Spatialized Corporatism Between Town and Countryside

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Spatialized Corporatism Between Town and Countryside SHS Web of Conferences 63, 02003 (2019) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196302003 MODSCAPES 2018 Spatialized corporatism between town and countryside 1,1 Francesca Bonfante 1Politecnico di Milano, ABC Department of Architecture, Built Environment and Construction Engineering, 20133 Milan, Italy. Abstract. This contribution deals with the relationship between town planning, architectural design and landscape in the foundation of “new towns” in Italy. In doing so, I shall focus on the Pontine Marshes, giving due consideration to then emerging theories about the fascist corporate state, whose foundation act may be traced back to Giuseppe Bottai’s “Charter of Labour”. This political-cultural “model” purported a clear hierarchy between settlements, each bound for a specific role, for which specific functions were to be assigned to different parts of the city. Similarly, cultivations in the countryside were to specialise. In the Pontine Marshes, Littoria was to become a provincial capital and Sabaudia a tourist destination, Pontinia an industrial centre and Aprilia an eminently rural town. Whereas the term “corporatism” may remind the guild system of the Middle Age, its 1930s’ revival meant to effectively supports the need for a cohesive organization of socio-economic forces, whose recognition and classification was to support the legal-political order of the state. What was the corporate city supposed to be? Some Italian architects rephrased this question: what was the future city in Italy of the hundred cities? Bringing to the fore the distinguishing character of the settlements concerned, and based on the extensive literature available, this contribution discusses the composition of territorial and urban space, arguing that, in the Pontine Marshes, this entails the hierarchical triad farm-village-city, as well as an extraordinary figurative research at times hovering towards “classicism”, “rationalism” or “picturesque”. Composition and figuration are therefore not homogeneous, nor mere expressions of the fascist regime. They show instead a constant research, between aesthetics and practice, of an idea of modern city, of public space, of balance between city and countryside. Introduction The literature on the transformation of the Pontine Marshes and the construction of the “new towns” is very broad and belongs to the different fields of knowledge directly involved in the project of “integral reclamation”, from economy to politics, from agronomy to history of the landscape, from geology to hydrography, from urban planning to architecture. It is therefore difficult to untangle the complex interweaving of 1 Corresponding author: [email protected] © The Authors, published by EDP Sciences. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). SHS Web of Conferences 63, 02003 (2019) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196302003 MODSCAPES 2018 knowledge available and the many contemporary criticisms made at the time and after the project. Numerous comparisons have rightly been made by various authors among the Pontine Marshes project and other contexts, from the plans of the Tennessee Valley Authority in the United States at the time of the New Deal to the new settlements designed during the early years of Soviet Five-Year Plans, to the extensive land reforms carried out in the Netherlands, Romania, Germany, Czechoslovakia to stabilize as much of the population as possible and avoid immigration into the towns. Many studies on Italian architecture and urban planning of interwar time (mostly published in the 1970s and 1980s) deal with the intricate political and cultural events of fascist Italy, often criticising projects undertaken in the Pontine Marshes. These authors put into question the actual ability of the Fascist regime to organically plan economy, society and territory, while stigmatising Italian architects who embraced rationalism for compromising “form” and “ideology”, rather than finding real alternatives to regime architecture [1, 2, 3, 4]. However, beyond propaganda, the reclamation of the Pontine Marshes is a key case study to question the relationship between the actual building sites and the ideas behind them, between methods, results and contradictions of the fascist territorial management. There are still some open questions about the role played by the rural alternative (integral reclamation, internal colonization, expulsion of the proletariat in the semi-rural and working-class suburbs), in accelerating or slowing down the reorganization of cities or in forming integration between town and countryside, rather than in the affirmation of the various architectural theories and poetics. When considering the relationship between town and country, it is useful to remember how over time attitudes to the landscape have changed. In recent years, the complex distinction between the rural and urban landscape in densely urbanized areas has led geographers to devise terms like “rurban”, “rural-urban continuum”, “peri-urban”, “urbanised countryside”. Terms sometimes with very different meanings, coined mainly in the context of sociological and geographical research. Precisely for this reason, it would seem appropriate to interpret the story of the Pontine Marshes on the lines set out by Carlo Cattaneo in his studies of Lombardy: Ever since man’s destiny has been to live by the sweat of his brow, every aspect of civil society distinguishes him in this from the savages, civil society being an immense deposit of labour. It was labour that built the houses, the embankments, the canals, the roads. (...) Ninety percent of the land is not the work of nature; it is the work of our hands; it is an artificial homeland [5]. In other words, it would be useful to understand how the construction of this “artificial homeland”, despite the many contradictions inherent in this case study, has contributed to leaving an original settlement footprint and an important heritage of material culture. Taking these considerations as a starting point, this brief essay aims to delimit the field a reflection on the relationship between architectural and urban composition, functional specialization encouraged by corporate policies, new spatial planning, relationship between city and countryside. International debate in the 1920s and 1930s At this point we should remind ourselves of some of the “dominant themes” of the international debate following the catastrophe of the First World War. Everywhere, in various political contexts, the issues of whether and how to promote urban development and the new dimension of planning were being confronted; knowledge tools were drawn 2 SHS Web of Conferences 63, 02003 (2019) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196302003 MODSCAPES 2018 up to study, predict and control population and activities in the area; new theories and new experiences were developed in the fields of architecture and urban planning. Green spaces, the satellite town, the garden city and, more generally, territorial planning, albeit still seen as a hybrid of the nineteenth century idea of urban expansion and the multiple authority area plan, were debated in 1924 in Amsterdam by government representatives, public bodies and professional associations to the International Federation for Town and Country Planning and Garden Cities. Fritz Schumacher, head of building for the city of Hamburg, supported a design which, instead of proceeding from the city to the surrounding territory, proceeded from the outside in to reconnect the urban area with the countryside, restoring “breath” to the city [6]. Furthermore, the issue of the rural house was part of the more general debate on social housing at the International Housing and Town Planning Congress held in Paris in 1928, while in 1935 in London rural planning was discussed together with the protection of the agricultural landscape2. Among the speakers from Italy at this latter event, Luigi Piccinato sought to overcome the distinction between town and rural planning, especially in countries such as Italy, where agriculture played such an important role. According to Piccinato it was “necessary to organize rural areas through the creation of a new economy for them” and, from this perspective, he considered the reclamation of the Latina area and the Pontine Marshes “the most splendid example” of the work carried out in Italy [7]. Governments and local authorities proposed interventions aimed at restoring the balance between the city centre and the countryside, as an antidote to the ongoing productive, occupational, social recession. Indeed, after the great economic crisis of 1929, quite apart from the different cultural directions taken, the need for centralised planning - or the corporatist organization of the state - was imposed as the rationalization of decision-making processes and management in the face of a remodelling of the agricultural settlement against the uncontrolled growth of cities. In particular, the housing sector offered a number of possible alternatives in terms of typology and settlement models, proposed directly or implicitly by the architects in the course of their experimentations; alternatives widely debated in the specialised magazines. High, medium or low-rise houses? Social services integrated into the housing or zoning by different functions? Rural villages spread across farmland, self- sufficient neighbourhoods in the outer suburbs or renovation of historic city centres? The
Recommended publications
  • The Views of the U.S. Left and Right on Whistleblowers Whistleblowers on Right and U.S
    The Views of the U.S. Left and Right on Whistleblowers Concerning Government Secrets By Casey McKenzie Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Erin Kristin Jenne Word Count: 12,868 CEU eTD Collection Budapest Hungary 2014 Abstract The debates on whistleblowers in the United States produce no simple answers and to make thing more confusing there is no simple political left and right wings. The political wings can be further divided into far-left, moderate-left, moderate-right, far-right. To understand the reactions of these political factions, the correct political spectrum must be applied. By using qualitative content analysis of far-left, moderate-left, moderate-right, far-right news sites I demonstrate the debate over whistleblowers belongs along a establishment vs. anti- establishment spectrum. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgments I would like to express my fullest gratitude to my supervisor, Erin Kristin Jenne, for the all the help see gave me and without whose guidance I would have been completely lost. And to Danielle who always hit me in the back of the head when I wanted to give up. CEU eTD Collection ii Table of Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... i Acknowledgments.....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Compassthe DIRECTION for the DEMOCRATIC LEFT
    compassTHE DIRECTION FOR THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT MAPPING THE CENTRE GROUND Peter Kellner compasscontents Mapping the Centre Ground “This is a good time to think afresh about the way we do politics.The decline of the old ideologies has made many of the old Left-Right arguments redundant.A bold project to design a positive version of the Centre could fill the void.” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. compass Mapping the Centre Ground Peter Kellner All three leaders of Britain’s main political parties agree on one thing: elections are won and lost on the centre ground.Tony Blair insists that Labour has won the last three elections as a centre party, and would return to the wilderness were it to revert to left-wing policies. David Cameron says with equal fervour that the Conservatives must embrace the Centre if they are to return to power. Sir Menzies Campbell says that the Liberal Democrats occupy the centre ground out of principle, not electoral calculation, and he has nothing to fear from his rivals invading his space. What are we to make of all this? It is sometimes said that when any proposition commands such broad agreement, it is probably wrong. Does the shared obsession of all three party leaders count as a bad, consensual error – or are they right to compete for the same location on the left-right axis? This article is an attempt to answer that question, via an excursion down memory lane, a search for clear definitions and some speculation about the future of political debate.
    [Show full text]
  • White Working-Class Views on Belonging, Change, Identity, and Immigration
    White Working-Class Views on Belonging, Change, Identity, and Immigration July 2017 Harris Beider, Stacy Harwood, Kusminder Chahal Acknowledgments We thank all research participants for your enthusiastic participation in this project. We owe much gratitude to our two fabulous research assistants, Rachael Wilson and Erika McLitus from the University of Illinois, who helped us code all the transcripts, and to Efadul Huq, also from the University of Illinois, for the design and layout of the final report. Thank you to Open Society Foundations, US Programs for funding this study. About the Authors Harris Beider is Professor in Community Cohesion at Coventry University and a Visiting Professor in the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University. Stacy Anne Harwood is an Associate Professor in the Department of Urban & Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Kusminder Chahal is a Research Associate for the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations at Coventry University. For more information Contact Dr. Harris Beider Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations Coventry University, Priory Street Coventry, UK, CV1 5FB email: [email protected] Dr. Stacy Anne Harwood Department of Urban & Regional Planning University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 111 Temple Buell Hall, 611 E. Lorado Taft Drive Champaign, IL, USA, 61820 email: [email protected] How to Cite this Report Beider, H., Harwood, S., & Chahal, K. (2017). “The Other America”: White working-class views on belonging, change, identity, and immigration. Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK. ISBN: 978-1-84600-077-5 Photography credits: except when noted all photographs were taken by the authors of this report.
    [Show full text]
  • The Radical Centre a Politics Without Adversary Chantal Mouffe
    soundings issue 9 summer 1998 The radical centre A politics without adversary Chantal Mouffe There is no 'third way'. The antagonisms of left/right politics are more relevant than ever. Tales of the end of the right/left distinction have been with us for some time. Since the late 1980s this was accelerated by the collapse of communism - we have witnessed a clear move towards the centre in most socialist parties. But with New Labour in power a new twist has been added to this tale. We are told that a third way is now available: the 'radical centre'. After promoting the label of 'centre-left', Blair and his advisers now seem to prefer avoiding altogether any reference to the left. Since its victory, New Labour has begun to market itself as a radical movement, albeit of a new type. The novelty of this third way of 'radical centrism' supposedly consists in occupying a position which, by being located above left and right, manages to overcome the old antagonisms. Unlike the traditional centre, which lies in the middle of the spectrum between right and left, this is a centre that transcends the traditional left/right division by articulating themes and values from both sides in a new synthesis. This radical centre, presented as the new model for progressive politics and This article is dedicated to the memory of Ralph Miliband, who, on this issue, I hope would have agreed. 11 Soundings as the most promising alternative to old fashioned social democracy, draws on ideas developed by Anthony Giddens in his book Beyond Left and Right.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Establishment Careers of Dutch Nonvoters and PVV Voters
    Becoming politically discontented: Anti-establishment careers of Dutch nonvoters and PVV voters Roy Kemmers* Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands Jeroen van der Waal Erasmus University Rotterdam Stef Aupers KU Leuven, Belgium Published in: Current Sociology (ISSN 1461-7064), published online before print November 18, 2015, doi: 10.1177/0011392115609651, or http://csi.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/11/15/0011392115609651.abstract * Corresponding author: Roy Kemmers, Erasmus University College, Faculty of Social Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Nieuwemarkt 1A, 3011 HP Rotterdam, The Netherlands. e-mail: [email protected] Abstract Popular political discontent has become increasingly salient in western countries in recent decades, as can be witnessed by the rise of populist anti-establishment parties, nonvoting and increasing distrust in politics. However, these phenomena have predominantly been treated as ‘democracy’s deviants’, neglecting the perspectives of the people concerned. Taking an inductive approach, this article examines how ordinary citizens come to turn away from established politics. Drawing on in-depth interviews with politically discontented Dutch nonvoters and PVV voters, the article develops a three-stage ‘anti-establishment career’ – ‘introduction’, ‘validation’ and ‘consolidation’ – through which their conceptions of politics gradually change. This deviant career model takes into account the dynamics and agency involved in the process, in contrast to conceptions of discontented citizens as utterly passive and anomic. The article concludes by arguing for more cultural-sociological sensitivity in the use of concepts referring to social-political action. Keywords: cultural sociology, deviant careers, narrative, nonvoting, political discontents, political distrust, populism In contemporary Western Europe, popular attitudes towards established politics display a growing sense of cynicism and distrust.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Stress, the Populist Signal and Extremist Threat a Call for a New Mainstream Statecraft and Contact Democracy
    Democratic stress, the populist signal and extremist threat A call for a new mainstream statecraft and contact democracy By Anthony Painter with additional research and contributions from Claudia Chwalisz Published in 2013 by Policy Network Copyright © 2013 Policy Network Policy Network 11 Tufton Street, London, SW1P 3QB Tel: +44 20 7 340 2200 Email: [email protected] Website: www.policy-network.net All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Design and layout: Alan Hunt Printed by: John Drewe Policy Network is a leading thinktank and international political network based in London. We seek to promote strategic thinking on progressive solutions to the challenges of the 21st century, impacting upon policy debates in the UK, the rest of Europe and the wider world. Through a distinctly collaborative and cross-national approach to research, events and publications, Policy Network has acquired a reputation as a highly valued platform for perceptive and challenging political analysis, debate and exchange. www.policy-network.net Democracy under stress Contents Executive Summary 7 Introduction 9 1. Stress and crisis 14 2. The underlying causes of democratic ‘stress’ 16 3. Populist response to democratic ‘stress’ 19 4. Extremism and populism 25 5. The ‘demand’ for populism and extremism 27 6. Mainstream party strategies to cope with democratic stress 31 7. Contact democracy as a strategic response 49 Conclusion - a renewed mainstream statecraft and ‘contact democracy’ 50 Annex 53 About the Author Anthony Painter is a political researcher and writer.
    [Show full text]
  • On a Possible Triangulation of Some Present Political Positions
    On a Possible Triangulation of Some Present Political Positions Bruno Latour When entering a recent exhibition called Reset Modernity! at the Center for Art and Media Karlsruhe (ZKM), visitors were requested to follow a series of specific procedures to reset the instruments that allow them to find their way in this highly complex question: Where is modernity heading, and how can we orient ourselves through its metamorphosis? Visitors were handed a precious little booklet that was called a field book because they were invited, really, to play an active role in surveying the quickly trans- forming political landscape. At the end of each procedure, a cryptic message was provided about a somewhat mysterious triangle. The curators seem to be arguing that once this triangle had been understood things will become really much clearer. It is this claim that I would like to comment on by de- tailing what this triangle could mean and how it has been drawn. Let me start from the world-historical episode of 12 December 2015 when François Hollande famously exclaimed “Vive la France, Vive les Nations Unies, Vive la planète!” (Long live the planet!). I am sure you re- member the unanimous approval of the treaty concluding the Paris con- ference on climate (COP 21). If I say that it was a world historical episode, it is not, assuredly, because any concrete policy came out of the conference. So far, it is the catastrophic business-as-usual trajectory along which all the signatories to the conference are quickly sliding. If I say it, it is because of the unprecedented diplomatic situation that it created; for the first time in history, all 189 “sovereign” nations realized as never before that the world A version of this paper was given as the Mosse Lecture at Humboldt University, Berlin, 12 May 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hegemony of the Neoliberal Narrative
    The Hegemony of the Neoliberal Narrative: Right Wing Discourses of ‘Common Sense’, the Weaponization of the Term ‘Liberal’, and the Shifting of the Political Spectrum by Victor M. A. Nascimento A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Sociology ©Victor Nascimento, 2021 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. The Hegemony of the Neoliberal Narrative: Right Wing Discourses of ‘Common Sense’, the Weaponization of the Term ‘Liberal’, and the Shifting of the Political Spectrum by Victor M. A. Nascimento Supervisory Committee Dr. Steve Garlick, Supervisor Department of Sociology Dr. Edwin Hodge, Departmental Member Department of Sociology ii Abstract Among the most notable trends of the last several decades in the United States have been the rise of corporate power, the entrenchment of neoliberalism, the rise in inequality, along with discussions regarding the ‘culture wars’ and the phenomenon of polarization. The onset of the neoliberal era has been accompanied and facilitated by a decades-long marketing campaign propagating the consistent narrative of individualism over the collective, that government is the problem rather than a solution to problems, while associating freedom exclusively with the market. This thesis project draws on critical theory, Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power, discourse, narrative and communications theory, along with some insights from social psychology to examine the discursive shifting of the political spectrum that has occurred over the last four decades and has helped to entrench market fundamentalism as a hegemonic common sense.
    [Show full text]
  • The Collapse of Bill Clinton's Third
    1 The Collapse of Bill Clinton’s Third Way Margaret Weir University of California, Berkeley Forthcoming in New Labour, edited by Stuart White and SusanGiaimo (Macmillan) In the waning years of his administration, Bill Clinton seized on the idea of the third way to frame his achievements in office, anxious to be remembered for something other than scandal. The notion of a third way--a policy and politics threaded between the market and old style social democracy--is inherently ambiguous. But in the United States, which never embraced many of the main tenets of postwar social democracy, charting a third way is especially murky. Some versions of the third way envision a more ambitious role for government than that of the American federal government even in the heyday of postwar liberalism; others propose that government do considerably less.i Part of Clinton’s political genius–his election in an era when Democrats appeared doomed to lose presidential contests and his against-all-odds reelection and impeachment survival– lay in his ability to be many things to many people. His initial electoral rhetoric excited the hopes of both traditional Democrats and the self- proclaimed new Democrats. In the end, however, Clinton presided over the implementation of very constricted version of the third way whose short-term political and market successes mask the limits of its institutionalized policy achievements. With the exception of the expanded earned income tax credit and the increased minimum wage, the administration did little to address the sharp inequality that has become the hallmark of the American road to prosperity.
    [Show full text]
  • Brock University Open Journal System
    The Brock Review Volume 13 No. 1 (2017) © Brock University Dialectics of the Swing (Voter): Notes on The Formation of the Radical Centre Andrew Pendakis Abstract: This paper aspires to offer a brief genealogy of a new figure of political discourse that I call the "radical centre." In opposition to earlier centrisms, discourses which emphasized moderation, harmony, and balance, this new configuration imbues the centre with a kind of revolutionary or radical potential linked to its capacity to avoid being "trapped" by the traditional political poles. Though this thought envisions itself as beyond ideology and in some sense beyond repetition of any kind, the tropology of the centre is filled with repeating motifs and figures. The claim of this paper is that the radical centre has become the dominant political rhetoric of our time and that its hegemony works to preempt the possibility of genuinely new (and inventive) forms of political imagination. ~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~ I am euer for the Medium in euery thing. Between foolish rashnesse and extreame length, there is a middle way King James I (164, 1994) I am not a centrist because I can’t make my mind up about Right and Left, rather it is because each of those has proved itself to be so non- optimal that rationality and experience move me toward the dynamic moving center. Paul Samuelson …we need political innovation that takes America’s disempowered radical center and enables it to act in proportion to its true size, unconstrained by the two parties, interest groups and orthodoxies that have tied our politics in knots.
    [Show full text]
  • The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans
    POLITICSCLAIRE JEAN & SOCIETY KIM The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans CLAIRE JEAN KIM 1. INTRODUCTION Recently, the call to go “beyond Black and White” in discussions of race has become something of a mantra in scholarly circles. The conventional trope of “two nations, Black and White”—crafted and reproduced over the past half- century by Gunnar Myrdal, the Kerner Commission, Andrew Hacker, and oth- ers—seems increasingly outdated as unprecedented levels of Asian and Latin American immigration continue to diversify the U.S. population. While the multi- racial composition of the American populace has always given the lie to a bipolar racial framework, these post-1965 demographic changes have thrown the frame- work’s shortcomings into especially bold relief. But what does it mean to go “beyond Black and White” in thinking about race? As with most ritualistic exhor- tations, the need to do something is more apparent than how it is to be done. Scholars have adopted two broad approaches to going “beyond Black and White,” both of which, in my view, have certain shortcomings. The first approach, which I call the different trajectories approach, examines racialization (or the creation and characterization of racial categories) as an open-ended, variable process that has played out differently for each subordinated group. Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s discussion of distinct and independent group trajectories—“Native Americans faced genocide, blacks were subjected to racial slavery, Mexicans were invaded and colonized, and Asians faced I would like to thank the following for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper: Rogers Smith, Harry Eckstein, Helen Ingram, David Easton, Bernard Grofman, Akhil Gupta, and Sanjeev Khagram.
    [Show full text]
  • Esien Eddy Bruno1
    DECISION MAKING,INTEREST INTERMEDIATION, AND VALUE: IN GOVERNMENT,PUBLIC, AND PRIVATE AGENCIES CORPORATISM FOR WORK PROMOTION Esien Eddy Bruno1 Abstract This paper analysis decision making, interest intermediation, and value in the realm of government, public and private cooperation under corporatism to enable young third- country immigrants’ transition to work in Austria, Finland and the Czech Republic. Based on document analysis, this paper concludes a centralized delegation of authority, interest intermediations, and public values administrative devices in corporatism governance with democratic deficit that steer young third-country immigrants transition to work. However, the Czech Republic is dissimilar to Austria and Finland with the focus on relationship and partnership cooperation pattern to build contacts, where as Finland and Austria prefer cooperation in the form of coordinating varying employment objectives .The outcome points to deliberate democracy in neoliberal market-oriented setting. This is relevance to bureaucratic accountability and performance monitoring, but imperative to operational risk that may not only impair vulnerable people’s belongings, but jeopardize public value accountability, sustainable finance and democratic values. Keywords Corporatism, Decision Making, Institutions, Interest Intermediation, Employment System, Third-Country Nationals I. Introduction As recent decades have seen a growing interest in advanced democracies’ public service reforms that promote the devolution of responsibility from the state to market, corporatism has emerged as a major topic of inquiry among scholars. Most researchers in the field agreed that corporatism emphasizes large interest organizations cooperate with each other and also with public authorities in the articulation, intermediation of interests, and authoritative allocation of values (Lehmbruch, 1979). On the one hand, corporatism encourages government’s regulatory power in the negotiation of employment disputes 1 Charles University in Prague, Smetanovo nábřeží 6, 110 01 Prague 1, Czech Republic.
    [Show full text]