Impacts of Worker Displacement

Home , Ruth Milkman

STOP THE PRESSES:

THE DEATH OF NEWSPRINT AND DISPLACEMENT OF PRESS WORKERS

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A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of

California State University, San Marcos

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In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts in Sociological Practice

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By Sean Jason Davis

Research Guidance Committee:

Linda Shaw, Ph.D., Chair

Richelle Swan, Ph.D.

Theresa Suarez, Ph.D.

May 2013

Table of Contents

Abstract: ...... 4 Acknowledgements ...... 5 Introduction ...... 6 Statement of the Problem ...... 8 Industrialization & Deindustrialization ...... 9 The Newspaper: A Fading American Institution ...... 10 Addressing the Problem of Displaced Workers ...... 12 Understanding the Processes of Displacement...... 13 Literature Review ...... 15 Classic Studies on Worker Displacement ...... 15 Impacts of Worker Displacement ...... 17 No Level Playing Field for Displaced Workers ...... 22 Theory ...... 26 Erving Goffman’s Concept of Moral Career...... 26 Anthony Giddens’ Structuration ...... 29 Methods ...... 31 Autoethnography ...... 31 Population and Sampling for Interviews ...... 33 Interviews and Topics ...... 33 Ethnographic and Interview Data Analysis ...... 35 Results ...... 36 Pre-displacement Period ...... 38 The Meaning of the Shutdown ...... 38 Preparing for Displacement ...... 42 Changing Relationship to Work ...... 46 Managing Outsiders’ Reactions ...... 49 Displacement Period ...... 54 Taking a Break ...... 55

Finding their place ...... 58 The Post-Displacement Period ...... 64 Coming Full Circle ...... 66 “My Full-Time Job is Finding a Full-Time Job” ...... 69 “Riding This Thing Out” ...... 70 Attachment and the Struggles of Displacement ...... 71 Conclusion ...... 73 Reccomendations...... 76 References: ...... 79 Appendix A: ...... 86 Appendix B: ...... 88

Abstract:

This qualitative study examines the process of worker displacement due to the structural

conditions of technological advancements in the presentation of media and their impacts on

newspaper press workers. I use Erving Goffman’s concept of a “moral career” and Anthony’s

Gidden’s concept of structuration to frame the analysis of the experiences of worker

displacement. Using two waves of interviews, six months apart, along with autoethnographic

fieldnotes from my own experience as a displaced press worker, I tell the story of worker

displacement as it unfolds in three major phases: pre-displacement, displacement, and post-

displacement. The findings of this study suggests that these press workers are not just mere

victims of worker displacement but, rather, they are active agents who respond to structural changes by making meaning of their situation which subsequently guides their decision-making, thus exercising agency.

KEY WORDS: DISPLACED WORKERS, AGENCY, DEINDUSTRIALIZATION, MORAL

CAREER, AUTOETHNOGRAPHY

Acknowledgements

I am blessed. Everyone I have ever known has helped me to get to here. If you were to tell me when I was dropping out of high school that one day I would be writing a Master’s thesis, I would have struggled to hold back my laughter. This one is for you, Mom. Thank you for your struggle. This would not have been possible with you, Uncle Jim. You taught me so much about life and what it means to do the right thing. You are one of the main reasons I developed into who I am today and why I continue to strive to improve. To the rest of my family, your support and encouragement has been something special. I want to always work to make you proud.

I would like to thank every teacher I have ever had and the entire higher education system in California. I can’t wait to give back to a system that has given so much to me. Karen Baum, thank you for introducing me to sociology and everything else you have done for me. Your teaching style is one of the main reasons I fell in love with this discipline. Dr. Linda Pershing, you are the type of educator I aspire to be. You truly changed my life and made me believe in myself in a way that can never be reversed. I hope to continue your legacy of excellence. Dr. Richelle Swan and Dr. Theresa Suarez, thank you for working with me on this unique and unorthodox project. Your guidance and questions undoubtedly brought quality to the construction and execution of this thesis. My thesis chair, Dr. Linda Shaw, you are my mentor in every sense of the word. You raise my expectations, standards, and hopes. You have challenged me, encouraged me, and helped me across the finish line. I highly value the time we share together. I was looking for a mentor when I met you and I could not have found a better one.

My cohort: Adri, Irene, Lauren, Leilani, Megan, Nicole, Lucia, and Tommy. You made this experience so much fun. I will always have a place in my heart for this wonderful group of people. You are all inspirations to me. Thank you for being there for me and I wish you all the best in the great things you are bound to do.

My brothers at the newspaper, this thesis is my way of paying you back for helping me grow up. This is our story and I am so proud to tell it. Those long nights over the years, covered in ink and paper dust, are times I will never forget and I will always look back on it with a smile on my face. Newspapers are not going to last, but our friendships will endure.

Last and most importantly, I want to thank my life-partner, Lisa and our two daughters, Addison and Cora. Lisa, you are the best person I have ever known. The best. The first ten years of our life together has brought us so much to be thankful for, but I am most grateful to have you in my life. I could write a thesis on how much I love you! Addison and Cora, when I started this program, neither of you were born. Wow. Because of you two I have a new perspective on life and I could not be happier to be your dad.

Thank you, everyone!

Introduction

This research is the story of 11 blue-collar pressroom workers who lost their jobs on June

3, 2012. The decline of newsprint and the processes of technological displacement have made

press operators an endangered species among production workers. As the process of deindustrialization has threatened all blue-collar workers, it has become increasingly important

to devote research to understanding how these macro-economic trends are impacting the lives of

members of the working class.

It is no secret that both newspapers and well-paying, blue-collar production jobs have

been hit hard in the past half century. With technological advancements in the way people

receive their news, a once prominent and profitable business such as the newspaper has become a

dinosaur. For press operators, the challenges of working in a dying industry are coupled with the

increasing likelihood of job loss and looking for work in a job market that no longer needs or

values their skills. The realities of the New Economy and the ever-evolving presentation of

media have real impacts on a variety of workers. This project is focused specifically on press

operators and how they navigate through the process of displacement.

This is also a story about my own journey as a displaced worker in the newspaper

industry. Sociology and the pressroom have been the most influential sources of learning for me

during the formative years of my young adult life. My job as a pressman and my role as a student

of sociology mean a lot to me. Each role has taught me so much about the other. While studying

the sociology of work, masculinity, and class stratification during the day, I would live it all

throughout the night while at work. This has led to a rich education in the complex processes of

human behavior and meaning-making. This project is my way of giving back to both of these dominant spheres of my life.

My research question is: How do displaced press workers navigate through the process of

displacement, subsequent unemployment, and reemployment or prolonged unemployment? I

analyzed the process of displacement using the stories and voices of press workers who lost their

jobs when the North County Times newspaper shut down the production department of its

operation. The first step in this analysis is situating it in the larger problem of worker

displacement, especially as it relates to technological change. Second, I provide an overview of

the literature on displaced workers and the types of research that has focused on this population.

Next, I show how I used Erving Goffman’s concept of moral career and Anthony Giddens’

theory of structuration to guide my research and methods. The data collected from unstructured

qualitative interviews suggested that the journey through displacement consisted of three stages:

pre-displacement, displacement, and post-displacement. In contrast to past research in this area

that focuses on outcomes and discrete factors (e.g. worker characteristics) that affect outcomes

such as reemployment, my research focuses on the social processes of meaning making and

efforts to cope and respond to their situations. In this way, my data reveal that the displaced

workers were not mere victims of their situation; rather, I argue that they were active agents in

shaping their lives and futures both before and after displacement. Finally, based on these

findings, I provide suggestions for future research and for policy change.

Statement of the Problem

Both advancements in technology and the growing competition in the world labor market

contribute to the increasing numbers of displaced workers. According to the U.S. Bureau of

Labor Statistics, between January 2009 and December 2011, 6.1 million workers were displaced

from jobs they held for at least three years (Displaced Workers Survey, 2012). 1 Among these

displaced workers, 31 percent lost their jobs due to a plant or company closing or move

(Displaced Workers Survey, 2012). And while technology has played an increasingly prominent

role in replacing humans in the production process (Carlopio, 2011), the long-term effects of the loss of well-paid production jobs due to technological displacement have yet to be fully realized

(Aronowitz & DiFazio, 2010).

Whatever the source, job loss has dire consequences for workers. When workers are displaced, their standard of living is threatened. Displaced workers can face a number of challenges including a loss of income, loss of health insurance and other benefits, reemployment in jobs with lower wages, underemployment, and long-term or chronic unemployment (Perrucci

& Targ, 2005). Unemployment benefits and other programs to help workers are available to some displaced workers. But, how effective are these programs? And, just what are the needs of workers in transition?

1 The term “displaced worker” applies to workers who fit this description: lost a job at which they had at least a three year tenure, are 20 years of age or older, forced out of employment through no fault of the own, have limited opportunities in reemployment in the same field, and were deeply invested and specialized in the line of work (Fallick 1996). Howland and Peterson (1988) narrow the definition of “displaced worker” to those who lose their jobs in a declining industry.

While worker displacement may never be completely eradicated, we must look for ways

of effectively addressing it. Such understanding can help develop services and supports that may

prevent or minimize the sometimes devastating effects of displacement on workers and their

families. But first, we must better understand the process of displacement for workers, and I

begin with a discussion of the shift in labor trends from industrialization to deindustrialization.

Industrialization & Deindustrialization Industrialization brought people out of small communities and into cities where wage

labor and a new way of life ignited a revolution in labor and human interaction. Past studies of

the consequences of industrialization for workers have often focused on dehumanizing practices,

repetitive work, and the working conditions of blue-collar production jobs (Milkman, 1997).

More recently, studies of a new transformation in contemporary society, deindustrialization, have

also focused attention on these issues but with an ironic twist: These studies have turned

attention from the problems caused by industrial jobs to the loss of these jobs due to

deindustrialization and the negative impact these losses are having on the work force and the

economy.

Deindustrialization, coupled with, and often fostered by, technological advancements, has

led to the displacement of workers through the outsourcing of employment and plant shutdowns.

Plant closures are responsible for over half of the “gross job destruction in U.S. manufacturing”

(Bernard & Jensen, 2007). In addition, the negative social and economic effects on local

economies when long-standing factories, production plants, and other large-scales businesses

shut down have been widely documented (Bluestone, 1982). Workers and communities are

replaced, rather than reformed, and entire cities are pushed to the point of bankruptcy. This was

the case in Cleveland and Detroit when employers shut down large-scale automobile operations

in the late 1970s (Bluestone & Harrison, 1982).

Plant closure troubles are exacerbated in times of economic downturn (Aronowitz &

DiFazio, 2010). Most recently, the Great Recession, which began in December 2007, set off a chain of events which caused turmoil in many economic arenas, including the job market. The unemployment level jumped from 7.8 million in January 2008 to 15 million in January 2010

(Department of Labor, 2012). This equates to an increase from 5 percent to 9.7 percent. In June

2012, 1.3 million workers in the United States had lost their jobs due to layoffs (Department of

Labor, 2012). And, the latest figures for California show an unemployment rate of 10.7 percent.

Between 1999 and 2009, job losses were especially devastating in the manufacturing sector with the loss of 5.4 million jobs (Bloomberg Business Week, 2012). Importantly for this research,

IBISWorld (2012), a market research organization, indentified newspaper publishing as one of the top 10 declining industries between 2002 and 2012.

The Newspaper: A Fading American Institution The newspaper has been an invaluable institution to American culture and history. In

1690, the first newspaper in America, Publick Occurrences, was published in Boston (Emery,

1972). By 1880, the U.S. Census recorded the publication of 11,314 papers. However, by 1950,

the number of newspapers began to decline to 1772, and by the year 2000, the number had

declined to 1,480 (Newspaper Association of America, 2012). While a number of print

newspapers have survived the advancements of radio, television, and now, the internet, the

newspaper has struggled to remain relevant through these progressions, and many newspapers

have attempted to evolve with the times (e.g. through collaborations with radio and television

stations and by creating formats for online content). Yet despite these efforts, 14 major

metropolitan newspapers (and many more local daily papers) have folded since March 2007

(www.newspaperdeathwatch.com). Additionally, because of a dramatic decrease in advertising

revenue over the past few decades, the newspaper industry has declined from a nearly $60

billion-a-year industry in 2000 to $34 billion in 2011 (Newspaper Association of America-

Trends and Numbers, 2012). But through these changes, the paper, in its physical form, has documented the best and worst times in our country’s history. In many small communities across the United States, the newspaper has been the only medium for the distribution of local news and

events. Yet, the physical white sheet with black text and colored pictures has seen a rapid decline

in popularity and, in the minds of some, overall practicality.

The North County Times is one such local daily newspaper that reports on north San

Diego County’s inland and coastal regions. The first edition of the North County Times

newspaper was printed on December 3, 1995. The North County Times is the result of a

collaboration of two older papers, the Blade-Citizen and the Times-Advocate, which date back to the late 1800’s (North County Times website, 2012). The North County Times was purchased in

2002 by LEE Enterprises, a publicly traded media company, and between 2008 and 2012, dozens of employees, both in the newsroom and production departments, lost their jobs as a result of declining stock prices of nearly 90 percent between 2007 and late 2008 (North County Times,

2008). Most recently on September 11, 2012, the North County Times was purchased from LEE

Enterprise by the Union-Tribune, San Diego’s only metropolitan daily paper, for $11.95 million

(North County Times Website 2012). Production workers were laid-off as a result of this purchase and once again production of the newspaper was relocated.

The struggles of the newspaper industry tell the story of the struggles of American industry and the American worker. The responses to these struggles also tell a story of how

workers respond to these challenges and what the society provides for those who are forced out of their jobs and thrust into unemployment.

Addressing the Problem of Displaced Workers Worker displacement has been addressed primarily through unemployment insurance benefits. These benefits vary from state to state, but they typically pay workers much less than what they earned when they were employed. For example, a worker in California making $3,000 a month ($750 per week) is eligible for weekly unemployment benefits of $347.50. Currently,

California provides weekly unemployment benefits to eligible claimants ranging from $40 to

$450 (http://www.unemployment-benefits.org/california-unemployment-benefits ).2 An

unemployed individual can claim these benefits for between 12-26 weeks during any one year

period, and employees who lost their jobs as a result of a layoff or business closure are typically

eligible for such benefits. Specifically, a worker is eligible for receipt of unemployment benefits

if s/he is: out of work by no fault of her/his own, physically able to work, available for work, and

actively seeking work (http://www.unemployment-benefits.org/california-unemployment-

benefits ).

Other programs to help displaced workers may be provided by the former employer and

are typically administered by the human resource department of a business. Yet, in the case of

plant shutdowns, Gordus (1984) found that human resource programs such as placement

services, job search assistance, and retraining aimed at helping displaced workers were

ineffective and had low participation rates. Moreover, these programs tended to encourage

participation by the most advantaged (the more highly educated and/or more experienced)

2 This amount is determined by a scale which considers the wages earned during the first four of the last five completed calendar quarters prior to the beginning date of the unemployment insurance claim.

displaced workers, thus leaving less-advantaged former workers more vulnerable to

underemployment and longer stretches of unemployment (Gordus, 1984).

Thus, while programs and unemployment insurance benefits may help to ease the burden

of displacement (helping some more than others) in order to better help workers in transition, we

need to know what displaced workers go through -- their experiences, needs, and problems

during the stages of displacement in order, as a society, to help these workers make the transition

to productive work that sustains themselves and their families into the future.

Understanding the Processes of Displacement We know that workers displaced by plant shutdowns and changes in technology have to transition from employment to unemployment, and hopefully, into reemployment. But, for the individual, becoming unemployed means experiencing a shift in one’s social standing and the beginnings of a new life trajectory. One consequence of layoffs in the newspaper print industry is the displacement of those who work on printing presses. As with all trade occupations, displaced newspaper workers possessed distinct skills within specialized work, held a place in an occupational prestige hierarchy, and maintained a certain lifestyle afforded by their wage. The purpose of this study is to analyze this transition process by learning how displaced press operators experience and cope with their situations. In this thesis, I ask the following questions:

How do newspaper workers respond to impending displacement, and what happens after they are laid-off? When facing displacement, how do newspaper workers cope with the layoff and the subsequent transition period? These understandings can help develop strategies that may better help in the development of policies and programs that assist and prepare future displaced workers for their reentry into the job market.

The uniqueness of my study lies in its contemporaneous analysis of the lived experiences

of displaced workers. As a researcher, I also have had a unique vantage point from which to

conduct this research. On June 3, 2012, after a 60-day notice, the entire production staff at the

North County Times newspaper, where I worked as a press operator for seven years, was laid off due to plant closure and production relocation. This means that I am a member of the group I was studying.

Through the use of authoethnographic fieldnotes and qualitative interviews with ten of my coworkers who lost their jobs due to the plant closure, I documented our journey that started with receiving that 60-day notice of employment termination. The study focuses on the transition into displacement and life after leaving the pressroom. My study examines the process of becoming displaced, being unemployed, and, in most cases, the transition back into employment.

Through the analysis of my first-hand documentation of the experiences, along with interview data, my study addresses the problem of workers in transition and the needs they have in such a transition. I look at the meanings displaced workers make of their situation, and I identify the contingencies and choices that shape their work-life trajectories.

Literature Review

Research focused on displaced workers has been conducted by scholars in fields as

diverse as economics, human resources, social sciences, health, and labor. The classic American

studies of worker displacement were primarily focused on the auto industry and

deindustrialization in the Midwest United States. This literature analyzes the impacts of

displacement on workers, their families, and their communities, particularly in regards to their

effects on health, personal income, and future job prospects which vary based on background

characteristics such as age, gender, and race. Higher education, job training, and other programs

designed to assist displaced workers are also examined by scholars in an attempt to identify the

needs of workers in transition and the chronically unemployed. My research focuses on the

processes of displacement beginning with receipt of the notice of employment termination to

unemployment and, in most cases, to reemployment.

Classic Studies on Worker Displacement Many of the studies that have focused on what happens to workers when they are

displaced due to a plant closure or corporate restructuring were conducted during the 1980s and

1990s, a time when the world economy was shifting due to the processes of deindustrialization

and globalization. As jobs moved out of the United States, or to cheaper regions of the country,

many communities felt the burden of massive unemployment and sudden surges of displaced

workers. In particular, many of the studies which have become classics in the field are concentrated on plant shutdowns and closures in the Midwest with particular attention to displaced autoworkers.

One such study is Kathryn Newman’s (1988) pioneering work on displaced workers that shows the complexities associated with the meanings that workers give to displacement and the reasons why the plant closing occurred. She found that workers’ explanations for the destabilization of American production jobs differed depending on their positions within work force. For example, high-ranking managerial workers tended to place blame on factory workers for inefficiencies and plant shutdowns, while blue-collar workers placed blame on the top managers for corporate restructuring and disinvestment.

A number of other scholars have focused on the impacts of displacement once workers leave their jobs. Ruth Milkman (1997) examined the situation of GM- Linden in 1985 when the company offered buyouts to their workers. Milkman collected data on both the group that took the buyout and those who refused it and stayed with the company through corporate restructuring. Her findings reveal that the employees who refused the buyout ended up caught between the move to restructure production and the old ways of doing things, a position that led to many issues and dissatisfactions among these workers. The group that accepted the buyout had mixed results regarding their prospects of working outside of the plant: Some became self employed, some found new jobs nearby, and still others left the workforce through retirement or lack of opportunity. On the whole, while not many of the “buyout” workers earned a wage comparable to what they had been earning at GM, they felt liberated from the tedium of the restructured work arrangement at GM.

These two classic studies laid the groundwork for qualitative, sociological research on displaced workers. Individuals impacted by displacement potentially face a number of issues including, but not limited to, economic strain, loss of health insurance benefits, declining health, and issues pertaining to rejoining the work force.

Impacts of Worker Displacement One obvious and immediate impact of worker displacement is the loss of income.

Workers often have to exhaust all of their financial resources including their severance pay, savings, and even their 401(K) retirement plans during unemployment (Hironimus-Wendt,

2008). Even when the region where displacement occurs is economically prosperous, workers still may have trouble making ends meet after displacement. Using survey and qualitative interview data, Knapp and Harms (2002) analyzed the displacement of workers from a Zenith

Corporation plant in Springfield, MO. While the region they were studying had a thriving job market, many displaced workers still experienced decreases in their incomes, benefits, and reported decreased work satisfaction in new jobs.

The crucial negative effects of displacement go beyond financial worries and hardships to include impacts on health and wellbeing. Browning and Heinesen (2012), for example, found that job loss due to plant closings in Denmark increased the risk of overall mortality among male workers in the private sector. These workers were more susceptible to premature death caused by circulatory and alcohol-related diseases and were at greater risk of suicide and suicide attempts.

Displacement has also been found to affect the mental health and well being of workers.

For example, Rocha’s (2001) findings reveal that increased levels of depression and anxiety were related to perceptions of financial troubles among displaced women garment workers, and single mothers were the most likely to experience serious depression. Heightened depression occurred even among those workers who took jobs immediately following displacement due to the perception of impending financial difficulties. Other scholars have found that while women reported higher levels of economic distress than men following displacement, there were no significant differences between men and women in levels of depression (Perrucci, Perrucci, &

Targ, 1997). In sum, health is an important indicator when considering the consequences of displacement, especially when it often is accompanied by the loss of healthcare benefits. These issues exacerbate the stresses of finding new work, which has its own set of difficult obstacles.

During an economic recession such as the one from which we are currently recovering, plant closures become even more financially devastating with impacts on individuals, families, and communities because of the overall weak job market and economy. Families are affected by the issues of long-term unemployment and reemployment in lesser paying jobs (Bluestone &

Harrison, 1982). Additionally, Perrucci (1994) found that the increased financial strain was associated with increased marital strain and child behavioral problems.

In looking at broader community issues, Dudley (1994) found that auto plant closures in

Kenosha, Wisconsin disturbed deep-seated traditions and social arrangements and caused divisions within the community. Both Dudley (1994) and Newman (1988) found that white collar workers blamed blue-collar workers for a lack of competitive production which, they believed, led to plant closures. These studies highlight the fact that losses extend beyond the individual to traditions and to a sense of community that is lost when large-scale businesses experience closures or move out of town.

The literature on displaced workers shows that most displaced workers eventually become reemployed (Hipple, 1999; Helwig, 2001). But, reemployment for these workers can be a complicated process. Findings from several studies reveal that reemployment in jobs with less income and in jobs lacking benefits tends to be a major issue facing many displaced workers

(Bluestone & Harrison, 1982; Milkman, 1997; Aronowitz & Difazio, 2010; Perrucci & Targ,

2005; Hizen, Upward, & Wright, 2010). Additionally, Koeber and Wright (2002) found that 20

percent of displaced workers end up going from full-time to part-time work. These issues result

from two increasingly common and related employment trends: 1) corporate downsizing; and 2)

nonstandard or contingent forms of work. Koeber and Wright (2002) define contingent work as

“nonstandard work arrangements,” which include self-employment, “on-call” work, temporary

work, contracted work, and jobs with part-time hours. These contingent workers are more

susceptible to jobs with low pay and those lacking medical and pension benefits (Kalleburg, et al., 2000). Farber (1999) also found that displaced workers were more vulnerable to contingent work than their non-displaced unemployed counterparts. While other researchers have found that many displaced workers typically experience only a temporary stint in contingent work before they transition into full-time work (Farber, 1999), Koeber and Wright (2002) argue that examining only the reemployment rates and the likelihood of finding work after displacement often “individualizes the problem” by focusing on employee choice rather than employer choices

in structuring employment possibilities.

The idea of the employee having a choice in subsequent employment opportunities is

consistent with “Job Search Theory.” This theory posits that individual workers are free to

choose their jobs (Moore, 1997), and with this freedom, workers may wait for better

opportunities rather than take the first available job. Some researchers (Moore, 1997) holding

this view point toward the existence of a “reservation wage,” a minimum wage that displaced

workers find acceptable in deciding to accept a future job, made possible by the availability of unemployment insurance benefits which may enable displaced workers to pass up lower paying jobs.

The use of Job Search Theory to guide research is in direct contrast with Spatialization

Theory, which examines the structure of the labor market and the position of workers or

unemployed persons within it to argue that the choices available to displaced workers are

dictated by larger, structural forces that allocate opportunity based on a number of stratifying

categories in which workers are situated (Koeber & Wright, 2002). For example, blue-collar

workers displaced from a failed production factory have limited means to find new work because

they likely only have access to regional resources and because of the finite human capital they

possess to find new work. Researchers employing this view have found that many displaced

workers typically look for and attain reemployment within the same industry from which they

were displaced and from within the same geographical region (Koeber & Wright, 2002; Hipple,

1999).

Studies that examine the impact of advance notice periods on workers show that early

notification affects both the duration and existence of unemployment periods. Findings reveal

that advance notification reduces the number of displaced workers who experience unemployment, since many workers use the shutdown or advance notice time to secure employment before displacement occurs (Addison & Blackburn, 1994; Addison & Portugal

1992). However, for those who do not secure employment prior to displacement, or for those who do not receive advanced notice, the transition into a different work situation can become difficult (Addison & Blackburn, 1994).

Many other studies examine how displaced workers fare in the transition into the next phase of their working life. The conditions facing these workers are what labor scholar and sociologist, Vicki Smith (2001), calls “the great divide,” the space between contemporary workers and the skills, knowledge, and expertise needed to compete in the quickly evolving workplace of the New Economy. Smith examines the precarious situation of being a worker and/or a person looking for work in the post-industrial age. She argues that it is this divide that

makes it difficult for workers to work in ways that are flexible, adaptive, and competitive once they are displaced or leave their current employers. Moreover, Smith argues that the new forms of workplace organization create a combination of “opportunity, instability, and risk,” in which there is a lack solidarity and organization amongst workers.

Dudley (1994) also found that many of the workers who were displaced in Kenosha,

Wisconsin’s Chrysler auto plant were unprepared for the reconfigured and transformed labor market that awaited them. She argued that this led to difficult transitions for these workers because their blue-collar production work skills did not translate in a job market that was heavily focused on white-collar professional work and service sector jobs. These workers simply did not have the resources necessary to compete in this new job market.

In another study, Smith (1997) found that job flexibility, control over labor processes, and other factors tend to influence the likelihood of successful reemployment. As previously noted, many displaced workers experience downward mobility or unstable work patterns.

Looking at issues of displacement through the lens of human capital theory, which posits that human capital is the value people bring to as well as derive from labor, reveals how in specialized pockets of industry, like electronics or other forms of manufacturing, the human capital that a worker possesses may not translate to other areas of the labor force (Knapp &

Harms, 2002).

Education and occupational training are important forms of human capital for both finding and advancing in one’s work. Higher levels of education have been found to be associated with shortened periods of job search for displaced workers (Hipple, 1999; Kodrzcki,

1996). Increased schooling also has been shown to have a positive effect on new wages (Koeber

& Wright, 2003; Jacobson et al., 1993), and other scholars have found that participation in community college retraining programs is beneficial to displaced workers (Jacobson, LaLande,

& Sullivan, 2005). When controlling for tuition and other costs, as well as lost earnings while in

school, this study found that retraining displaced workers at community colleges was associated

with finding jobs with better wages and benefits. However, Gordus (1984) found that when

human resources programs to assist displaced workers are instituted, the “most advantaged “

displaced workers will be encouraged to participate, leaving many disadvantaged displaced

workers under- or permanently unemployed.

No Level Playing Field for Displaced Workers Research on worker displacement reveals that when looking for work, displaced workers begin their journey back into the workforce on unequal footing and that some workers fair better than others once displaced. In addition to the factors discussed above, background characteristics of displaced workers are associated with how successful their job searches are, how long their

searches persist, and the conditions of the jobs they eventually secure. Age, race, and gender are

among the characteristics that heavily influence the outcomes of the job search for displaced

workers. Several studies, for example, have found that younger age, higher levels of previous

education, and being male contribute to displaced workers having better job quality upon

reemployment (Lippmann & Rosenthal, 2008; Morse, 2005). Lippmann and Rosenthal (2008)

writing about the potential loss of occupational prestige following displacement found higher

levels of education to be the leading factor that enabled workers to fare better and obtain better

quality jobs after displacement.

A number of other scholars have examined the relationship of age to the duration of

unemployment. In one study, displaced workers age 50 and older experienced longer

unemployment duration and lower rates of reemployment than their younger displaced

counterparts (Koeber & Wright, 2001). While the literature on displacement is consistent on this

theme, scholars differ on the reasons for this trend. One view is that when hiring, employers look

to reduce the cost of employee wages by hiring younger workers who do not have the experience

and expertise that would warrant higher salaries or wages. An alternate view holds that age-

based stereotypes place older workers at a discriminatory disadvantage (Koeber & Wright,

2001). Still, other studies have found that younger workers (ages 18-24) are at a disadvantage in the labor market by being at risk of low reemployment, higher incidence of underemployment, and more vulnerable to low-paying, part-time jobs (Wallace, 1998). Moreover, displaced workers are at higher risk of going from full-time to part-time employment if they are 24 or younger, female, rurally located, and have young children (Koeber & Wright, 2001).

The 1980s and 1990s brought more sociological research examining the impact of race and gender on the duration of unemployment and future chances of employment for displaced workers (Gardner 1995). For example, while some studies show that white workers have greater income losses than members of other racial groups following displacement (Nord & Ting, 1993;

Blau & Kahn, 1981), Kodrzycki (1996) found that being white increases the odds of reemployment. Studies have also found that Blacks experience longer stints of unemployment than Whites following displacement. But, within each racial group, women are the least likely to be reemployed compared to men (Blau & Kahn, 1981). And, while women do not experience longer stints of unemployment than men following displacement, they are more likely to experience larger proportional wage declines at their new jobs (Hironimus-Wendt, 2008).

The current body of research on worker displacement covers a range of issues concerning the impacts of displacement on the individual, their families, and their communities. And while

extremely valuable to our understanding, most scholars explore the topic retrospectively, that is,

through studies focused on outcomes and consequences that have been conducted after the

worker has been displaced. This means that we know a lot about outcomes and the impacts of

worker displacement, but we understand less about the social and interactional processes that lead to them. Moreover, the literature on worker displacement lacks an insider contemporaneous

analysis of what happens when displacement occurs. Despite the fact that several studies cite the need for this type of examination of the process of worker displacement: The before, during, and

after of plant closures (Perrucci & Targ, 2005; Beeghley, 2007; Koeber, 2002; Smith, 1997;

Uchitelle, 2006), such studies have yet to be conducted. My research follows workers throughout

the entire process of worker displacement from the formal notice of employment termination to

unemployment, and finally, to reemployment or continued unemployment. A sociological

analysis of these processes provides an in-depth look at how workers respond to and make

meaning of their situations. The meanings they make in turn guide their future actions and reveal

the variety in the life trajectories of these workers who are displaced.

Moreover, the existing literature on displaced workers has lacked a focus on the voices of the workers themselves. To understand the process of displacement, I look at the three major phases most displaced workers face: the pre-displacement phase (just before a shutdown and/or

layoff), the displacement phase, and the post-displacement phase. Previous studies have

examined each of these three phases independently or, in some cases, the issues of

unemployment and reemployment together. But, a contemporaneous analysis that traces what

happens when displacement occurs, the meanings that workers give to job loss, and what comes

afterward provides understandings of the contingencies that shape the post-employment “career,”

an understanding that is missing from research on this topic. The uniqueness of my project lies

also in the fact that I am a displaced worker and a member of this group. This means that I not only did I have access to displaced workers, their stories, and their personal lives through interview data, but I also have extensive data in contemporaneous fieldnotes taken during the processes of pre-displacement, displacement, and post-displacement that provide unique insider access for understanding the multiple and varied impacts, and worker responses to, displacement.

Theory

For this study, I engage the theoretical perspective of Erving Goffman to examine and

analyze the experiences of displaced workers. I also employ the theoretical insights of Anthony

Giddens and his concept of structuration to analyze the interrelations between the macro-

structures involved in displacement and the micro-happenings and the agency among displaced

workers and how these two systems work together to shape the trajectories of displaced workers and their definitions of labor and unemployment.

Erving Goffman’s Concept of Moral Career Goffman and subsequent scholars in the interactionist tradition have found the concept of

“moral career” useful in analyzing the sequences through which actors proceed in numerous realms of social life. Goffman first applied the concept of “moral career” to mental patients to explain the process of obtaining the label “mental patient” and how that developed through social interactions during acculturation into life within the mental hospital. As Goffman explains, the career of the mental patient falls into three main phases: the pre-patient phase (the period before entering the hospital); the inpatient phase (the period while in the hospital); and the ex-patient phase (the period after discharge from the hospital) (Goffman, 1963). If viewed using Goffman’s concept of the “moral career,” the process of worker displacement also follows a path that unfolds in three main stages: pre-displacement, displacement, and post-displacement.

Based on findings from the literature and on my observations of the processes of worker displacement, Goffman’s concept of moral career provides a useful analytic lens through which to view social processes of worker displacement in the print industry. I offer that the first stage of displacement consists of a period in which employees either anticipate or gain knowledge of the

termination of their employment. This results from speculation fueled by a sudden or even gradual drop in company stock, the announcement of company bankruptcy, or consistent downsizing practices. Alternatively, sometimes employees receive formal notice with or without warning of pending termination of their employment. This period prior to termination I refer to as the “pre-displacement” phase. The next phase follows the workers losing their jobs, and I refer to it as the “displacement phase.” Not all individuals experience unemployment in this phase as they may attain work during the pre-displacement period, but even these workers experience displacement. The last phase, “post-displacement,” is when the displaced individual becomes reintegrated into the workforce or new routines that have been established since losing their job.

Goffman (1963) argues that a set of contingencies causes a person to enter the pre-patient and inpatient phases of the mental patient’s moral career. Examples of these contingencies would include alcoholism, drug addiction, availability of psychological medical resources and treatment, and proximity to a mental hospital, etc. Further, Goffman asserts that a different set of contingencies “help determine when he [the mental patient] is to obtain a discharge.” This is similar to the case of the displaced worker. A particular set of contingencies causes a worker to face displacement and the challenges that often accompany it. And, another set of contingencies help to determine when and if the individual will be reemployed. I use this framework to identify the contingencies that shape the outcomes for displaced workers. However, there is an important distinction between Goffman’s study and this research: Goffman examined the processes associated with entering and leaving a mental institution whereas my study looks at leaving a job through displacement and the subsequent activity of a displaced worker. The sample I studied was not entering an institution but, rather, exiting an institution as they experienced displacement.

Thus, I argue that the moral career of the displaced workers can be understood through an analysis of its major phases. When employees are facing displacement and have been formally notified of the termination of their employment, they now experience uncertainty about their immediate fate in terms of how they will make a living and support their families. They may experience and respond to stigma based on their pending status as an unemployed person. Others may treat the individual differently upon learning that the individual will soon experience unemployment. The ethnomethodologist Harold Garfinkel’s concept of “degradation ceremony”

is also useful in analyzing the moral career of mental patients. A degradation ceremony refers to

a process in which the total identity of a person is reduced to a lower identity through shaming

and moral degradation (Garfinkel, 1956). The pre-displacement period, especially if

accompanied by an informal or formal notice of employment termination, can be viewed as such

a “degradation ceremony” or “status degradation ceremony.”

Once displaced, an individual may face the stigma of being an unemployed person.

Following Goffman, I ask how the workers employ strategies to manage their new spoiled

identity. Once reemployed, or whatever may happen following the unemployment period, new

forms of stigma or the prolonged experience of unemployment stigma may endure. For the

worker in reemployment, stigma management may consist of concealing their lack of knowledge

of the routines, skills, and work habits of the newly adopted work environment. This is not to say

that these three phases contain particular stigma in a disconnected or individually static way.

They are all parts of an ongoing and continuous process of identity management and meaning-

making. Through their interactions with others throughout the moral career of unemployment,

displaced workers are both creating and interpreting the meanings of their situations and how

they, as well as others, view the situation. To include an even deeper analysis, I employ the

theory of structuration to connect micro- and macro-factors to understand worker displacement.

Anthony Giddens’ Structuration Displaced workers are not casual or passive observers of their fates; rather, they are

active agents who are simultaneously being shaped by the conditions of the labor market while

shaping the realities of employment/unemployment through their labor, their interactions with

others, and their human capital. Anthony Giddens’ (1984) structuration theory posits that agents

are active in the creation of social structure. The actions of these agents are predicated on the social structure already in place. Further, interaction and routinization are elements of structuration which make possible the establishment of social order and the reproduction of social systems. Viewed in this way, workers are embedded in systems of interaction, social structure, and routinization. When a worker is displaced, elements of their everyday lives are interrupted, and, in many ways, permanently changed. This opens the opportunity for the displaced individual to experience anomie in which they must navigate through uncharted territory as they reestablish their meanings and understandings through interactions, new rules and regulations, and time and space. An analysis of how this is achieved is beneficial to understanding the plight of the displaced worker. From this analysis, a theoretical understanding

of the types of interactions, social order, and social structures within which displaced workers

attempt to make meaning can be achieved. For example, unemployment services and resources

exist to aid displaced workers. But, displaced individuals must interact with others, learn the

systems of aid in place to effectively use them, and, in so doing, they play their part in reshaping

these structures. For this project, I use the theory of structuration to guide the questions asked in the interviews to understand how workers learn to navigate social structures through interactions.

In sum, deindustrialization, technological displacement, and corporate restructuring are large, macro-level issues facing displaced workers. However, it is the micro-level actions of agents, such as displaced workers, which shape labor conditions, opportunities, and outcomes, even as they are affected by the larger social system in which workers find themselves.

Methods

With the development of the Displaced Worker Survey (conducted by the Department of

Labor Statistics), many quantitative studies on worker displacement have emerged over the past

few decades. However, qualitative research methods are most appropriately employed in studies

such as this one because it focuses not on broad trends and patterns but, rather, on meanings and

the social and interactional processes through which outcomes for displaced workers are

achieved. My research question called for an in-depth analysis of the actual lived experiences of

workers that surveys and large-scale databases cannot provide. The optimal method for this

discovery was simply asking clear questions that evoke a conversational response through which

meanings and issues important to displaced workers emerged. Using the voices and responses of

the workers themselves enabled me to gather data that reflect the experiences of workers from

their points of view. For these reasons, this study employed the methods of in-depth, open-ended qualitative interviews and autoethnography.

Autoethnography Throughout my tenure at the North County Times, I wanted to use a sociological lens to deeply analyze some aspect of the pressroom, specifically, and blue-collar production work more generally. When the news hit of our employment termination and the shutdown of the plant, a rare opportunity for timely and important research emerged from the rubble of our lost jobs. As both a researcher and a member of the group being researched, I have had a special opportunity to conduct an in-depth, qualitative analysis of the process of worker displacement. I also enjoyed the

privilege of having access to the interviewees with whom I have developed long-term friendships. I

straddle the lines between student and worker, researcher and subject, and friend and advocate. I do

not take these roles lightly. I respectfully tell the stories of worker displacement through the voices

of the workers, including my own.

To accomplish this, I took autoethnographic fieldnotes throughout the displacement

process, beginning with the advance notice period of the termination of our employment. These

notes continued into my unemployment and my transition into working in another pressroom

upon my reemployment within the industry. Autoethnographic methods depart from more

traditional ethnographic methods by allowing the researcher to self-reflect and add personal

perspectives to what is observed while grounding analysis in theoretical considerations. I believe this was the most important method to employ for this research because my membership and reflections on my own experiences during the displacement process provided insight that deepened the understanding of the population I studied.

I supplemented these autoethnographic fieldnotes with more traditional ethnographic fieldnotes and have also kept detailed fieldnotes of each interview and any interactions I have

had with the interviewees throughout the course of the study. This means these notes began in

May 2012, and continued to February 2013. My fieldnotes evolved and changed throughout the research process. When I began taking fieldnotes, I was still at The North County Times pressroom.

It was a familiar place to me. It was difficult to capture the taken-for-granted aspects of this setting.

However, when I began working at the U-T San Diego, my notes were able to capture the nuances that a researcher can observe when occupying a new place as an outsider. I found these fieldnotes to be particularly rich.

Population and Sampling for Interviews I interviewed 10 former employees of The North County Times pressroom. All are males,

ranging in age from 26 to 53, who have been in the newspaper print industry between seven and

35 years. The racial backgrounds of these men are diverse: six are white, two Latino, one black,

and one Native American. I am a 26 year-old Filipino American. Although many other workers

were displaced due to the closure of the production facility at The North County Times, the

sample I chose was based on their status as blue-collar production workers.

Interviews and Topics The interviews were conducted in two waves in order to trace changes in the displacement career over time. The first set of interviews was conducted right around the time of displacement (June 2012) in order to elicit the workers’ experiences during this stage in their displacement careers while they were fresh and in order to avoid the possibility that later experiences might reshape their recollections of earlier events and circumstances. Due to the unexpected news of the layoffs, I used an expedited IRB process in order to collect these interview data. The follow-up interviews were conducted six months after displacement

(December 2012 - January 2013). Wave I interview questions focused on the men’s experiences leading up to displacement and the meaning they gave to their impending job loss during the advance notice period of the employment termination. These interviews also focused on how the process of displacement has impacted respondents and their families (see Appendix 1). Wave II interviews focused on how the meanings and respondents’ situations and experiences have developed during the intervening six months. This set of interviews was conducted in a more conversational fashion. The variety of circumstances among the pressmen dictated that I ask different follow-up questions to each of them.

The interviews were open-ended and qualitative. Kristen Esterberg (2002) explains that

in these interviews, “the goal is to explore a topic more openly and to allow interviewees to

express their opinions and ideas in their own words.” This enabled me to understand the real

lived experience of these workers who experience worker displacement. Further, Esterberg

(2002) expresses the advantages of qualitative interviews which include a more conversational

feel to the interview and personalized interview questions. By this definition, qualitative

interviews were the best fit for my research since I have a personal relationship with all of the

interviewees, and the informal nature of qualitative interviews is compatible with these

relationships. In order to maximize the quality of data I collected during the interviews, I

maintained both my status as friend and former coworker, as well as my role as researcher and

sociologist. I achieved this by exploring the significant sociological issues I have identified

through a conversational style that is similar to how I used to interact with the workers when I worked with them.

The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. I informed the interviewees about procedures used in order to preserve confidentiality, for example, I informed them, prior to the interview, that I would not use the real names of people and places during the interview and that I would refer to the workplace as simply “the plant.”3 If the respondents used

any real names, these names were changed during the transcription process and deleted from any digital recordings. I conducted wave I interviews as soon as possible after our displacement at the workers’ homes or at a public location depending on each individual’s preference. (See

Appendix A for the initial interview questions) The follow-up interviews were conducted in

3 Prior to the wave I interviews, I was concerned with interviewing workers while we were still working at The North County Times. But, I interviewed all the workers after the shutdown so I decided it was safe to refer to the workplace by name.

January 2013. The questions in these interviews were tailored to each respondent and formulated

based on the analysis of the first interviews, relevant literature, and theory. The interviews went

very well as the men were eager to share their experiences with me.

Ethnographic and Interview Data Analysis The fieldnotes were analyzed alongside interview transcripts to paint a more in-depth

picture of the process of displacement. I analyzed both the interview transcripts and the

autoethnographic fieldnotes by coding for the prominent themes that I discovered from the data.

Coded items were then organized, giving priority to the most dominant themes which parallel or present stark differences compared to the themes which emerged from coded interview data.

Analytic memos were written to highlight themes that I identified in both interview and fieldnote data. Using the previous literature on displaced workers and the theories I have chosen to guide the research, I employed the methods of open and focused coding as described by Emerson,

Fretz, and Shaw (2010) to conduct my analyses.

While this study produced in-depth findings, they are based on a very small and narrow sample. The results of this study cannot therefore be used to generalize to the experiences of all displaced workers. This is an in-depth study of the experiences of a group of men who have homogeneous work experiences, so neither a broadly applicable nor a diverse analysis of the processes displaced workers will be found here.

Results

June 3, 2012: The Last Night

I put my finger on the button to slow the press down. I look over at David and he gestures that it’s finished by bringing his hands together, right over left, and then quickly extending them to his sides. I take a deep breath. The press continues to come down for the last time. As the roar of the machine begins to soften, images of the past seven years race through my head as I struggle to remain composed. This is more difficult than I anticipated. The pressroom is filled with people that are not usually here. Some of them I have never met before this last night. The Human Resource Manager is here to give us our walking papers and instructions on how to file for unemployment. The editor, whom I have never met before tonight, is here. He has spent the night shaking the inky hands of pressmen and thanking them for printing the paper he has overseen on the writing and content end. My boss is here and so are some of the other pressmen who were not scheduled to work this last night. They have decided to show up to see the press run one last time. It is both an honor and privilege for me to be both the youngest pressman and the last operator on this machine. The press is now slow enough to stop. Everyone in the pressroom begins to clap. I turn off the functions: the ink, the water, and impressions. Its over- our jobs, the machine, the life we shared. We always said we spent more time with each other than our own family members. Now, we will no longer congregate and share our lives in the same way. What has happened? What comes next? I feel everyone has these questions. We all shake hands, exchange our favorite stories, and drive home in the darkness of the early morning, one last time.

This research tells the story of workers in a failing business in an industry quickly declining due to technological advancements in the presentation of media. I was one of those workers – a pressman at The North County Times newspaper where I had been employed since

2005. From the beginning, there had been consistent declines in the circulation numbers of the newspaper. The company consolidated two plants into one, closing its Oceanside location and allocating all production to its Escondido plant. There were 25 press workers when I started, and

only 10 remained at the time of the plant shutdown in June 2012. The shutdown was preceded by

a 60-day notice period. But long before the closure, there were series of layoffs, and job

insecurity became a common theme in the workplace culture. Throughout my time at the

newspaper, I have had numerous conversations with other workers about how and when the

paper would go out of business, and these conversations centered on how workers viewed what

working life would be like after the paper either laid us off or went out of business. Although the

workers may seem like mere victims of displacement in this situation, they are not. They

exercised agency in responding and coping with the conditions of displacement. Their agency in

the situation was shown through the meanings they made, both of the structural conditions and

their own life circumstances, and how they acted on them. What follows is the story of the impact of technological displacement in a struggling industry and how press workers cope and

respond to changes in their lives brought about by these large structural forces.

Previous studies of worker displacement have focused on what happens to workers, and

have retrospectively analyzed the impacts of displacement. This study of displaced workers

differs by revealing the in-process dynamics of worker displacement through a contemporaneous

study of workers as they navigate through stages of displacement, give meaning to the events and

their experiences, and exercise agency throughout the process. In the case of these press workers,

the journey began when preparations were made and plans were carried out in the pre-

displacement period. Next, the displacement period became a time in which they responded to a

new set of social conditions and relations and, importantly, to new opportunities to re-image and

shape their futures. Finally, workers moved into the post-displacement period, a time when workers were fully integrated in occupying a new time and space and they have grown accustomed to a new set of day-to-day routines.

Pre-displacement Period Throughout the years of consolidation, The North County Times management maintained

a message of hope that the company would continue to operate. They would report increased

profits and told us that our efforts to become a more trim and efficient business were working. So

the news of the shutdown was a surprise for some amid these positive reports. Bill, a 42 year-old

white press worker who has been with the company for 19 years, felt he was caught off guard by

the news of the shutdown:

They asked a lot from us and were telling us that things were looking good. So that’s kind of why I felt caught off guard, because I was like I feel like we’ve been doing so well. They’ve asked us to do this. They’ve asked us to do that. And we’ve done all – everything they’ve asked us to do, you know? Cut the waste. Make sure your products are good. We always got these little reports that said, “Hey, our waste is down. We’re doing a good job. We’re making deadline.” It was always unexpected. Like, it (the layoff) was unexpected, but it was – well, we always knew it was gonna happen. We didn’t know when.

Despite the best efforts of the employees, the company continued to struggle. The efforts of a

few could not stem the tide of failings within the wider industry. Still, workers were led to

believe that their efforts could save the paper and their jobs, so some of them acted with this in

mind and did what was asked of them. Even as the downfall of all newspapers seems inevitable,

our newspaper’s fate was sealed with the announcement of the shutdown.

The Meaning of the Shutdown

All of the press workers took the news of the shutdown differently. Each felt a general sadness, even though, as noted above, our newspaper’s demise was a surprise for some.

However, once it was officially announced many of the press workers I interviewed talked about how in retrospect, they could see how changes in the workplace over the years foreshadowed the

eventual plant shutdown. As the business consolidated, it became apparent that everyone’s job

was in jeopardy. Jose, a 37 year-old Latino pressman who has been with The North County

Times for 13 years, describes how he had seen the signs of an eventual plant closure for a

number of years:

Personally, when the owner of newspaper sold to the corporation (in 2004), I knew we were in trouble. I knew it. A year later, we had the first layoff of 160 people. Another year later, we had another 100 people – little by little, they tried to clean house. I mean, look what happened to us. We went from four, five-man crews to three-man crews. I just didn’t think it’d be so soon. Although the timing may have surprised him, the shutdown was inevitable in his mind. And there is a sense of relief in knowing the end. The writing was on the wall. We had experienced the job losses of many of our friends and coworkers throughout the years, and we became

sensitive to our vulnerability. Jose frames this in a way that places the burden of losing workers

on us, the ones who remained on the job. There was also a sense of “ease” after learning the fate

of our jobs. For example, Jose goes on to describe how he felt about the news of the shutdown.

He says:

In a way, it was a good thing it happened because it kind of eased my mind a little bit more. I was more at ease than anything else. I mean, it hurt, you know? But in the end, you know, I was at ease. Yeah. It brought a lot of closure to me…it was bound for it to happen. So I wasn’t surprised. I knew it was coming. I just didn’t think it would be so soon. I guess I’d say I was kind of more at ease with everything because I was expecting it to come for a while, and it finally hit, you know? It’s the industry, you know? The newspaper is a dying business. Here Jose shows that he has viewed the decline of the newspaper industry, and the end of his job

within it, as a matter of inevitability. After a series of layoffs, it felt like just a matter of time

before everyone would be out of a job. This excerpt shows what it feels like to work at a

company, and in an industry, that is destined for failure, a ticking time-bomb of working in the

age of deindustrialization and technological displacement. But, the news of the shutdown had

come with mixed emotions. Jose also is saying there is a benefit in knowing when the end is

coming. Now, he can take ownership of the situation and does not have to be left wondering

about the fate of his job.

Some press workers were able to put this situation into perspective based on their

extensive experience in the printing business. This was not the first shutdown and layoff for two

of the 10 press workers, for whom, The North County Times was but one stop in a long career of

printing. For example, John, a 48 year-old white pressman who was with company for seven years, but in the newspaper industry for just over 30 years, talked about his past experiences with

shutdowns and how he views this one:

Another one bites the dust, you know? This isn’t my first rodeo. Heck, these guys at this company were a lot more professional than my last newspaper. We showed up one day and our keys didn’t work. That’s how we found out. At least here, we got a severance and a notice. Uh, that really helps, you know? At least now we got some cash to hold us over, and we had time to get things in order at the house. But, you always expect this working in this industry. I’ve told you for years, this ain’t no career and you need to get out and do something else anyways.

John feels that The North County Times helped our transition into displacement. He appreciates

the way the company handled the shutdown and layoffs compared to other places he had worked.

The severance pay and 60-day notice period helps with the transition out of the job and with

preparations for whatever comes next. When I asked him about his attachment to his work and

the people he worked with, he distances himself from the loss, saying, “Sure, I’ll miss some

people, but this is just another job. I got a family to look after. So, no, it doesn’t mean as much to

me as the other ‘one-shop guys.’” Here, John makes a distinction between those who have

worked in other places and those who have only worked for The North County Times. For John,

this job is one of many pressrooms he has worked at, and he prioritizes his family over attachment to a particular workplace.

Yet, for others, the attachment to the workplace was much stronger and the loss of relationships with fellow workers took a greater toll. In a workplace with a low turnover rate, relationships were maintained over many years. Like most jobs, coworkers spent many hours with the same people every week. Some workers knew they would miss the people they worked with for years, the work they have done, and the routines they have been a part of. Mike, a 47 year-old white press worker who worked at the paper for 21 years, talks about the people and work he will miss at the newspaper:

You just want to see those same people. You just know that they’re good people, hard workers. Yeah, I would say I will miss the relationships and, you know, something that you’ve built, over the years as far as you, you know, you take pride in whatever you do and that’s one of the things that we’ve – I’ve done as far as you’re, you’re like a homer. You, you love The North County Times. So you hate to see it go by. Here Mike demonstrates pride in his time and work at The North County Times. The paper was produced every day, and relationships were cultivated over many years. Operating a printing press is a skilled trade, and there is a sense and feeling of ownership of the work and routines that have been established. The shutdown of the plant closes a chapter in the lives of these workers, creating a separation and loss beyond simply losing a job. The different meanings given to the plant closure, such as these expressed by John and Mike, helped to shape the preparations that workers made for their lives after work at The North County Times during the pre- displacement period.

Preparing for Displacement

Workers had varying responses to the news of the plant closure. Some of the older press workers hoped to get to retirement age before a plant shutdown. Others, including myself, knew they would have to find other careers after the newspaper had run its course and wondered how they would make that happen. Once the formal notice of the shutdown had been given, some felt like they could finally go forward with plans for the next stage of their working lives. Some of the press workers began planning for the shutdown long before it occurred. Still, others began their preparation for life after the pressroom only after the formal announcement was made. A few planned to take a break from work before thinking about their next job following the shutdown.

Throughout their careers as press workers, many saw the obvious decline of newspapers in contemporary media and began working on their “Plan B” for employment even prior to the notice of the shutdown. Mike, a married father of four, explains how his family began to prepare long before the formal 60-day notice:

Well, even, even before that (the 60-day notice) the, uh, the state of the newspaper, um, was a huge concern for our family. And we definitely got back on the ball and got proactive, uh, with my wife going back to school, uh, to be a nurse and stuff. So, we could definitely see it coming as far as we better get prepared if something else goes, goes south, meaning the newspaper in general. Mike and his family anticipated the inevitable shutdown of the production of The North County

Times. Their plans for the future started by facing the realities of the end of work head on by recognizing the newspaper as an industry that is struggling. Preparation, for them, meant securing employment for his wife. They were proactive in preparing and acting upon a plan well before the shutdown actually occurred.

Shortly after the shutdown was announced, three other press workers’ preparations allowed them to avoid unemployment by securing new jobs prior to the shutdown. One pressman avoided unemployment by opting for another line of work. David, a black pressman, who had already been working part-time at a brewery prior to the shutdown, transitioned into a full-time position. When asked about his experience following displacement, David said:

Well, I already had work lined up at the brewery, going from part-time to full- time. If not, I would have been looking for more work. I have been unemployed before, so I did not want to go back to that again, know what I’m saying? It’s tough out there, and part-time doesn’t cut it. I’ve been part-time at the brewery for a long time so I know the customers real well and, you know, I have put in the time, drinking there and getting close to the owners, they are my good friends now. So they were more than willing to help me out.

Here David talks about building relationships at the brewery, with both the customers and the owners long before the layoff. His agency in the pre-displacement process is shown through the networking he has engaged in and how he is now benefiting from those connections. David experienced unemployment before and, based on that experience, takes advance measures turning social connections made outside of work to avoid unemployment and sustain life after displacement.

Some of the workers responded to displacement by embracing it. They looked forward to using the time after the shutdown for their own purposes: They transformed what, in many cases would be seen as an entirely negative event into an opportunity. Their plan was to take time between the plant shutdown and looking for or attaining new employment. This, in itself, is an exercise in agency in that it is a response that would generally not be associated with people who had just lost their job. For example, Tony, an unmarried 47 year-old American Indian press

worker, said this in response to the shutdown and his decision to take time off before looking for

work:

I’m not scared right at this moment. You know, I mean I do have, uh, some funds in the bank –– with, with no kids or, you know, anything like that. But I do know there are some coworkers that do have kids that have, uh, some, some medical issues. Such responses correspond to number of personal factors. As Tony suggests, the level and

urgency of preparation differed from worker to worker with those workers without families

feeling less urgency to seek immediate employment. Feeling fewer constraints and

responsibilities, Tony describes how he views his status as it relates to the urgency of finding and

securing work after the shutdown:

To be honest, you know, I’m just taking the summer off. I’m a single guy. I don’t have any kids. I heard a lot of concern about the family issue from other coworkers about the family and the children and the medical (insurance). Um, even though I’m a single guy, you know, I do have money in the bank. I mean, personally, I’m a lot better off than some other coworkers at work with a family, you know.

Tony feels that not having the obligations of other workers for families, coupled with having

some savings and good health, contribute to his ability to avoid immediate concern about his

future without a job. The fact that he can face unemployment with fewer worries than others is a

reason that the urgency of securing employment does not weigh as heavy on him as it does on

others. He is not acting as a victim of displacement, but rather, as someone who has a plan based on the circumstances of his situation. Bill, another single pressman, had a similar response:

I’m gonna take some time off to clear my head and get a summer vacation that may never come again. Part of my rationalization to work so hard to set people up (for the next shift) is because I knew people had mortgages, wife, children, things like that. I don’t have any of those things. So I felt better to try and at least make it as easy as possible for people. You know what I mean? And, again, I’m people

pleaser to a flaw because I’m not worrying about me. And I feel like I should have started worrying about me a lot sooner than I did. But like I said, I feel bad for people that have a house, a wife, children that I don’t have those concerns or those worries at this point. So I do feel lucky. Bill feels he has been working hard to help those who may have more responsibilities and obligations for spouses and families. He attributes some of his extra effort on the job to his recognition that he has of others having to juggle more roles outside of work and his desire to lighten their load. He also hints that this effort could have been to his own detriment, saying, “I feel like I should have started worrying about myself a lot sooner.” But, because of this past effort, coupled with a lack of responsibilities of his own for a family, he now feels deserving of some time away from work.

Both of these men feel fortunate not to have the responsibility of supporting a spouse and children during a time of worker displacement. They both come to define their situations in relationship to how they view the situation of others. Their level of urgency to find immediate work is lower than the other press workers who have wives and children. They give meaning to their situation based on the differences between their situation and the situations of the other press workers and frame their plans based on those meanings.

My own situation and ways of preparing for the loss of my job at The North County

Times is both similar to these coworkers but also unique in a number of ways. When I first started, I gave myself a five year timeline. I felt like I would be in graduate school within five years, and I would no longer have time for a full-time night job. However, I ended up going through a master’s program and continuing to work full time at the press simultaneously. I became a skilled journeyman in the printing trade and made a good living wage while attending college. But, I knew that, eventually, I would leave the press and pursue a career in teaching

sociology. But, when the plant closed, my hand was forced and I had to move forward with this plan sooner than anticipated. When we received our 60-day notice, I took it as an opportunity to study the process of worker displacement from the perspective of the worker. I thought this to be participant observation at its most personal level. Here was my response to a coworker who asked about my future plans just prior to the shutdown,

Jim asks me, “So, what are you gonna do?” I answer, “Well, I think I’m gonna take some time off and work on my school stuff and finishing this program. I haven’t had the opportunity to be just a full-time student, so I think I’m gonna try that for a while. Plus, it’s the summer. I’m going to hang out with my baby and help my wife out around the house.”

This excerpt shows my own exercise in agency. Like others, I am not viewing the shutdown as a detriment to my plans but, rather, as an opportunity to focus on other priorities- my education and the opportunity to spend time with my family over the summer. My preparations for the shutdown included taking an opportunity to focus on school with the goal of creating a better future for my family. This turns a situation that is commonly viewed as a negative situation in which a worker is victimized by a layoff into an opportunity to realize other priorities in my life.

Changing Relationship to Work

The actual processes of worker displacement for the press workers at The North County

Times started with a 60-day formal notice of displacement which had a two-fold purpose. First, the company used the 60-day period to prepare for the transfer of the business and administrative transitions of the production department to another location. Second, the company used incentives, such as a severance package to be paid on the last day of employment that included a week’s worth of pay for each year of employment. Any unused vacation or sick leave would also be paid out to employees after the shutdown. From the workers’ points of view, the 60-day

notice provided time to prepare for the transition into unemployment or into a new job. But from the employer’s point of view, withholding severance pay until the end of the 60-day period ensured that workers would continue to produce and would not leave prior to the plant closure.

Yet, these measures did not fully control workers and their relationship to the workplace. Acts of resistance revealed rejection of the pressmen’s willingness to efforts of management to control their last days on the job.

As noted earlier, a number of the workers anticipated the eventual plant shutdown and loss of their jobs. And while some had begun planning for life after The North County Times, the press workers were still engaged in work and the daily routines that accompany it. However, when the news of the shutdown was announced, the culture of the workplace changed. Workers learned that their jobs would end in June 2012, and their reactions to the impending shutdown demonstrated their agency through new ways of managing their work. Some disengaged in the workplace and performed the bare minimum tasks required of the job while others continued their usual effort, even displaying enhanced commitment to the job. Also, exit strategies became a common subject of conversation among workers during this pre-displacement period.

As our time at The North County Times waned, it became obvious that many press workers were no longer willing to perform the routine cleaning and maintenance of the workplace. By contrast, some workers noticed the decline in work standards among others but still continued to maintain their effort. A sense of obligation and pride were expressed by those who remained diligent during the pre-displacement period. Bill, for example, talks about work habits and how he approached the press after we received the 60-day notice,

I feel like I continued to do my best right up until the end. And I would just take pride in, all right, that needs to be cleaned. I haven’t seen that cleaned in a long

time. So, I would just jump on stuff like that. Nobody cleaning bothered me. You know what I mean? I’m not a sit around and do nothing [laughter] until the time goes by –– kind of person. So that was kind of hard. Um, and then I just kind of noticed that other people were doing the same thing where they’re like, “Well, I’m not gonna do that anymore.” Bill was frustrated by the lack of effort by others just before the shutdown. He continued to exercise agency by performing in a way that lived up to his standards because he still feels a sense of pride in his contribution to the job. He does not act this way as a response to being laid off but, rather, he acts according to his own sense of obligation and pride. By engaging in self- surveillance of his own work habits, he refuses to allow his relationship to the work to be shaped by external forces.

Unlike Bill, and more like the majority of the workers, I noticed a change in my own level of concern about my responsibilities at work. Also, it was becoming apparent that some of the other press workers began shifting their attention to life after The North County Times. Here is an excerpt from my field notes that tells what I observed as well as how I felt about my own engagement in the workplace about a month before the shutdown:

I arrive at work, and it is a mess. Paper and ink are all over the floor, and no one has swept. I do not really care about cleaning this place up anymore. I just hope that the press keeps running for these last three weeks. Jose and Jack are still outside smoking. These days, they stay in the break area long after the beginning of our shift. They sit out there and talk about any job prospects they might have, bills they are trying to reduce, the possibility of selling and downsizing their vehicles, and just the general stress caused by this situation. I sit down with them and stare out into the parking lot.

Jose also noticed the change in the culture of the workplace:

It was sad. It was heartbreaking. It was stressful because I’d see everybody’s faces, and everyone just didn’t care anymore. They were more worried about after the layoff. Before this, we went in to do a job that we’re all proud of doing so much – we all loved and enjoyed each other’s company, and in the end, it was just, “What are you going to do? Fire me?” You know? It was different. It was

weird. It was one of those thing where you’re walking into a shop and its like, “Okay, it’s going to be a long night. It’s going to be a hard night. Is everybody really going to do their job tonight or is everyone just going to blow it off and who cares what time you get off?” It sucked.

These excerpts show that the focus of some of the press workers is no longer on their current workplace but, rather, on their future plans. There is a sense among these workers, including myself, of distancing themselves from the work in response to the impending shutdown and showing resistance to the efforts of management to maintain an environment of “business as usual.” Just as in a bad divorce, we no longer feel obligated to even go through the motions at the workplace. We are showing a resistance to the efforts of management to continue business as usual at the newspaper during the final days of the plant operation.

Managing Outsiders’ Reactions

When someone has a long-term job, it becomes one of their defining characteristics, and

friends and family become accustomed to associating them with their long-term jobs. This means

that during the final days of our work at The North County Times, conversations with outsiders

were centered on the shutdown and our job loss. An important aspect of constructing futures in

which press workers were more than victims of displacement consisted of managing the

reactions of others. Here, Bill talks about telling his friends about the layoff and what they had to

say:

Oh, people were like, “Oh my God. What are you gonna do? I feel so bad for you.” I’m like don’t feel bad for me. I’m a good worker. Wherever I go and whatever I go for, my work ethic will take care of me. I don’t know where I’m gonna go.But I know that when I do find somewhere to go, my work ethic will take care of me. But a lot of people were like, “Oh, my God. You’re a newspaper person.” And I’d be like, no, no, don’t worry. Don’t. That just, that’s just my job. It’s not who I am.

Bill, despite losing his job, minimizes the impact of displacement while emphasizing the importance of his characteristic of being a hard worker which will help him in transitioning into the next phase of his working life. He is labeled by his friends as “a newspaper person,” but he contends that that was merely his job. Bill exercises agency by not allowing the situation to define him. Tony had a very similar response when asked about discussing the shutdown with his friends:

Friends would say like, damn, that sucks, man, you know, ’cause they, they thought, you know, it’s the newsprint, it’s the newspaper, especially the local newspaper. So they felt bad, because, you know, they knew – they know that I’m a, a dedicated employee that I will – you know, I was always going to work and, um – you know, yeah, they felt bad for me.

Both Tony and Bill’s friends had similar reactions. Although, there is general concern about the situation, Bill and Tony have the confidence that they will have no trouble finding work. While their friends have associated them with the past work they have done at the paper, both men feel their more general qualities as good workers are the defining factors that will enable them to find work. Moreover, in giving meaning to the displacement period, Bill talks not only about who he will become, but also about who he will not become, as a result of losing his job. Bill has a friend who has been unemployed for several years following a layoff. Bills looks to this friend as a negative example of what he does not want to become. Here is what Bill said about this friend’s reaction to the news of Bill’s impending layoff and how Bill felt about what his friend said:

He hasn’t worked [clears throat] at a full-time position in like four years. I think he was fired. He has been collecting unemployment for a good long time. But he’s like, yeah, all right, now we got two of us. And we can hang out and do all this stuff. I go no, no [laughter]. He’s like yay, you can start smoking pot. I’m like no, dude. I can’t do that, you know. I’ll hang out and drink beers with you once

and awhile, but don’t expect me to be here and, you know, I’m not gonna fall into your trap.

This excerpt shows that Bill is not on board with his friend’s plans for Bill’s unemployment, one that entails giving up his identity as a productive person. While Bill stated earlier that he would like to take some time to “clear his head,” he is not viewing the displacement and subsequent unemployment as a time to party, which he sees as a trap that will lead to a non-worker lifestyle and identity. In so doing, he is rejecting the displaced lifestyle or the lifestyle of the long-term unemployed.

During the pre-displacement period when the press workers prepared for life after they lost their jobs, the married press workers discussed the shutdown with their partners, all of whom expressed concern and worry. But, each worker had a different view of overall family involvement when it came to matters of their employment. Some of the press workers chose to discuss the shutdown and job loss with their families so as to prepare them for the challenges they may endure and to seek their support for what promised to be a difficult period. Here is how

Mike explained telling his wife and children about the shutdown and what this was going to mean for them:

Well, she (his wife) was upset. And we did end up having to tell the kids that, you know, a family meeting that I had lost my job, and it’s a big deal. And they were really upset. You know, and it’s hard for them to understand, but we thought that they should know. Not to scare them, but you can’t shelter them from everything. And, hopefully, there would be some understanding on our part from them about the situation and, hopefully, they would be good kids. Hopefully, they would [laughter], they wouldn’t throw things away, you know, they would be a little more conservative in their approach, like take care of their stuff and do their homework and try to make it easy on us, so that we could get through this, uh, next stage. So it was a big deal and it was surreal.

Here we can see that Mike includes both his wife and children in the discussion of what losing his job could mean to the family. He explains that the implications could be a more conservative approach to finances and personal belongings. This means that life is going to change for them.

He enlists their support, asking them to be “good kids” in order to ease this transitional period for the family. He views this as a problem that is going to be addressed collectively and wants the children to be involved in the process. The choice made here was to make the shutdown and subsequent loss of his job a family matter, one that enriches family solidarity. This shows an understanding of the potential stress and tension that could arise with an event like losing a job and stable income, and also how the help of the entire family unit will be needed to get through it.

Others used a different approach that was exclusive, with the intent of shielding their children from the distress that can be associated with a parent losing their job. Jack, a 50 year old pressman who was with The North County Times for 21 years, is also married and has young children. He viewed the loss of his job as a matter to be discussed exclusively among adults and did not feel the need to inform his children of the layoff. Jack explains how he chose to address this situation with his family:

It’s between me and my wife. The kids don’t need to worry about this kind of stuff. They’re just kids. They don’t even understand what work is and all of that, so why bother? To me, they don’t even need to know that I lost my job. I don’t want them to even notice a difference in anything. They should be worried, concerned with their school and what they have to do. It’s my job to worry about money and things like that. So, no, I did not talk to them about losing my job, at all.

In contrast to Mike who got the entire family involved in the discussion of the layoffs, Jack did not feel as if the children needed to know about the situation, and it was best that they did not

have to worry about such things as their father’s job. Jack believes that it was something that was

to be discussed strictly between his wife and himself in private. Jack felt that his children do not

need to worry about things outside of their understanding and control. Both Mike and Jack are

trying to secure their family unit. Mike’s approach is to prepare his children for some possible

difficulties and changes and enlists their support. Jack prefers to shield his children from his job

loss and maintain a stable environment in which they can focus on their responsibilities rather

than see a disruption in their routines.

Mike’s attitude and behaviors of inclusiveness and unity extend beyond his family into

how he views and treats work relationships. These characteristics may have been part of the

reason he was the only press worker offered a job at the site of the production relocation in

Riverside, California. All of the press workers were notified of possible positions that would

soon be available because of the increased workload of the outsource site. However, we were

merely encouraged to apply to the Riverside press, while Mike was directly offered a position

starting the day after the shutdown.

Pre-displacement is a stage in which preparations are made for the impending loss of a

job and life changes that will follow. This preparation varies based on a number of factors. Some

press workers disengaged from the workplace prior to the shutdown, while others continued their

usual effort toward the job. Discussions with family and friends about the shutdown and efforts

to enlist their support varied among pressman. Some of the press workers began preparing for

life after working at the newspaper long before the notice of the shutdown. Others felt they had

the freedom to take time for personal reasons before reengaging in the workforce. For some workers, the pre-displacement period was used to secure employment prior to the shutdown, thus avoiding unemployment.

The pre-displacement period brought a variety of challenges and changes in the lives of these workers. While the shutdown and subsequent displacement may be seen as a negative and difficult time in workers’ lives, there is a level of agency and efficacy demonstrated by the affected workers in each of these responses. These workers demonstrated these qualities by making decisions in the present, based on their perception of the situation, and looking to the future with their plans and preparations.

Displacement Period Whether unemployed for a period of time or immediately reemployed, a worker is

“displaced” after a plant shutdown and layoff. Displaced workers differ from those who lose their jobs voluntarily or those who are terminated due to their performance or a workplace violation. Displaced workers have no choice and lose their jobs through no fault of their own.

Even if workers are able to secure employment prior to displacement, thus avoiding unemployment, they still experience displacement in the sense that they now have to occupy and adapt to new structures (e.g. a new work environment, commute, schedule, routine, etc.). Job displacement means more than a loss of a position at a company. It means the loss of income, health and retirement benefits, a daily routine, and the social system that has developed over the course of one’s time in the job. All of the displaced press workers I interviewed expressed the changes experienced due to these losses and plans they made for the future. However, viewing worker displacement as something that happens to workers, and viewing workers as simply victims, ignores the level of agency workers exercise in shaping their future work-life trajectories.

Following the plant shutdown, the press workers fell into three distinct categories: the immediately reemployed, the employed after taking time off, and the long-term unemployed.

Three of the workers were employed in new jobs even before the shutdown and did not experience unemployment. Although these workers experienced reemployment immediately, the label and experience of being a displaced worker followed them into their new jobs. The other seven experienced a period of unemployment with two remaining unemployed seven months

after displacement. The displacement period unfolds for both the unemployed and reemployed as

a transitional period in which the workers faced unique challenges and circumstances. This

section tells the story of the workers’ pathways through displacement and how they gave

meaning and responded to their situations.

Taking a Break

Some of the press workers decided to take some time off immediately after the shutdown

and use this time for their own purposes rather than immediately pursuing work in the same field

or traditional lines of work. Still, those who experienced unemployment following the shutdown

had to find new ways to fill their days. The forty hours a week they once spent at their jobs were

now a void to be filled. The workers I interviewed used this time to complete various tasks

around their home, take care of overdue errands, and help with the domestic duties of their

households. In these ways, they began to occupy new roles as they transitioned out of their

former roles as workers of The North County Times, which was signified by the workers

occupying a new time and space, or structure (unemployment), as they gave meaning to their

new situations. Jim, a pressman who had been with The North County Times for over 27 years

and had planned to take a break before looking for employment following the shutdown, talked

about how he has been staying busy since the shutdown:

Yeah, I’ve been just trying to stay busy, busy, busy. I’ve been painting the house, fixin’ up the yard, fixin’ the fence. I also got a bunch of stuff done like DMV

stuff, bank stuff, things like that. If I don’t keep moving, I’ll probably go crazy. Plus it keeps my fiancé happy. I don’t want her to think I’m just sitting around drinking all day, you know?

Jim takes the time just after the shutdown to take care of a variety of duties. He rejects the idea

of “just sitting around” while he is out of a wage-paying job and continues to “work” on informal

tasks. It is important for him to remain productive, and he believes in order to keep a harmonious

situation at home and keep himself from the boredom that can result from idleness, he must

“keep moving.” A common view of worker displacement is an urgency to return to a wage-

earning job as soon as possible. Jim rejects this notion and takes his time before proceeding with

a job search. Just after the shutdown, when I asked him about his job search, he said, “I’m not

looking hard. I’m not out there every single day. I’m out there maybe – I’d say probably about,

uh, three times a week. I’m still waiting on callbacks. I feel that I need this time to take off and

just relax and do what I want to do for a while. So I don’t think I’d even take a job if I was

offered.” Likewise, others who experienced unemployment expressed the desire to take time off

between the shutdown and looking for another job. Since we were laid off in early June, the plan

followed that we would take the summer off before getting back into the work force.

Unemployment benefits and our severance package would hold us over for that span of time. A

rejection of the idea of returning to work immediately demonstrates an exercise in agency by the

men who made this choice.

Tony, one of the men who also decided to take some time between the shutdown and

looking for new work, began to collect unemployment and participate in the informal economy

by doing odd jobs for friends and relatives. He took a trip to Hawaii to help to build a house for a friend for a couple of months during the summer. When he returned, he worked for a widow doing various home improvement projects. When I asked Tony about his situation after the

shutdown, he said, “It’s been good. I haven’t had to find a job yet. So I want to see how long I

can ride this out.” Like Jim, Tony rejected the idea that displaced workers should be actively

looking for wage-earning work in the same line of work or any traditional workplace setting.

Tony’s participation in the informal economy of marginal work is a testament to the choices he

makes as a displaced worker. Here, Tony talked about securing marginal work through his social

network, he said:

I do have moral support, man, from friends and family. Um, I do have a couple leads from friends, you know. I could probably get you in here. I could, maybe, get you in here, you know. And, I have been able, able to get some under-the- table-type work. You know, like painting houses, doing handy work. So that’s been good to uh, uh help contribute plus the unemployment. Bill, another pressman who decided to take time off after the shutdown, experienced a longer than expected period of unemployment, in part, because he was able to fall back on alternatives to traditional work by securing marginal jobs:

Yeah, well I can always do some odd jobs. I have friends in construction, and they take me along to make $100 bucks in a day, just moving dirt or laying bricks. It’s not stable or nothing, but I will take it where I can get it for now. But, if I tweak my back or something like that, I’m screwed with no medical, and when unemployment asks me what I was doing working and not reporting it.

Several of the workers took charge of their situation by rejecting, rather than pursuing, traditional

wage-earning work after displacement. The absence of family responsibilities combined with

informal networks that provided a source of work were the conditions that enabled them to “take

some time off” and pursue “under-the-table” jobs in the informal economy.

Although these workers were initially purposeful in deciding to take time off and in knowing how they would use their time, as the summer after the layoff came to a close, most of these unemployed men endured new challenges as they began to look for work. They

experienced difficulties in the conventional job search which consist of building a résumé, filling out applications, and waiting for replies to their job search efforts.

Finding their place

For those who secured employment, either prior to the shutdown thus avoiding unemployment, or after the layoff, reintegration into a new work environment presented an adjustment period. Because it was accompanied by uncertainties about whether they would succeed in their new jobs, this period did not mean that the end of displacement was secured.

During this process, the displaced workers faced new challenges as they were “finding their place.” Mike was immediately reemployed and worked at the Press Enterprise in Riverside, the company to which The North County Times newspaper production was outsourced. Mike had a

relatively easy path to this job in that he did not have to apply to this position as it was offered to

him during the waning weeks of production at The North County Times. Along with Mike, Rick

also secured a position at the Press Enterprise. However, unlike Mike, Rick had to go through the formal process of applying and interviewing in order to attain the job. When The North

County Times again changed hands when it was purchased by the U-T San Diego, both Rick and

Mike moved with it and they both are now employees of the U-T San Diego.

Although avoiding unemployment by finding work prior to the layoff may seem like a success, the experiences of workers like Mike tell a different story. Mike described his transition to the new press shop as difficult. As a new employee, he entered a 90-day probation period during which he was not eligible for benefits or guaranteed full-time (40 hours a week) employment. Due to the relocation, his daily commute went from 25 minutes to over two and a

half hours each way. He described the more strenuous work load and a difficult adjustment period in the new workplace:

It’s been tough. I only work three days a week, partly because my wife has a job and partly because of the probation period. The other part is I only work three days a week is my day is 13½ hours a day from doorstep-to-doorstep because of the commute which is in Riverside, California. So it’s rough. You got to enjoy driving and then, you know, the driving back, if I don’t get good sleep before I go to work ––everything is fine up till the point that I come home, and I got to keep my eyes open. And it can be rough. I'm screaming in the car, trying to [laughter] trying to stay up. Mike explains how he is now underemployed and working only three days a week. Despite working fewer days per week, the length of his work days has drastically increased because of a commute that has him fighting off sleep on his way home. He also he experienced a significant decrease in wages at the Press Enterprise: “The pay is about seven dollars an hour less than what

I made at the NCT. So that is another hard thing to work with.” Even though his re-employment was a rapid, and he may have avoided many of the hardships associated with unemployment, the process of reemployment was not without its own set of difficulties. Soon after securing this job, his working conditions changed again, this time for the better, when he got a job at the U-T San

Diego. The 45 minute commute is now much more bearable, and while he now has begun a new probation period with the U-T, he has secured a full-time schedule. Here, he talks about his adjustment to the U-T:

Oh, it has just been great, just learning more and more every day. The guys here, I’m getting used to working with them. The benefits, they start in a couple of months and stuff like that. But, I’m just getting into the groove of things here and learning. It’s much better than Riverside with the drive and stuff like that. Once I can get my family on board with the benefits and stuff, I’ll be locked in. And once I get in here and get the routines down, I can just settle in and be part of the team here, I guess you can say.

Because of Mike’s persistence, his work situation has improved. But, he talks about the challenges he still faces in adjusting and becoming acclimated to work at the U-T. He recognizes that there is both a formal period of adjustment which includes a probation period before obtaining benefits and also a more informal adjustment period which involves developing work relationships with his new coworkers as well as understanding routines and his role within them.

At this point, Mike is still a displaced worker trying to find his place within his new company.

While Mike is not fully settled in, he is hopeful that he will soon be fully reintegrated in the workplace. This was a common theme among those who became reemployed following displacement.

Initially, the transition into reemployment was also difficult for Rick. He moved up to

Riverside from San Diego to be closer to his new job at the Press Enterprise. When the production moved to San Diego from Riverside, Rick had to once again relocate:

It’s like playing musical pressrooms. Once we got all settled in, in Riverside, it was time to pack it up again and move back down here (San Diego). Well, the wife didn’t like Riverside at all so it’s not all bad. But, I swear, this business is worse than it’s ever been, and now they are talking about the L.A. Times buying this place. I mean, here we go again.

Again, securing employment following displacement is usually thought of as a positive experience, but in Rick’s case, it has meant moving his family twice in less than six months.

Although he has avoided unemployment and demonstrated his determination and resilience, this instability has been difficult for him and his family. The moving around, with no time to settle into a routine, at work or at home, is an example of the plight of some displaced workers. Rick has yet to enter the post-displacement/reintegration period due to the instability of his work/home life, and thus, he experienced an extended period of displacement despite being reemployed.

Displaced workers can experience a variety of difficulties in the work routines and the

work environment at their new jobs, including having trouble adjusting to the new social aspects

of the job, longer commutes to and from their new jobs, and lower levels of compensation than

they received at their former jobs. Jim experienced unemployment for just over four months and

is now employed at the U-T San Diego as a pressman. While he got a job, he also has

experienced a significant decrease in his wage, a longer commute than his previous job, and a

tough adjustment period at the U-T. He describes how the adjustment to the new workplace has

been particularly difficult a month into the job:

Well, it sucks. It’s just the lack of communication. Nobody tells me what’s going on. It’s like, most of the time I don’t know where to be, what to do, or what the hell is going on. I think about quitting every night I’m there. I’m still looking for something else. I don’t want to stay there. I just look at my pay check, and I‘m like, this is not worth it. My benefits haven’t kicked in yet, and that’s gonna be more money out of my check. But I need healthcare, I need my meds. And I don’t know how long my truck is gonna be able to make the drive, and I can’t afford a new one, no way. But, I’m gonna stick it out until I find something better. Then I’m outta here.

It is obvious that Jim is frustrated with his transition to the new workplace that has been less than ideal. His longer commute has him worried about the wear and tear on his vehicle, and his decreased wage is disappointing. He has been at his new job for a little over a month and has not become eligible for full-time employee benefits. He also has not become acclimated to the new work environment, citing a lack of communication on the part of his new coworkers as one of the main problems he is facing. He has yet to learn the routines of his new job and often feels lost.

Even though he is now reemployed, Jim continues to look for other employment options. These are indicators that he is still a displaced worker who has not progressed into the post- displacement/reintegration period. Jim has been a pressman for over 27 years so he is more than

qualified and knowledgeable about the work of a printer. This shows that adjusting to a new job is about much more than just fulfilling formal job qualifications like job skills and technical knowledge. There is a social and interactional aspect, which includes survival in a workplace that often depends on a variety of relational adjustments.

I was one of the seven pressmen who experienced a period of unemployment, taking just over five months before attaining a press operator position at the U-T San Diego. I attribute my opportunity at the U-T San Diego to my contacts with former North County Times coworkers while conducting this research. My former coworkers would send me text messages or call me when they have found work or leads to potential work. Jose, after securing a position at the U-T

San Diego, called me and told me they were looking for press operators because of the increased work load since they purchased The North County Times. I was reaching a point where I needed to have additional income, and I also saw an opportunity to conduct participate observation research related to the process of reemployment. At the time, three of my former coworkers were at the U-T. Since reemployment with the UT, I have had an experience similar to those of the other reemployed workers with a longer commute than my previous job, a significantly lower wage, and a probationary period before eligibility for benefits.

It is clear that starting a new job brings a new set of challenges for displaced workers.

Some of the workers expressed dissatisfaction with aspects of their new jobs, but they also maintained hope that things would improve over time. David, who now works at a brewery, explains his feelings about the adjustment period after displacement:

It’s scary because I do not have benefits yet. You know, the brewery is still growing, and they should be able to offer us some healthcare soon, but not yet. Also, I’m making much less (money) than at the press. I have a better job now. I just drink and bullshit all day, but the money is not good yet. When, when we

expand a bit, it should get better. But as far as getting used to working here full- time, it’s different. I mean, when you spend four to six hours a week around people (other workers) and customers, it’s a whole different thing than spending 40 hours week, you know what I’m saying? Also, you start to see what kind of work really goes on, and it’s a lot sometimes, with the brewing, kegging, transporting, cleaning, all sorts of stuff.

While he is reemployed, David, like the other displaced press workers, is concerned about not

having healthcare and other benefits after displacement. While he feels his new job at the

brewery is “better” than his former job as a press worker, he has experienced a significant wage

decrease. He also discusses the transition from part-time work to full-time work at the brewery.

There is an adjustment period as he learns the full-time job routines and new responsibilities, and

as he gets used to the increased time spent with coworkers and patrons of the brewery. So while

this job has not started as well as David would have liked, he remains positive that things will

improve as the business continues to grow along with his role within the business.

These workers’ experiences reveal that working in a new industry can mean major

changes for displaced workers. Some decided to go through training and schooling to prepare for

their new careers. Their willingness to branch out to a new career rather than return to printing

demonstrates a level of agency in response to displacement. These adjustments can be difficult

and challenging for workers but they undertake them nonetheless. John is now in training to be a big rig truck driver. When asked about the new challenges he is facing when starting a new career after being a pressman for 30 years, he said:

I think there will always be trucks and hauling, I hope. Well, at least until I retire, and that’s really what I need. I’m done with printing, and it’s done with me. Plus, I don’t mind driving. I like seeing new places, and I always wanted to see more of the country. I get all those things here. The kids are out of the house in about a year, so this really the best time to do something like this if there was one. I just don’t want to print anymore. These guys at the trucking school, they’re telling me everything I need to know. They’re good guys. And, the trucking company pays for the school and places you (in a job). That takes a lot of work out of the whole thing. Besides missing my wife, I’m happy with it.

This response shows that John chose a career based on his perception of its reliability and long- term future. He rejects the printing industry because of his history with it. With his children soon to be adults, he feels freed up to make a career change. These contingencies, coupled with the meaning he makes of the print industry, lead him to a new career as a truck driver. When I asked him about the contacts he has made with other students at the trucking school, he said, “We are all beginners here, so that makes things easier. We are all just trying to learn.” Being in an environment of all “beginners,” John avoids many of the challenges of a new work place such as he would encounter in a new pressroom that has long-time workers. While his choice to go to trucking school represents a fresh start, he is still in the displacement period as he learns a new and unfamiliar trade.

As the experiences of these workers have shown, displacement means more than merely unemployment. It can also include the adjustment period of adapting to a new set of roles at home during unemployment, transitioning into a new work place, and learning a new trade.

Displaced workers must find their way in the new space and time they occupy. However, this is not done as victims of displacement, but rather, as active agents who make decisions based on how they perceive their situations. Absent in the interviews during the displacement period are fatalistic attitudes and any notion of these workers being victims of circumstance. They all feel they have a level of efficacy in shaping their future.

The Post-Displacement Period The post-displacement period signifies a shift from being associated with a former job to being established in a new occupation or settled into extended unemployment. As described above, those who are reemployed experience a transition period of training in their new workplace which usually accompanies a probation period which may include earning full-time employee benefits and the worker feeling fully capable and comfortable filling the duties of the

position. These are the more formal aspects of the post-displacement period. However, there are also informal aspects which include acclimating to the social environment of the workplace and understanding the basics of day-to-day routines. Seven of the press workers are now in full-time work situations seven months after displacement. They are now in a post- displacement/reintegration period of their work life. For those who are still unemployed, the displacement period has been prolonged. Of the two workers who fall into this category, one is now actively searching for work and the other has dropped out of the workforce completely and does not plan to look for work in the near future.

Some of the displaced press workers voluntarily took time off from looking for work.

Some of the ones who did not exercise this option found work even prior to the shutdown. When

I asked these workers why they did not choose to take some time off before starting a new job, they gave me similar answers. Rick told me, “That’s not for me. I’ve never not had a job and I’m not going to start now. I can work, so I’m going to work.” Rick’s stance shows his reluctance to experience the anomie that would, for him, accompany unemployment. Mike also secured employment prior to the shutdown and when asked about why he chose not to take time off, he said, “That was an option, but I was offered work. I’m not going to go on unemployment if I have been offered work. That doesn’t sit well with me.” These responses show the level of efficacy these workers believe they have. It also shows how they are resisting the label of

“unemployed” and the stigma that is often involved. They are also demonstrating a level of agency by seeing the situation as a set of options rather than predestined circumstances.

Coming Full Circle

Becoming acclimated to a new work environment by way of building relationships with

coworkers, gaining status through work-related accomplishments, and advancing through the formal probation period are all defining aspects of the post-displacement period. Mike, who has been fully employed by the U-T San Diego, has progressed through all of these defining aspects of the post-displacement period. He talks about his feelings about the workplace seven months

after displacement and just over three months after beginning work at the U-T:

Well, it’s all good. I know what to do when I get in, I guess, I know what is expected, how to get it done, where I need to be. And the guys, they’re great. I like to have fun at work, and I’m having fun at work again. I have no complaints. Who is luckier than us, right? We got it good here. We are all squared away as far as benefits, and now with my wife working and the duel income going, things are less of a struggle. For a while there it was tough, real tough. But things are getting better, and we are kind of back to equilibrium, or normal as it gets, you know?

Mike has progressed into the post-displacement period. He has passed the probation period

required by his employer to earn benefits. Also, he has reintegrated himself into a workplace

culture by learning the routines of the workplace, building work relationships, and getting back

to “having fun” at work. Jim expresses a similar sentiment. He was very frustrated in both the

pre-displacement and displacement periods even after he was reemployed four and a half months

after the layoff. Jim says of his experience after three months at the U-T:

Oh, well it is much better. The drive still sucks. At least now I know what I’m doing. It’s still hard, and the pay still sucks. I feel more secure now that the benefits have kicked in because I’m getting married soon, so that’s huge. But as far as the job, I have a couple of guys I can kind of lean on when I need help or something explained to me. They’re cool about it. It was definitely a kind of adjustment period there in the beginning, and I hated it, you remember? Bitch, bitch, bitch, bitch bitch [laughter], but, now, I am comfortable, and I’m not even looking for work anymore.

While some aspects of his job at the U-T, like the commute and the pay, still continue to frustrate

Jim, he feels more comfortable in the routine of the workplace and has built some work

relationships that have helped him transition into post-displacement. He talks about the initial adjustment period that was difficult for him. Although he had a job during that time, he was still a displaced worker. But now, he feels comfortable, and because the positive aspects of the job begin to outweigh the negatives, he has stopped looking for a different job. These factors all point to passage into in the post-displacement period and a full integration into his job at the U-T.

The post-displacement period could also include achievements and successes in a new occupation. This has been the case for David as things have progressed with his position at the brewery. The brewery opened a second location and tasting room, and the owners have promoted him to general manager giving him a salaried position with benefits. And while he has been adjusting to his new role as general manager, by settling in and advancing in his new job, he now occupies the post-displacement/reintegration phase:

It’s cool, now. I’m in charge now so I get to make my schedule, but I am on salary, so I do have to work more than everyone else. But, yeah, I got, we got benefits now, and that’s important. I have even had offers to work at other breweries. But, I‘m good working here, for now. So, yeah, I’m not a pressman, anymore. I’m a full-time beer guy now.

David has progressed from being a displaced press worker to a worker learning the processes involved in his new full-time position at the brewery to now being a general manager at the brewery. This achieved status gives him more security in knowing his role, and he has gained confidence that was lacking in his work during the initial adjustment period. He no longer associates his status as a worker as being a press worker, and he is no longer looking for work, another sign that he has progressed into post-displacement.

The post-displacement period can be identified not only by securing employment but also by informal interactions that signify the integration into a new work environment. This could be recognized by both the displaced worker and coworkers at the new workplace. For example, I knew that I had been accepted by my coworkers in my new workplace at the U-T by the changing nature of my conversations with them. At first, it felt as if they were reluctant to share information with me about the job, but after being there for three months, they were more open to teaching me some more efficient techniques for accomplishing tasks associated with the job.

This fieldnotes excerpt focused on an interaction with Hung, a press worker at the U-T, illustrates the point:

Hung approached me and said, “Well, Sean, it seems like you are going to be here a while, not like those other guys who quit already. So I will show you some tricks so you don’t have to break your back. The other guys that work here, some don’t know how to do this stuff, and they work too hard. I’ll show you some things so you can work smart and not break your back.” Hung proceeded to show me how to use a stick with a hook at the end of it to reach toggle switches that one would usually have to bend down or use a step ladder to reach. I felt accepted at work for the first time. He recognized that I was committed to learning, and he took time out of his routine to show me things to make my day easier. It felt good to be guided and helped in this way after weeks of confusion and isolation.

For me, this was a major turning point in my reintegration into work. Having shown that I was committed to the job and not just passing through, Hung was helping me to succeed. By this point, I had become eligible for full-time employee benefits, and I had been firmly established in the routines of the workplace. I built relationships with people at work and maintained a small network of coworkers I could come to with questions or work-related concerns. A further sign that I had been formally integrated into the workplace occurred when the management approached me about a promotion which showed me that they had confidence in my abilities and felt like I was a good fit in the workplace. This was a big breakthrough at this job. When I first arrived, people usually asked me about being laid-off from The North County Times, how long I

had been working there, and how that workplace had been. Now, Hung acknowledged that I have

been at the U-T long enough to be considered an employee who is going to “stay awhile.” He

was cementing our relationship and showing me things that he claims that others who work there

do not know. He was accepting me as a member of the in-group of employees at this pressroom.

Prior to this experience, I felt isolated and confused at work, but now, I had gained insider status.

Thus, another defining experience in post-displacement is a greater clarity regarding one’s

position in their new work arrangement and the feeling of inclusion.

“My Full-Time Job is Finding a Full-Time Job”

Seven months after the shutdown, some displaced workers have yet to find formal

employment, but they still have progressed pass the displacement period and moved into post-

displacement because the break that they planned to take is now over and they have begun

looking for work. Bill, who had decided to take time off after the shutdown and subsequently

failed a drug test to become an employee at the U-T San Diego, is now actively seeking

employment. He collects unemployment and participates in the informal economy by tagging

along with his friends in construction and helping out at their jobsites. When asked about his

current situation he answered:

I’m searching for, looking for direction meaning. I don’t know what I want to do anymore. I’m just sending out my resumes and filling out applications and hoping for the best. I didn’t look at all until the opportunity at the U-T. Failing that drug test was both deflating and motivating. This is who I am now. My full-time job is finding a full-time job. Now I have to just hit the pavement every day until I find something, anything at this point. In this response, we can see while Bill was initially confused about his situation, he gradually began to define his situation as someone who was actively seeking full-time work. He even proclaims, “This is who I am now,” in reference to being someone who after unsuccessfully seeking reemployment has now entered into a period of prolonged unemployment and is looking

for work. Despite the obstacles he encounters, he has moved past the characterization of being

“displaced” and has moved on to the next phase of his working life. While attaining the job at the

U-T would have formally ended his displacement, in the traditional sense, the setback of not getting the job served as a catalyst that propelled him into his new status as someone who was actively seeking work. The meaning he makes of his situation guides his subsequent behavior as now he “defines” himself as a full-time job seeker. In a sense, Bill has come full circle by going from displacement to reemployed and back to displacement because of failing a drug test. It is through his definition of his planned break being over and a new phase of his work life being in progress that places him in the post-displacement period.

“Riding This Thing Out”

Tony, the other displaced press worker who has remained unemployed seven months after displacement, has dropped out of the formal workforce and is no longer looking for work.

He collects unemployment and participates in the informal economy by performing home improvement projects for an elderly widow. When asked about his outlook on the future seven months after displacement, he said:

I’m not even looking at the moment. I want to see how long I can ride this thing out. I mean, like I’ve said, I don’t have kids or nothing so it’s just me, you now? I’m a single cat and with unemployment and working for this lady, who is paying me very, very well, I’m doing more than fine. I’m gonna get it while the getting is good. So no, I’m not even looking for a job, and I sure as hell am not interested in going back to printing.

In his mind, Tony has moved on from printing and has no plans to look for formal work in the near future. His contentment and his decision-making show that even though he is still

“unemployed” he is exercising agency by framing his situation as a matter of choice, thus, he is not just a victim of displacement. From Tony’s point of view, he has emerged from the period of displacement content with his situation and the choices he has made.

Attachment and the Struggles of Displacement

I have shown that the displacement and post-displacement periods bring many new challenges that workers could not have anticipated during the pre-displacement period. Unlike

the stories above, sometimes a worker does not get past the initial adjustment period of a

workplace. For example, Jose also got a job at the U-T San Diego after being unemployed for just over four months. However, he quit his new job after one week. When asked about why he quit, he said:

I just couldn’t hang with the big dogs in the big-boy shop. I don’t know, it’s just, the shop is much bigger, there is more pressure, and I just didn’t feel like I belonged there. Plus, it didn’t work with my schedule with taking the kids to school in the mornings. But, more than anything, I just couldn’t hang, man. I just didn’t want to get used to it and then be stuck there.

After his brief stint at the U-T San Diego, Jose got a job at a warehouse at minimum wage. He told me he was happier to work closer to home, but the wage was not covering his expenses. One month after getting this job, he was laid off. For the third time in less than a year, Jose experienced displacement and unemployment. Additionally, his marriage suffered during this same period, and he and his wife of 22 years divorced shortly after he lost his job at the factory.

He called me to tell me that he was homeless. Most recently, Jose has accepted a position at a car dealership as a salesman. While the other workers who are reemployed have reintegrated into a workplace and have achieved some level of stability, Jose has had a different experience. He has now experienced two layoffs and a divorce in a period of just over eight months.

While others have progressed into post-displacement with success, the outcomes for Jose and Bill are characterized by their struggles that are rooted in the displacement caused by the plant shutdown. They are still trying to find for their way based on their meaning of their work as pressmen and the structural changes they have experienced. Jose and Bill had the strongest

attachments to their jobs at The North County Times. They loved being pressmen, and they loved

their local newspaper. For the others, the job was not as central in their lives as it was for Jose

and Bill. For Jose, it was a life-long goal to be a pressman following a long line of printers in his

family. Jose explained what printing the newspaper had meant to him:

Love and dedication, it’s what I have for the business I was proud to be part of. Passion, I had a passion for it. It’s the joke around the house. I don’t know if I love my kids more or the passion I had for my press, but Elizabeth, which I named her, who got more out of it? Either way, I mean, I treated her like I treated a woman. I treat her right, she’s going to treat us good. You don’t take care of her, she’s going to bite you in the butt. I don’t know what else I could say. It (running the press) was the best moments of my life. That’s what passion’s about: enjoy, have fun. It is what it is. That’s who I am. Some people thought I was a little too dedicated. People thought I was a little crazy that I cared so much, you know? But in the end, you know, everybody saw it – even you – and you guys always told me too, you know, “Everybody in the shop likes you – editorial, mailroom, the drivers – everybody knows who you are.” Why? I took time to get to know everybody. If it’s raining one night, I’ll give you guys an extra 20 or 30 minutes you guys can get on the road earlier. I’ll run the press faster. You guys are going to make up some hours this week, I’ll run it slower. That’s the thing about respect. Everybody is different. I had a lot to give. The knowledge I passed on, that was an honor for me that I got to teach everybody else something they didn’t know, especially you. That’s what made me proud – the day that I was honored the day and very proud the day you became an operator because finally it paid off for me. The reasons for his lack of successful outcomes after displacement are less about his individual capabilities as a worker-he is a great worker; rather, ironically, it was more about his commitment and loyalty to The North County Times--the very thing that made him such a good and devoted worker there—that contributed to the difficulty he had in making the transition to another workplace as a pressman or another occupation. Displacement is different for each worker and the challenges associated with displacement and whether and how workers meet them are contingent on a number of factors. And, while workers are artful and resilient in making

new lives for themselves, displacement takes a toll, and, for some like Bill and Jose, it is a toll that is too hard to overcome.

Conclusion When I began this research, I wanted to know how workers navigate through the process of displacement. After all of the data were collected, I realized that the processes associated with worker displacement are much more complicated than I initially anticipated. With a multitude of issues that presented many avenues for analysis, I chose to focus on those that were most closely associated to my research question and analytic framework. To analyze the patterns that I saw in my data, I employed Goffman’s concept of “moral career” to examine distinct periods of displacement; yet, I realize that people’s lives are more complicated than this and therefore do not fit neatly into such discrete and fixed categories as Goffman’s analysis would suggest.

Nonetheless, Goffman’s stages are useful to highlight and make these clear and distinct for analytic purposes.

What the data reveal is that the journey through the stages of worker displacement is a process. When people lose their jobs due to large structural changes like layoffs and shutdowns, they are often viewed as victims. And indeed, worker displacement is a trying and difficult time

in people’s lives, but the workers who lost their jobs at The North County Times are not mere

victims. They are men who exercised their agency throughout a process that included choices

about their futures and responding to new challenges and unforeseeable circumstances. Their

navigation through the process of displacement started with preparation and planning for their

lives after the pressroom, whether that may mean another pressroom, taking some personal time

to figure out what comes next, or choosing a whole new path for their work lives. Some experienced more trouble than others. Some had more successful outcomes. But, I found that

seven months after the shutdown, most of the men had progressed through the stages of pre-

displacement and displacement to find themselves in the post-displacement period. The larger

structural conditions of technological displacement and the failings of an industry may have

impacted these workers’ lives, but the meanings that they constructed of these larger patterns and the actions they took to respond to them are what ultimately led them to the next stage of their lives.

Karl Marx (1845) described the “alienated worker” within the capitalist system. This worker is striped of elements of his humanity and is not able to determine his own life or destiny.

This worker does not think of himself as someone who can make decisions that impact his life.

Yet, we can see that while the displaced press workers in this research were subjected to the

consequences of the never-ending search for increasing profits characteristic of the capitalist

economic system, they also did not fit the image of the helpless worker portrayed in some

versions of Marxist analysis. By contrast, the pressmen in this study all made plans and acted

based on their understandings of their situation. They all executed, and continue to execute, their

plans based on their ever-developing definitions of their circumstances. They are firm believers

in their own efficacy and agency, despite varying levels of success and desirable outcomes. Far

from fitting the mold of the alienated worker, their determination and resiliency reveal workers who are the constructing their futures using tools of their understanding of the conditions in which they find themselves. Just as newspapers are printed every night with new stories based on understandings of the world, so, too, these men’s stories and their life trajectories are being produced daily by the meanings they make of their lives.

Finally, this research helped to fulfill a personal goal to blend the two main career-driven spheres of my life. This study allowed me to honor my coworkers--more accurately, the

brothers—with whom I have shared my life for the past seven years. One coworker has often referred to me as, “the one who’s gonna get out of here and go do something.” This work will hopefully help me to convince him that while we all “got out” of there, we all “do something,” that what we all do is important, and that we can help others through a greater understanding of our experiences, not just as victims, but also as those who attempt, in skillful ways, to survive in a changing economy.

Reccomendations

This study is based on a small sample of a much larger population of technologically

displaced workers. As deindustrialization continues, we must remain focused on the fates of the

workers impacted by displacement. More research is needed to address other industries in which

workers are subject to displacement. Researchers must not only look at the problematic situation

of worker displacement contemporaneously and retrospectively, but the focus should be upon

forecasting the end of at-risk jobs and responding to the needs of these workers before they are

displaced.

Workers in jobs that are at-risk of technological displacement should be protected.

Unemployment benefits and job seeking services help to remedy the situation after a layoff, but

more should be done to assist them in the transition to other work before the job has ended.

Programs that can keep workers focused on and committed to their current jobs while preparing

them to compete for employment in the New Economy would be optimal. This would mean

training workers and helping them learn versatile and flexible job skills that would translate into

lines of work that are sustainable in the foreseeable future. This would help to alleviate many of

the burdens associated with unemployment following displacement.

During the 60-day notice period prior to the shutdown, The North County Times did provide a job seeking assistance workshop hosted by the state-run organization, CalJobs. A representative from CalJobs provided information on applying for unemployment benefits and purchasing COBRA, a healthcare plan for people out of work. The representative also passed out information on job training programs. However, this program lacked the one-on-one attention workers need to better assess and utilize their specific skill sets and personal goals that would

help them in securing their next job. Moreover, employers and the government could and expand

upon current programs by going beyond a one-size-fits-all approach to these workshops, and, instead, tailor programs to workers’ individual skill sets and outlooks for their futures. Programs should also be designed to assist workers to focus on formal and informal networking. Most of those who were reemployed after the shutdown used their personal and professional networks to secure reemployment, but rather than being supported in these efforts, they were left to do so individually and on their own, in many cases after they had already been displaced.

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Appendix A: Wave I - Interview Questions

1. What is your age?

2. What is your marital status?

3. Do you have any children? How old are they?

4. What is your educational background?

5. How long have you worked in the print/newspaper industry? Have you held other

positions within the industry?

6. What other type of work have you done? Do you have any other skills from previous

employment?

7. How long have you worked at this newspaper?

8. How did you first hear about the layoffs?

9. Can you talk about how you felt when you first heard about the plant closing?

10. What has it been like at work since getting the news of the layoffs?

11. What has it been like being with the other workers since the news of the plant closing

broke?

12. What are some of your concerns or worries?

13. What are you doing to get through it?

14. What has been the most difficult thing for you throughout this process?

15. Who have you talked to about the plant closing? Please tell me about these conversations

and how people have responded.

16. What kind of help have you been getting (from family, friends, the company) related to

becoming unemployed?

17. What do you think you will do after this job ends? How will you support yourself (and

your family) as you look for a new job?

18. What kind of work will you do? How difficult do you think it will be to get another job?

Do you plan on pursuing similar work (i.e. printing)? If not, what other plans do you have

in mind?

19. From your perspective, how did this happen? What led to the closing of this plant?

20. Is there anything else related to dealing with the loss of you job that you’d like to talk

about?

Appendix B: Pressmen Profile Table

Name Age Years with Marital Children Planned Reemployed Company Status Break (in industry)

Mike 47 21 Married 4 No Yes

Jim 44 27 Engaged 0 Yes Yes

Bill 42 19 Single 0 Yes No

Tony 47 12 Single 0 Yes No

Rick 53 5(35) Married 3 No Yes

David 36 10 Married 0 No Yes

Jack 50 21 Married 3 Yes Yes

John 48 7(30) Married 2 No Yes

Jose 37 13(18) Married 4 Yes Yes Sean 26 7 Married 1 Yes Yes