightened intellectuals at the author’s historiographical erudition127. The popularity of this book was reflected by its use as a source for Jesuit theatre plays128. Kojałowicz’s narrative had a profound impact on the self-consciousness of Lithuanian elites. The Jesuit author focused on the Christianization of the Grand Duchy. Therefore, he condemned Mindaugas for his apostasy from the Catholic faith and portrayed him as a tyrant. At the same time, Kojałowicz showed a great degree of political realism. In regard to the role of the Teutonic Order, he argued that Christianization was only a pretext used by the Knights, who in reality wanted to conquer Lithuania and enslave its population. Kojałowicz was also the author of other historiographical works. His interest in heraldry was reflected by two works devoted to the coats of arms of the Lithuanian nobility – one in Polish known as Compendium, and one in Latin under the title of Nomenclator129. Although they circulated as manuscripts, both texts, and especially the Polish version, were widely used by the authors of panegyrics130. Moreover, Kojałowicz wrote the first monograph devoted to the history of an aristocratic family: the Fasti Radivilliani, which he dedicated to hetman Janusz Radziwiłł, a member of the Calvinist branch of the family131. After Kojałowicz, other Jesuit authors wrote similar works concerning the Sapiehas and the Ogińskis132. Kojałowicz’s historiographical interests were not limited to the ancient past and the legends on the origin of Lithuanian elites, but also focused on recent events. This was the case of the De rebus anno 1648 et 1649 contra Zaporovios Cosacos gestis, a sort of instant-book dealing with the first phase of the Khmelnytsky Uprising and the role of the Lithuanian army in the fight against the Cossacks133. Within Jesuit schools, the interest in history increased in the first decades of the eighteenth century. This process was accompanied by a broader pedagogical reflection, represented among others by the French Jesuit Joseph de Jouvancy and his Warmian confrere Jan Drews. In Lithuania this process was reflected in Karol Bartołd’s Imagines principum, regumque Poloniae and Adam Naramowski’s Facies rerum sarmaticarum134. While the first work focused on the political and military history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, arranged according to the traditional scheme of

127 Ibidem: 86-90. 128 Plays based on Historia Lithuana were staged in Hrodna, Pinsk and Vilnius. DS: 77-80, 196-197, 436-438. 129 Ks. Wojciecha Wijuka Kojałowicza herbarz rycerstwa W. X. Litewskiego tak zwany Compendium czyli O klejnotach albo herbach, których familie stanu rycerskiego w prowincyach Wielkiego Xięstwa Litewskiego zażywają, ed. F. Piekosiński (Kraków, Druk. Czasu 1897; reprint: Poznań, Heroldium 2002); Ks. Wojciecha Wijuka Kojałowicza Herbarz szlachty Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego zwany Nomenclator, ed. F. Piekosiński (Kraków, Wydawnictwo “Herolda Polskiego” 1905). The latter edition remained unfinished, since Piekosiński arrived to the sur- name Komar. 130 See M. Antoniewicz, “O recepcji twórczości heraldycznej Wojciecha Wijuka Kojałowicza w XVII-XIX wieku”, Prace Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Częstochowie. Zeszyty Historyczne, No. 6, 2000: 5-14; idem, Protoplaści książąt Radziwiłłów. Dzieje mitu i meandry historiografii (Warszawa, DiG 2011): 262-292. 131 W. Wijuk Kojałowicz, Fasti Radiviliani Gesta Illustrissimae Domus Ducum Radziwił Compendio Continentes (Vilnae, Typis. Soc. Jesu 1653). Reprint with Lithuanian translation in Lietuvos istorijos įvairenybės, vol. 1, ed. D. Antanavičius et al. (Vilnius, Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, 2003): 219-247. 132 A. A. Misztołt, Historia illustrissimae domus Sapiehanae ab origine et antiquitate sua genealogico syllabo per gloriosos heroum ejusdem ac connexarum familiarum progressus in praesens saeculum deducta (Vilnae, Soc. Jesu 1724); A. Peżarski, Annibal ad portas, Vlodimirus monarcha Russiae: in facie & acie ducum et heroum, illustrissimae Oginscianae domus archi-princeps & archi-pater, ad proavitam portam illustrissimi ac excellentissimi dni, D. Jgnatij de Kozielsk Oginski, mareschalli tribunalis M.D.L. et castrametatoris, capitanei Braclaviensis (Varsaviae, Typis Regii collegii Varsav. Soc. Jesu 1732). 133 A. Wijuk Kojałowicz, De rebus anno 1648 et 1649 contra Zaporovios Cosacos gestis (Vilnae, Typis Academicis 1651). Reprint with Lithu- anian translation in Lietuvos istorijos įvairenybės, op.cit.: 8-215. On this book see also E. Meilus, “Kai kurios Alberto Vijūko Kojelavičiaus knygos Apie 1648 ir 1649 metų žygius prieš Zaporožės kazokus (De rebus Anno 1648 et 1649 contra Zaporovios Cosacos Gestis) parašymo aplinkybės”, in Lietuvos istorijos įvairenybės, op.cit., vol. 2 (Vilnius, Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas 2004): 348-355. 134 K. Bartołd, Imagines principum, regumque Poloniae politicis dogmatibus, phalerisq[ue] poetarum adumbratae: nuper thesibus philoso- phicis […] appensae (Brunsbergae, typis Collegii Brunsbergensis Soc. Jesu 1721); A. I. Naramowski, Facies rerum Sarmaticarum, in facie Regni Poloniae magnique Ducatus Lituaniae gestarum, duobus libris succincte expressa (Vilnae, Typis Acad. Soc. Jesu 1724-1726). 168 Andrea Mariani dynasties and monarchs, the second was a sort of encyclopaedia of the country’s institutions, religion, economy and culture135. Much attention was also paid to the political reality of the Commonwealth in the Polish editions of textbooks written by Western European Jesuits, to which information about Polish-Lithuanian institutions was added136. A step forward took place with the introduction of history as an autonomous discipline in 1739. The Lithuanian Province preceded the Polish one thanks to the decision of the then Father Provincial Karol Bartołd137. On the eve of the division of the Lithuanian Province in 1757, twenty-eight courses in history were recorded in the personal catalogue. Most of them were conducted by rhetoric professors138. The history of Poland-Lithuania was seen as an instrument to educate conscious citizens, deeply devoted to the motherland. According to the traditional understanding of the discipline, Jesuit teachers still considered past as a source of moral examples worthy of being imitated by the youth. History was also one of the characteristic elements of the extended teaching program offered by the Jesuit noblemen colleges in Kalisz, Lublin, Lviv (Pol. Lwów), Ostroh (Ostróg), Poznań, Sandomierz, Vilnius, and Warsaw. The introduction of history as an autonomous subject also favoured the publication of new textbooks. An important change in this field was the transition from Latin to Polish. In the national language Franciszek Paprocki wrote Domowe wiadomości o Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim, a booklet describing the administrative division of the Grand Duchy and outlining its history139. A list of questions was added in the end of the work, which was probably used during weekly repetitions and disputations140. This formula was also applied to public examinations held by the best pupils in front of ecclesiastical and civil dignitaries141. The teaching arrangement of material according to an answer and question scheme not only made learning easier, but also helped to develop dialectical skills and independent thinking. While history increased the pupils’ affection to their country, the knowledge of geography and foreign languages provided them an understanding of contemporary European politics. Like history, geography was traditionally considered a part of the so-called eruditio related to the humanistic course. After the introduction of history as an autonomous discipline, similar steps were made with regard to geography. In reality, the number of professors remained small: in the school year 1757/1758 only four geography professors were recorded. However, Jesuits began to publish new geographic textbooks, particularly emphasising political geography. The first was Kazimierz Hołówka’s Compendium geographicum, which appeared in Latin in 1743142. Twenty years later Franciszek Paprocki compiled a text under the programmatically Eurocentric title Europa z cześci świata najprzedniejsza143. These texts contained both reliable information and incredible facts and were soon replaced by a much better textbook: Karol Wyrwicz’s Geografia czasów teraźniejszych144. The growing interest in geography depended on the changes in the political environment of Central Europe that followed the Prussian occupation of Silesia and the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763). International politics also became the object of public examinations, as in the Vilnius noblemen college in 1769145. The Jesuits made their pupils aware of contemporary events thought the reading of the press146. In this regard, they did not limit themselves to import of foreign periodicals, but also published their own ones in Polish. This field was pioneered by the Jesuits in Warsaw, who acquired the biweekly Kurier Polski – Wiadomości uprzywiejowane z cudzych krajów from the Piarists in 1736 and continued to publish them until the suppression of the Order in 1773147. In the Polish

135 Puchowski, Edukacja historyczna, op.cit.: 127-130. 136 Ibidem: 131-132. 137 Ibidem: 143-144. 138 Catalogus personarum et officiorum Provinciae Lituanae Societatis Jesu ex anno 1757 in annum 1758 [Vilnae, Typis Academiae Societatis Jesu 1757], Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Lituania 59: fol. 1r-44v. 139 F. Paprocki, Domowe wiadomości o Wielkim Xięstwie Litewskim z przyłączeniem Historyj Tegoż Narodu (Wilno, Druk. Akademicka 1763). 140 Puchowski, Edukacja historyczna, op.cit.: 172. 141 Ibidem: 172-179. 142 Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej, vol. 4, op.cit.: 61. 143 See Puchowski, Jezuickie kolegia szlacheckie, op.cit.: 349-350. 144 K. Wyrwicz, Geografia Czasow Terazniejszych albo Opisanie naturalne y Polityczne Krolestw, Panstw, Stanow wszelakich, ich rzadu, praw, rzemiosl, handlu, przemysłu, przymiotow, obycziow &c. Ku Pozytkowi Narodowey Młodzi Wydana (Warszawa, Drukarnia J.K.Mci. y Rzeczypospolitej in Collegio Soc. Jesu 1768). 145 Puchowski, Jezuickie kolegia szlacheckie, op.cit.: 351. 146 Ibidem: 352. 147 J. Szczepaniec, “Warunki prawno-wydawnicze rozwoju ‘Kuriera Polskiego’”, in 250 lat ‘Kuriera Polskiego’, ed. W. Sachs, B. Świątkowska (Warszawa, Epoka 1983): 27. After 1773 the “Kurier Warszawski” was further published under the title “Gazeta Warszawska” by the ex-Jesuit Stefan Łuskina. See J. Łojek, Gazeta Warszawska księdza Łuskiny, 1774-1795 (Warszawa, KiW 1959). The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 169 capital, a significant role in the development of political ideas was played by literary magazines, such as Monitor, published by the Royal Printing House in 1765-1785, and Zabawki przyjemne i pożyteczne, printed by Michael Groll in 1770-1777. These journals were open to contributions from Jesuit and non-Jesuit authors connected to the king and the Czartoryski family supporting him, and debated over political and cultural reforms. In the Grand Duchy the Jesuits were the first to create a local periodical press. This happened in 1760 as a result of the division of the Lithuanian Province. After Warsaw was included in the newly created Province of Masovia, the Jesuits in Vilnius obtained a royal privilege allowing them to publish gazettes. With help of some Lithuanian magnates they organized the Kurier Litewski, modelled on the Jesuit newspaper in Warsaw148. Shortly after, they created a literary magazine under the title Wiadomości literackie149. Unlike the magazines printed in Warsaw, this periodical was almost exclusively made by the contributions of Jesuit professors and was mainly addressed to the Academy students. It contained little information on politics and rather focused on ancient culture and economic issues. Like most of the privileged press of the time, the purpose of Jesuit gazettes in Vilnius was not to win public opinion for a political idea, but to inform about local events and the decisions made by public authority. However, the Jesuit press undoubtedly helped to create the audience that later participated in the public debate during the Great Sejm. Much space was devoted to history, chronology and geography in the Jesuit calendars, a popular genre in Early- Modern times. In the late 1730s the Jesuit Fathers began to publish calendars containing historical information instead of astrology150. In this way, calendars began to spread knowledge on the history, the institutions and the political situation of both Poland-Lithuania and foreign countries151. The Vilnius Academy was one of the first Jesuit institutions to print these new calendars. The first were published by Jan Poszakowski, a protégé of the Radziwiłł active in Njasviž, in 1737152. After 1758 this initiative was continued by Franciszek Paprocki, at that time professor of philosophy, and from 1760 prefect of the Vilnius printing house153. The study of history and geography as well as the reading of the press were also linked to the teaching of foreign languages, and in particular French. This had a significant impact on the political formation of elites, since the knowledge of foreign languages favoured the reception of French historiography. As a result of this process, traditional historiographical providentialism was gradually superseded by enlightened rationalism, which emphasized the idea progress and evolution in the various fields of human activity154. Moreover, through the reading of historical books both in French and in translation, the pupils of Jesuit schools became acquainted with new political theories, such as Montesquieu’s separation of powers, referred in two of Karol Wyrwicz’s works: the aforementioned Geografia (Warsaw 1770) and the Historya Polityczna Panstw Starozytnych Od Pewnego Towarzystwa Napisana (Warsaw 1772)155.

9 Political formation at the Vilnius Academy

The role of the Vilnius Academy in the political education of Lithuanian elites depended not only on the existence of the printing house and the noblemen college. Also, the rank of university had a great importance. According to the privilege granted by king Stephan Bathory in 1579, the Vilnius Academy was allowed to confer degrees in philosophy and liberal

148 R. Jakubenas, Prasa Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego w II połowie XVIII wieku (Kraków, Collegium Columbinum 2005): 15-19. 149 Ibidem: 20-27. 150 Jesuits had always been suspicious of astrology. See B. Rok, Kalendarze polskie czasów saskich (Wrocław, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego 1985): 27. 151 Ibidem: 101-126. 152 J. Poszakowski, Kalendarz polityczny y historyczny na rok Pański 1738: po przybyszowym pierwszy, po przestępnym wtory (Wilno, w Drukarni Akademickiey Soc. Jesv [1737]). See also: J. Żukowska, “Kalendarze Jana Poszakowskiego [1684-1757] jako źródło edukacji historycz- nej”, in Między barokiem a oświeceniem. Edukacja, wykształcenie, wiedza, ed. S. Achremczyk, (Olsztyn, Ośrodek Badań Naukowych im. Wo- jciecha Kętrzyńskiego 2005): 111-121; R. Jakubėnas, “Z historii kalendarzownictwa w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w XVIII wieku. Kalendarze wileńskie ks. Jana Poszakowskiego”, in Literatura historia, dziedzictwo. Prace ofiarowane profesor Teresie Kostkiewiczowej, ed. T. Chachulski i A. Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, (Warszawa, Instytut Badań Literackich Polskiej Akademii Nauk 2006): 398-406. 153 R. Jakubėnas, “Kalendarz polityczny księdza Franciszka Paprockiego”, Slavica Vilnensis. Kalbotyra, vol. 57, No. 2, 2012: 185-196. 154 Puchowski, Edukacja historyczna, op.cit.: 180. Among the works of French historians, Charles Rollin’s Histoire romaine (Paris 1738-1741) was particularly popular. Puchowski, Jezuickie kolegia szlacheckie, op.cit.: 339-340. 155 Matyaszewski, Monteskiusz w Polsce, op.cit.: 65-66. 170 Andrea Mariani arts, as well as in theology156. Gregory’s XIII privilege gave more freedom to the Jesuit Fathers, allowing them to confer degrees also in law and medicine. Since the Constitutions of the Order forbade the Jesuits to teach civil (Roman) law and medicine, then regarded as secular disciplines, the Jesuit Fathers employed non-Jesuit professors, while maintaining the disciplinary and financial control over the faculty157. The first – unsuccessful – attempt to create a Faculty of Law was undertaken as early as in 1618-1622. Significantly, the initiative was taken not by the Jesuits themselves, but by members of the Lithuanian elite158. Only in 1641 two chairs – one for canon law and one for civil law – were created with the support of the Lithuanian vice-chancellor Kazimierz Leon Sapieha. The first two professors Simon Dilger and Georg Schauer arrived from the Jesuit university of Ingolstadt in 1644 and were received in Vilnius with great honours159. The Faculty of Law shared the fate of the Vilnius Academy, whose development was suddenly interrupted in 1655, due to the Russian occupation of the city during the Polish-Russian War (1654-1667). In the short period between 1644 and 1655, the Faculty of Law was very dynamic. Joint degrees in both civil and canon law were conferred since the beginning of 1650s160. The most outstanding professor was Aaron Aleksander Olizarowski (1610-1659), a former Jesuit educated in Wurzburg, Graz and Ingolstadt161. Lectures resumed in 1667, seven years after the liberation of Vilnius from the Russians, and continued, albeit with pauses, until the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773. Most of the professors belonged to the clergy and also worked in diocesan tribunals. Sometimes they came from abroad and received a doctoral degree in law just before the start of the course. Although one cannot rule out the presence of burghers among the students, almost all the graduates were clergymen, the only who could afford the expenses related to the achievement of a degree162. Despite its importance as an educational institution, the Faculty of Law had a limited impact on the political culture of the szlachta. This may seem a paradox if one considers that the creation of the faculty was an initiative of the local aristocracy. The reason for this situation must be sought in the fact that for the nobility the knowledge of law and politics was a matter of experience rather than study. Unlike the burghers from Royal Prussia, for whom jurisprudence studies were a necessary step for a career in the city’s administration, Polish-Lithuanian nobles acquired their experience of politics through participation in the Sejm, the sejmiki and the judicial courts. Their membership in these institutions was determined by birth, kinship, wealth and rhetorical skills rather than higher education. The course of politics, founded in 1677 by canon Kazimierz Jan Wojsznarowicz, had a greater influence on the political education of the nobility. This chair was held by a member of the Jesuit Order, whose lectures were addressed to the students of the philosophical faculty. The teaching of politics represented the development of the traditional course of ethics, based on Plato and Aristotle, usually conducted during the third year of the philosophical studies163. As early as in 1674, Father Provincial Andrzej Wołłowicz informed Father General Giovanni Paolo Oliva about the planned course, whose purpose was “to imbue the Polish youth with Christian principles in the organization of social life and the exercise power, according to God’s will and common sense”. He also added that the youth “should duly evaluate the pseudo-political programs ordinarily called Machiavellism”164. According to Wołłowicz, the lectures should deal with different types of regimes, the virtues required to exercise power, as well as the polity and the history of Poland- Lithuania. An example of the vast content of the course is given by the Praelectiones politicae de Monarchia seu Regno, probably written by Jan Korman, who was professor of politics in 1679-1686. His students learned the differences

156 Therefore, the Vilnius Academy originally had two faculties: a philosophical and a theological one. L. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej, vol. 2: Rozkwit Akademii Wileńskiej w latach 1600-1655 (Rzym, IHSI 1983): 157. 157 In addition, the Jesuits held the chair of canon law. Akademijos laurai, ed. M. Svirskas, I. Balčienė (Vilnius, Vilniaus Universiteto Leidy- kla 1997): 135-148. 158 Hieronim Wołłowicz, vice-chancellor of Lithuania, and his brother Eustachy, bishop of Vilnius, offered their support to create a Faculty of Law. However, they failed to reach an agreement with the Jesuits on the organization of the faculty. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii, vol. 2, op.cit.: 162. 159 Ibidem: 169. 160 P. Niczyporuk, “Promocje doktorskie obojga praw w Akademii Wileńskiej”, Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica, vol. 2, 2004: 21. 161 P. Niczyporuk, “Aaron Aleksander Olizarowicz profesorem prawa Akademii Wileńskiej”, Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica, vol. 14, No. 2, 2015: 192. 162 Akademijos laurai, op.cit.: 149-150. 163 Such courses took place not only in Vilnius, but also in other Lithuanian colleges L. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej, t. 3: Próby odnowy Akademii Wileńskiej po klęskach Potopu i okres kryzysu 1655-1730 (Rzym, IHSI 1987): 31. 164 Ibidem: 32. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 171 between hereditary and elective monarchy, as well as the rights and prerogatives of the king165. The Jesuit professor also emphasized the advantages of monarchy over other forms of government. Apart from its alleged conformity to the natural order of the universe, Korman argued that monarchy guarantees more efficient judicial courts, offers credible mediation in conflicts between the subjects and can more easily detect conspiracies against the state. Much attention was also paid to the states of the Italian Peninsula, which Korman had visited during his theology studies in Rome. Regarding the Polish-Lithuanian reality, the Jesuit teacher supported the election of a fellow-countryman as king. This view contrasted with the attitude of Lithuanian aristocracy, traditionally suspicious of a Polish candidate for the throne166. Although Korman’s lectures did not offer any solution to the deficiencies of the Polish-Lithuanian political system, they show the lasting influence of monarchical ideas within Jesuit circles. It should be noted that this trend contrasted with the traditional views of the szlachta, which preferred a weak monarchy. Korman’s independent way of thinking can be explained in the light of the specific political situation of the Grand Duchy in the last decades of the seventeenth century. As tension escalated between the hegemonic Sapieha family and other aristocrats, the mediation of a strong monarchy was perceived as a factor that could ease tensions and prevent the outbreak of a civil war167.

10 Conclusions

Due to their adaptation to the local milieu, the Lithuanian Jesuits accepted the basic features of the Polish-Lithuanian political system. This was reflected, among others, in their acceptance of the idea of a mixed regime, elective monarchy and the liberum veto. However, they remained critical of the country’s political situation and were aware of the shortcomings of its polity. However, they did not suggest a program of state reforms. Authors like Jan Chądzyński limited themselves to raise urgent issues, such as the administration of justice, the reform of the treasury and the increasing exploitation of peasants by the nobility. Other writers like Wojciech Bystrzonowski expressed their views so generically that they did not raise objections among the nobility. Although the Jesuits became increasingly cautious, they constantly drew the attention to the threat represented by the violation of laws and putting private interest before common good. A characteristic feature of the political thought of the Lithuanian Jesuits was their view of monarchy as an institution that guaranteed the functioning of the state. This may depend on the European sources of inspiration for Jesuit political culture, such as the Thomistic tradition of Salamanca School and Justus Lipsius. However, the reasons for the emphasis placed on monarchy must be sought in the local reality as well. In this respect, throughout the seventeenth century the views of the Jesuits differed from those of the Polish nobility, which became increasingly concerned with the alleged attempts of the king to introduce the absolutum dominium. The attitude of Lithuanian Jesuits can be explained by the social and political situation of the Grand Duchy. In the eastern periphery of the Commonwealth the risk of absolutism was less perceived. On the contrary, the predominance of aristocratic families endangered the political position of middle nobility. The Jesuits had to maintain the balance between these two groups. On the one hand they praised the magnates, on the other they appeased the gentry. Emphasizing the role of the monarchy was a safe solution, since this institution represented a third power able to ease the internal tensions among the nobility. The education provided by the Jesuits focused more on training the young generation to public life than on systematic thinking on the Polish-Lithuanian political system. This depended on the reality of the Commonwealth, where theory was subordinated to practice and political reflection focused on issues that needed to be addressed by the nobility actively participating in the government of the state. In such context, the Jesuits imbued their pupils with patriotism, which they considered as part of everybody’s Christian duties. Various means were employed to achieve this aim, from

165 According to the classical distinction between a form of regime and its degeneration, Korman emphasized the difference between mon- archy, which is based on law, and tyranny as the rule of violence. The latter was symbolized by the Tsardom of Russia. Ibidem. 166 For a detailed analysis of the course program, see ibidem: 35-36. 167 On the institutional factors of the Sapiehas’ supremacy, see A. Rachuba, “Hegemonia Sapiehów na Litwie jako przejaw skrajnej domi- nacji magnaterii w życiu kraju”, in Władza i prestiż. Magnateria Rzeczypospolitej w XVI–XVIII wieku, ed. J. Urwanowicz, E. Dubas-Urwanowi- cz, P. Guzowski (Białystok, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Białostockiego 2003): 217–229; P.P. Romaniuk, Instytucjonalne podstawy hegemonii Sapiehów w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w drugiej połowie XVII w., in W cieniu wojen i rozbiorów. Studia z dziejów Rzeczypospolitej XVIII i początków XIX wieku, ed. U. Kosińska, D. Dukwicz, A. Danilczyk (Warszawa, Neriton 2014): 29-37. 172 Andrea Mariani rhetorical exercises and textbooks, to panegyrics and public exams, from theatre plays to pupils’ debates modelled on self-government institutions. After analyzing these initiatives from the point of view of their value as an instrument of political education, it can be concluded that Jesuit schools provided a wide knowledge of the Polish-Lithuanian institutions and effectively trained young nobles to future public life. In this regard, the content and methods of the Jesuit schools were greatly influenced by the expectations of the parents. The use of various means of political education allowed the Jesuits to shape different elements of the nobility’s political culture. While panegyrics emphasized the civic virtues embodied by the praised person and presented examples of virtuous behaviour according to the conventions of the epideictic genre, theatre could win public opinion for current political goals, such as the prolongation of the war against the Ottoman Empire in the 1680s. In turn, the school sejmiki were characterized by a polyphony of opinions allowing Jesuits authors to deal with controversial issues without being accused of questioning the fundamental principles of the Polish-Lithuanian polity. Moreover, since freedom of speech was a crucial element of the Commonwealth’s political life, school sejmiki trained the dialectical skills required from any future political orator. At the same time, the Jesuits forged another typical attitude of Polish-Lithuanian political culture: the search for consensus. Unlike nowadays, this was understood not as political compromise, but as the classical idea of concord (Pol. zgoda), that is the ability to achieve a synthesis of different wills in the name of common good168. According to this principle, controversial proposals presented during the school sejmik were usually withdrawn in the face of opposition of other noblemen. Due to the theatricalization of public life, the border between school and the real political institutions became blurred. The Jesuits often organized school sejmiki and theatrical performances during the political assemblies of the nobility to enhance the prestige of the school and to convince parents that Jesuit education is useful for the future political activity of their children. Although Jesuit authors were aware of the difference between school and public life, in practice rhetoric used during school exercises and the sessions of representative institutions became similar to each other. This process also depended on the loss of authority of representative institutions due to the increasing influence of the aristocracy. In the eighteenth century the symptoms of this trend were evident. While the passive attendance to the sejmiki by the pupils of Jesuit schools accompanied by their teachers had already earlier become usual, the active role as royal envoys played by some young members of the most influential families would have been unthinkable one century earlier. For the privileged, political career began as early as in the years of education and the Jesuits were given the task of gradually introducing their pupils into this world169. Another symptom of the adaptation of Jesuit education to the needs of local elites was the difference between the civic ethos formed by Jesuit schools in Poland-Lithuania and in other European countries. Until the eighteenth century, the Jesuit educational model remained based on Humanism: classical literature was regarded as a source of moral examples, and the similarities between Roman and Polish-Lithuanian polity were accepted without objections. In such context, the Lithuanian Jesuits imbued their pupils with political attitudes that made possible their participation in the noblemen self-government. Instead, due to the weakness of central administration and the lack of a strong bureaucracy, the model of the meticulous official who faithfully fulfilled the orders of his monarch, typical of western and central European Absolutism, remained alien to the Polish-Lithuanian nobility. This was also the reason why the Faculty of Law of the Vilnius Academy, the only institution that could potentially contribute to the formation of a class of professional public officials and bureaucrats, played a limited role in the political formation of the Lithuanian elite. The attention should eventually focus on the reform of the Jesuit educational system, a process reflected in the transformation of the rhetoric model, the introduction of new disciplines such as history and geography, the revival of comedy and tragedy as well as the creation of a new type of school – the noblemen colleges. These changes took place in response to new expectation of the elites, which gradually became aware of the need for a general reform of the Polish- Lithuanian state. In Lithuania they also depended on the increasing influence of middling nobility after the supremacy of the Radziwiłł family was broken during the period of the last free election in 1764. Although in the Grand Duchy the Jesuits had not so much to fear from rival Orders such as the Piarists and the Theatines, as their confreres in the Kingdom of Poland, the reform of the Jesuit school system was quickly implemented thanks to strength of the Vilnius Academy.

168 On his idea, see Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Dyskurs polityczny, op.cit.: 215-246. 169 In 1761 the 13 years old Jakub Szołdrski read the royal instruction at the sejmik of Środa Wielkopolska. Historia collegii Posnaniensis, Biblioteka Jagiellońska, n. 5198 III, vol. 2, fol. 194v. The same role was played in 1762 by the 15 years old Nereusz Raczyński and in 1768 by the 14 years old Ignacy Działyński. Ibidem, fol. 197r, 216v. All were students of the Jesuit noblemen college in Poznań. The contribution of the Society of Jesus to the political culture of Lithuanian elites 173

In their reformed schools Jesuits made pupils aware of the political situation of neighbouring countries through press and a wide knowledge of geography and recent history. They devoted more space to the Polish language and imbued the students with the ideas of justice, civil service and the refinement of national culture. In such context, old Polish values like military courage somehow lost their appeal in favour of prudence, a virtue that was reinterpreted according to the ideals of the age of Enlightenment. Jesuits also emphasized the study of foreign languages, not only because of fashion, but also as a tool to better understand European politics. This element of Jesuit education would also encourage the reception of new political theories. Categories taken from Western European political writings, especially from France, would help to invent a new political discourse in the 1770s and 1780s. Due to the suppression of the Order in 1773, it is impossible to assess to what extent the reform of the Jesuit school system would have influenced the political culture of the Polish-Lithuanian elites in the following years170. In any case, many of the ideas on patriotic education were further developed in the schools under the supervision of the Commission for the National Education171. There is no doubt that the reforms introduced in Jesuit schools, along with Piarist and Theatine ones172, helped to form a political elite aware of the dangers threatening the Commonwealth and willing to reform it.

170 In the territory annexed to the Russian Empire in 1772 the Society of Jesus could further act as a religious congregation. This fact, howe- ver, does not help to answer the question, due to the completely different political conditions. 171 Most of the previous historiography emphasized the difference between Jesuit schools and the schools of the Commission, depicting the first as conservative, and the second as progressive. K. Bartnicka, Wychowanie patriotyczne w szko·lach Komisji Edukacji Narodowej (Wars- zawa, Państwowe Zakłady Wydawnictw Szkolnych 1973; reprint: Warszawa, Wydawnictwo Akademickie Żak 1998). 172 In regard to Piarist schools, see Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, “Wkład pijarów”, op.cit.: 134-150.