The Dialectics of Middleness: Towards a Political Ontology of Centrism
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Populism Vs. Anti-Elite Rhetoric
Populism vs. Anti-elite rhetoric. A comparison based on expert survey results. Nina Wiesehomeier (IE School of International Relations – IE University) Using the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, in a recent publication Polak et al. (2017) find that the salience of anti-elite rhetoric is a function of party ideology. Although the authors are careful to not equate anti-elite salience with populism, they nevertheless underscore that anti-establishment rhetoric is a core element of populist parties. This research note contrasts their measure with a more full-fledged measure of populism based on the ideational approach (Hawkins and Rovira Kaltwasser forthcoming) and reports findings for an expert survey of 165 political parties and 18 presidents in 18 Latin American countries. The results for this region of the world are quite similar to those reported for European countries, as anti-elite rhetoric appears to be primarily a function of party ideology. While the ideational approach emerges as orthogonal to the general left-right dimension, relying on anti-elite rhetoric as a proxy for populism runs the risk of confusing ideology with populism, something researchers should be wary about when using this measure as a stand in for populism. Prepared for presentation at AECPA 2017. Very preliminary draft. Please do not cite without the author’s permission. 1 INTRODUCTION Recent discussions on conceptualization appear to coalesce around definitions of populism as a set of ideas and a discourse, facilitating empirical measurement and thus such comparative studies. Populism as a set of ideas emphasizes the antagonistic, Manichean nature of populism, “a discourse which sees politics as divided in moral terms” (Hawkins and Silva 2015: 3). -
The Views of the U.S. Left and Right on Whistleblowers Whistleblowers on Right and U.S
The Views of the U.S. Left and Right on Whistleblowers Concerning Government Secrets By Casey McKenzie Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Erin Kristin Jenne Word Count: 12,868 CEU eTD Collection Budapest Hungary 2014 Abstract The debates on whistleblowers in the United States produce no simple answers and to make thing more confusing there is no simple political left and right wings. The political wings can be further divided into far-left, moderate-left, moderate-right, far-right. To understand the reactions of these political factions, the correct political spectrum must be applied. By using qualitative content analysis of far-left, moderate-left, moderate-right, far-right news sites I demonstrate the debate over whistleblowers belongs along a establishment vs. anti- establishment spectrum. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgments I would like to express my fullest gratitude to my supervisor, Erin Kristin Jenne, for the all the help see gave me and without whose guidance I would have been completely lost. And to Danielle who always hit me in the back of the head when I wanted to give up. CEU eTD Collection ii Table of Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... i Acknowledgments..................................................................................................................... -
Compassthe DIRECTION for the DEMOCRATIC LEFT
compassTHE DIRECTION FOR THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT MAPPING THE CENTRE GROUND Peter Kellner compasscontents Mapping the Centre Ground “This is a good time to think afresh about the way we do politics.The decline of the old ideologies has made many of the old Left-Right arguments redundant.A bold project to design a positive version of the Centre could fill the void.” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. compass Mapping the Centre Ground Peter Kellner All three leaders of Britain’s main political parties agree on one thing: elections are won and lost on the centre ground.Tony Blair insists that Labour has won the last three elections as a centre party, and would return to the wilderness were it to revert to left-wing policies. David Cameron says with equal fervour that the Conservatives must embrace the Centre if they are to return to power. Sir Menzies Campbell says that the Liberal Democrats occupy the centre ground out of principle, not electoral calculation, and he has nothing to fear from his rivals invading his space. What are we to make of all this? It is sometimes said that when any proposition commands such broad agreement, it is probably wrong. Does the shared obsession of all three party leaders count as a bad, consensual error – or are they right to compete for the same location on the left-right axis? This article is an attempt to answer that question, via an excursion down memory lane, a search for clear definitions and some speculation about the future of political debate. -
White Working-Class Views on Belonging, Change, Identity, and Immigration
White Working-Class Views on Belonging, Change, Identity, and Immigration July 2017 Harris Beider, Stacy Harwood, Kusminder Chahal Acknowledgments We thank all research participants for your enthusiastic participation in this project. We owe much gratitude to our two fabulous research assistants, Rachael Wilson and Erika McLitus from the University of Illinois, who helped us code all the transcripts, and to Efadul Huq, also from the University of Illinois, for the design and layout of the final report. Thank you to Open Society Foundations, US Programs for funding this study. About the Authors Harris Beider is Professor in Community Cohesion at Coventry University and a Visiting Professor in the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University. Stacy Anne Harwood is an Associate Professor in the Department of Urban & Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Kusminder Chahal is a Research Associate for the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations at Coventry University. For more information Contact Dr. Harris Beider Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations Coventry University, Priory Street Coventry, UK, CV1 5FB email: [email protected] Dr. Stacy Anne Harwood Department of Urban & Regional Planning University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 111 Temple Buell Hall, 611 E. Lorado Taft Drive Champaign, IL, USA, 61820 email: [email protected] How to Cite this Report Beider, H., Harwood, S., & Chahal, K. (2017). “The Other America”: White working-class views on belonging, change, identity, and immigration. Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK. ISBN: 978-1-84600-077-5 Photography credits: except when noted all photographs were taken by the authors of this report. -
Technocratic Attitudes Among Citizens in Nine European Democracies
People Haven’t Had Enough of Experts: Technocratic Attitudes among Citizens in Nine European Democracies Short title: People Haven’t Had Enough of Experts Keywords: technocracy, attitudes, experts, elitism, political representation, populism, factor analysis, latent class analysis Eri Bertsou [email protected] Department of Political Science (H356) University of Zurich Affolternstrasse 56 8050, Zurich Switzerland Daniele Caramani [email protected] Department of Political Science (H344) University of Zurich Affolternstrasse 56 8050, Zurich Switzerland Research for this article has been supported by the Department of Political Science, University of Zurich. For comments on earlier versions of the article, we are grateful to Malu Gatto, Lukas Leemann, Marco Steenbergen, Lukas Stoetzer, Andrej Zaslove as well as to the journal’s anonymous reviewers. People Haven’t Had Enough of Experts: Technocratic Attitudes among Citizens in Nine European Democracies Abstract Political representation theory postulates that technocracy and populism mount a twofold challenge to party democracy, while also standing at odds with each other in the vision of representation they advocate. Can these relationships be observed empirically at the level of citizen preferences and what does this mean for alternative forms of representation? The article investigates technocratic attitudes among citizens following three dimensions – Expertise, Elitism, Anti-politics – and, using latent class analysis, identifies citizen groups that follow a technocratic, populist and party-democratic profile in nine European democracies. Results show that technocratic attitudes are pervasive and can be meaningfully distinguished from populist attitudes, though important overlaps remain. We investigate differences in demographics and political attitudes among citizen profiles that are relevant to political behaviour and conclude by highlighting the role that citizens’ increasing demands for expertise play in driving preferences for alternative types of governance. -
Spatialized Corporatism Between Town and Countryside
SHS Web of Conferences 63, 02003 (2019) https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196302003 MODSCAPES 2018 Spatialized corporatism between town and countryside 1,1 Francesca Bonfante 1Politecnico di Milano, ABC Department of Architecture, Built Environment and Construction Engineering, 20133 Milan, Italy. Abstract. This contribution deals with the relationship between town planning, architectural design and landscape in the foundation of “new towns” in Italy. In doing so, I shall focus on the Pontine Marshes, giving due consideration to then emerging theories about the fascist corporate state, whose foundation act may be traced back to Giuseppe Bottai’s “Charter of Labour”. This political-cultural “model” purported a clear hierarchy between settlements, each bound for a specific role, for which specific functions were to be assigned to different parts of the city. Similarly, cultivations in the countryside were to specialise. In the Pontine Marshes, Littoria was to become a provincial capital and Sabaudia a tourist destination, Pontinia an industrial centre and Aprilia an eminently rural town. Whereas the term “corporatism” may remind the guild system of the Middle Age, its 1930s’ revival meant to effectively supports the need for a cohesive organization of socio-economic forces, whose recognition and classification was to support the legal-political order of the state. What was the corporate city supposed to be? Some Italian architects rephrased this question: what was the future city in Italy of the hundred cities? Bringing to the fore the distinguishing character of the settlements concerned, and based on the extensive literature available, this contribution discusses the composition of territorial and urban space, arguing that, in the Pontine Marshes, this entails the hierarchical triad farm-village-city, as well as an extraordinary figurative research at times hovering towards “classicism”, “rationalism” or “picturesque”. -
Personality and Anti-Establishment Communication Bakker, Bert N.1
Running head: THE POPULIST APPEAL 1 The Populist Appeal: Personality and Anti-establishment Communication Bakker, Bert N.1, Schumacher, G.2, and Rooduijn, M. 3 1Bert N. Bakker Amsterdam School of Communication Research University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-6491-5045 2Gijs Schumacher Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-6503-4514 3Matthijs Rooduijn Department of Political Science University of Amsterdam, 1000 NG the Netherlands Email: [email protected] Paper forthcoming in the Journal of Politics THE POPULIST APPEAL 2 Abstract With the election of Donald Trump and landmark wins for populists across Europe, one of today’s most pressing questions is: why do people support populists?1 We theorize that citizens who score low on the personality trait Agreeableness – those who are more distrusting, cynical and tough-minded – are more susceptible to anti-establishment messages expressed by populists. Using thirteen population-based cross-sectional samples collected in eight countries and three continents, we first show that individuals who score low on Agreeableness are more likely to support populists. Moreover, with a conjoint experiment, we demonstrate that it is their anti-establishment message, which makes populists attractive to people who score low on Agreeableness. As such, this paper outlines a broader theoretical framework that links personality to political persuasion. In a time when politicians tailor their messages to the psychological make-up of their voters, it is crucial to understand the interplay between political communication and personality. -
The Radical Centre a Politics Without Adversary Chantal Mouffe
soundings issue 9 summer 1998 The radical centre A politics without adversary Chantal Mouffe There is no 'third way'. The antagonisms of left/right politics are more relevant than ever. Tales of the end of the right/left distinction have been with us for some time. Since the late 1980s this was accelerated by the collapse of communism - we have witnessed a clear move towards the centre in most socialist parties. But with New Labour in power a new twist has been added to this tale. We are told that a third way is now available: the 'radical centre'. After promoting the label of 'centre-left', Blair and his advisers now seem to prefer avoiding altogether any reference to the left. Since its victory, New Labour has begun to market itself as a radical movement, albeit of a new type. The novelty of this third way of 'radical centrism' supposedly consists in occupying a position which, by being located above left and right, manages to overcome the old antagonisms. Unlike the traditional centre, which lies in the middle of the spectrum between right and left, this is a centre that transcends the traditional left/right division by articulating themes and values from both sides in a new synthesis. This radical centre, presented as the new model for progressive politics and This article is dedicated to the memory of Ralph Miliband, who, on this issue, I hope would have agreed. 11 Soundings as the most promising alternative to old fashioned social democracy, draws on ideas developed by Anthony Giddens in his book Beyond Left and Right. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Authoritarian Liberalism: the Conjuncture Behind the Crisis
Authoritarian Liberalism: The Conjuncture Behind the Crisis Forthcoming in E. Nanopoulos and F. Vergis (eds.) The Crisis Behind the Crisis: The European Crisis as a Multi-Dimensional Systemic Failure of the EU (Cambridge University Press, 2018) Michael A. Wilkinson LSE Law, Society and Economy Working Papers 5/2018 London School of Economics and Political Science Law Department This paper can be downloaded without charge from LSE Law, Society and Economy Working Papers at: www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/wps/wps.htm and the Social Sciences Research Network electronic library at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3137329 © Michael A. Wilkinson. Users may download and/or print one copy to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. Users may not engage in further distribution of this material or use it for any profit-making activities or any other form of commercial gain. Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3137329 Authoritarian Liberalism: The Conjuncture Behind the Crisis Michael A. Wilkinson* Abstract: Behind the constitutional crisis of the European Union lies the conjuncture of ‘authoritarian liberalism’, when politically authoritarian forms of governing emerge to protect the material order of economic liberalism. This constitutional conjuncture can be grasped by integrating into constitutional enquiry the material dynamic between democracy and capitalism, as recently theorised by Wolfgang Streeck. Authoritarian liberalism can then be explored across a much deeper and longer constitutional trajectory, from the interwar breakdown of liberal constitutionalism, to its post-war and post-Maastricht reconstruction, in each case represented by a de-democratisation of the economy. From this perspective, the recent assaults on democracy in the Euro-crisis appear to be a continuation of, rather than divergence from, the normal path of integration. -
Anti-Establishment Careers of Dutch Nonvoters and PVV Voters
Becoming politically discontented: Anti-establishment careers of Dutch nonvoters and PVV voters Roy Kemmers* Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands Jeroen van der Waal Erasmus University Rotterdam Stef Aupers KU Leuven, Belgium Published in: Current Sociology (ISSN 1461-7064), published online before print November 18, 2015, doi: 10.1177/0011392115609651, or http://csi.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/11/15/0011392115609651.abstract * Corresponding author: Roy Kemmers, Erasmus University College, Faculty of Social Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Nieuwemarkt 1A, 3011 HP Rotterdam, The Netherlands. e-mail: [email protected] Abstract Popular political discontent has become increasingly salient in western countries in recent decades, as can be witnessed by the rise of populist anti-establishment parties, nonvoting and increasing distrust in politics. However, these phenomena have predominantly been treated as ‘democracy’s deviants’, neglecting the perspectives of the people concerned. Taking an inductive approach, this article examines how ordinary citizens come to turn away from established politics. Drawing on in-depth interviews with politically discontented Dutch nonvoters and PVV voters, the article develops a three-stage ‘anti-establishment career’ – ‘introduction’, ‘validation’ and ‘consolidation’ – through which their conceptions of politics gradually change. This deviant career model takes into account the dynamics and agency involved in the process, in contrast to conceptions of discontented citizens as utterly passive and anomic. The article concludes by arguing for more cultural-sociological sensitivity in the use of concepts referring to social-political action. Keywords: cultural sociology, deviant careers, narrative, nonvoting, political discontents, political distrust, populism In contemporary Western Europe, popular attitudes towards established politics display a growing sense of cynicism and distrust. -
Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey*
Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey* CEDRIC DE LEON Providence College MANALI DESAI London School of Economics CIHAN TUGAL˘ University of California-Berkeley Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic par- ties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political artic- ulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline.