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Implications for Father's Contact with Their Adult Children After Midlife

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Implications for Father's Contact with Their Adult Children After Midlife Repartnering following divorce: Implications for fathers’ relations with their adult children after midlife. Claire Noël-Miller Center for the Demography of Health and Aging University of Wisconsin-Madison Introduction The implications of parental divorce for mid- to late-life fathers’ relations with their adult children are well documented. In general, divorce weakens ties between fathers and their adult children. For instance, there is widespread agreement that divorce reduces social contact between fathers and their adult children (see for example Aquilino, 1994a; Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Lye, Klepinger, Hyle, & Nelson, 1995; Shapiro, 2003). In addition, there is some evidence that older divorced fathers are less likely than their continuously married counterparts to engage in intergenerational transfers of both time and money with their adult children (Furstenberg, Hoffman, & Shrestha, 1995b; Lin, 2008; Pezzin & Schone, 1999). Largely overlooked in studies of older post-divorce parents’ relations with their adult children is the role of fathers’ new unions in shaping intergenerational ties with their adult children (Kalmijn, 2007). Yet, about 75% of individuals who experience a divorce go on to remarry (Furstenberg & Cherlin, 1991) and men remarry at higher rates than do women (South, 1991). Therefore, a notable proportion of children will have experienced a father’s remarriage by the time they reach adulthood (Coleman, Ganong, & Fine, 2000). Moreover, divorced older adults are increasingly likely to cohabit as an alternative to marriage (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2005; Brown, Lee, & Bulanda, 2006; King & Scott, 2005). Based on the 2000 Census, Brown and colleagues (2006) estimate that 71% of the approximately 1.1 million Americans aged 51 and older who lived together, unmarried in an intimate heterosexual relationship had experienced a prior divorce or separation. The numbers of later-life post-divorce cohabiting relationships and remarriages are likely to increase substantially in the next few years with the aging of the large baby boom generations, who experienced unprecedented levels of divorce (Brown, et al., 2005; Brown, et al., 2006; Coleman, et al., 2000). By far, the bulk of research on the implications of repartnering for fathers’ relations with their children is concentrated in the child development literature (Furstenberg, 1995a; Manning & Smock, 2000). This body of research suggests that fathers’ new partnerships have negative implications for father-child relations, particularly when fathers go on to have new biological children (Manning & Smock, 2000). However, these findings may not directly apply to adult children of divorce for whom the legal restrictions of custody and visitations are lifted. This may be particularly true in cases were custodial mothers interfered with contact and relations between their ex-husbands and their young children. The small handful of studies that have investigated the implications of remarriage for older fathers’ relations with their adult children (Aquilino, 1994b; Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Furstenberg, et al., 1995b; Lye, et al., 1995) are limited in three important respects. First, in investigating the implication of new unions for fathers’ intergenerational relations, some authors compare remarried parents with continuously married parents, generally reporting negative effects on parent-adult child relations (Furstenberg, et al., 1995b). Given this approach, it is not possible to isolate the net effect of remarriage since the effect of union termination (divorce or widowhood) has not been factored out (Kalmijn, 2007). In the only study to date to compare divorced fathers’ relations with their adult children to remarried fathers’ ties to their adult children, Cooney and Uhlenberg (1990) report that remarried fathers do not have less contact with their adult children than their divorced counterparts. Second, despite the rise in cohabitation amongst older adults, prior studies have focused exclusively on the effect of fathers’ remarriage on their relations with their adult children. Finally, no existing study has investigated the role of new unions on mid- to late-life fathers’ intergenerational relations in combination with the role of new (step)children (Kalmijn, 2007). Study Aims Using four waves (2000, 2002, 2004 and 2008) of nationally representative data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), this study extends the existing literature on post-divorced fathers’ relations with their adult children. Specifically, the study contrasts late- to mid-life divorced fathers’ relations with their adult children from a prior union to that of divorced fathers who went on to form a new union. Therefore, we are able to capture the net effect of divorced fathers’ repartnering, above and beyond that of divorce. This study is unique in conducting the analysis of the consequences of divorced fathers’ repartnering on their intergenerational relations from the perspective of their adult children born from a prior union. The study focuses on two measures of father-adult child relations: social contact and fathers’ financial assistance to their adult children. Contact may be initiated for reasons of companionship as well as for exchanges of support and information between generations (Mancini & Blieszner, 1989). There is some evidence that frequency of contact between parents and children constitutes a good indirect measure of intergenerational solidarity (Bengtson & Roberts, 1991; Kalmijn, 2006) as well as an overall measure of the strength of the parent-child relationship (Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Lye, et al., 1995). Intervivos financial transfers are particularly important as children often remain partially reliant on their parents’ financial assistance well into adulthood. Moreover, because upwards financial transfers are “part of an ongoing relation that includes other dimensions of solidarity and exchange” (Kohli & Kunemund, 2003), they are a direct indication of what Rossi and Rossi (1990) refer to as kinship rules. Unlike bequests, which are typically divided equally between children, intervivos transfers are more likely to be intentional, and are therefore a reasonably good indicator of differential intergenerational exchanges. This study examines the following three questions: (1) Does repartnering alter divorced late- to mid-life fathers’ contact with and financial transfers to adult children from a prior union? (2) Does the effect of divorced fathers’ remarriage on their relations with their adult children from a prior union differ from that of divorced fathers’ cohabitation? (3) To what extent does divorced fathers’ acquisition of new (step)children following remarriage and cohabitation provide an explanation for the effect of repartnering on father-adult child relations? Background Two differing views of marriage shed light on the possible implications of repartnering for divorced fathers’ ties with their adult children. On the one hand, marriage has been portrayed as a key lynchpin for social ties, by providing resources and opportunities for relationships with the wider community and with kin (Fischer, Sollie, Sorell, & Green, 1989; Putnam, 2000). The literature on fathers’ intergenerational relations echoes this view of marriage. Because women are kinkeepers, marriage has been shown to improve fathers’ ties with their adult children (Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Kalmijn, 2007). Mothers often arrange family visits to which fathers also participate. Adult children may interact with their aging father to please their mother, thereby allowing fathers to benefit from intergenerational interactions without having initiated the contact. For fathers, the breakdown of a marriage through divorce not only removes a spouse, but also removes a kinkeeper (Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Kalmijn, 2007). There is little direct empirical evidence on women’s kin-keeping roles vis-à-vis their step-children. However, because ties to step-relatives are generally weaker than ties to own relatives (Rossi & Rossi, 1990), a divorced father’s new partner is likely to be focused more strongly on her own kin than on maintaining contact with her husband’s children from a prior union. This in turn would result in diverting repartnered fathers’ attention away from their adult children born from a prior union and towards new (step)children. On the other hand, scholars of family and kinship have argued that modern marriage competes with relations in the wider community. For example, Goodwin (1997) argues that imposition of limits on marital relationships is required to insure continuing member involvement. Further, because the modern marital unit is expected to rely on itself, ties to members of married partners’ families of origin are weakened (Sarkisian & Gerstel, 2008). The acquisition of a new spouse or partner may provide divorced fathers with an alternative source of support, thereby reducing opportunities for interactions with adult children from an earlier marriage. It is also possible that time constraints imposed by a new relationship curtail the amount of time devoted to maintaining other ties such as those with adult children (Seltzer, Schaeffer, & Charng, 1989). Alternatively, the emotional needs formerly fulfilled by intergenerational contact might be transferred to a new spouse or partner (Stephens, 1996) as new relationships crowd old ones out. Children may opt to reduce contact after a father’s repartnering out of loyalty to the other parent (Seltzer, et al., 1989). Finally, the lack of
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