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Home , Doug Guthrie, Morris Janowitz, Ruth Milkman

A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS November 2009 – Volume 38 – Number 6

EDITOR MANAGING EDITOR ASSISTANT EDITORS Alan Sica Anne Sica Kathryn Densberger CONTEXTS Richard M. Simon Understanding People in their Social Worlds Pennsylvania State University

EDITORS // EDITORIAL BOARD Christopher Uggen Paul Amato Yen Le Espiritu Andrew Noymer Douglas Hartman Pennsylvania State University University of California, University of California, Irvine San Diego DETAILS // Robert Antonio Jennifer Pierce University of Kansas Joan H. Fujimura University of Minnesota ISSN: 1536-5042 University of Wisconsin eISSN: 1537-6052 Karen Barkey Harland Prechel 2009, Vol 8 Joe Gerteis Columbia University Texas A&M University February, May, August, University of Minnesota Sharon R. Bird Robert Sampson November Iowa State University Janice Irvine Harvard University University of Massachusetts, Victoria Bonnell Amherst Michael Schudson University of California, University of California, Berkeley Nazli Kibria San Diego Boston University Alan Booth Wendy Simonds Pennsylvania State University Douglas Klayman Georgia State University Social Dynamics, LLC Rose Brewer University of Minnesota Charles Lemert University of California, Wesleyan University Berkeley Dana Britton Kansas State University Nicole Marwell Christian Smith An award-winning quarterly magazine of the American Sociological Columbia University Notre Dame University Association, Contexts presents cutting-edge perspectives on the Craig Calhoun John McCarthy Mindy Stombler most provocative issues facing contemporary society. This pioneering Pennsylvania State University Georgia State University journal brings accessible, incisive writing and the best of sociological Bruce Carruthers Northwestern University Ruth Milkman Judith Treas inquiry to bear on crucial concerns such as poverty, education, pop University of California, University of California, culture, immigration, religion, environmental justice, and much more. Georgi Derluguian Irvine Northwestern University Valentine Moghadam Stephen Turner Paul DiMaggio Purdue University University of South Florida WWW.UCPRESSJOURNALS.COM Princeton University Mignon Moore Jeff Ulmer Francis Dodoo University of California, Pennsylvania State University Pennsylvania State University Los Angeles Elaine Draper Ann Morning California State University, New York University Los Angeles

Job Name:95098 Date:09-11-13 PDF Page:95098pbc.p2.pdf Color: Black CONTENTS vii Editor’s Remarks Looking Forward by Looking Back

REVIEW ESSAYS The Last Thirty Years 507 Morris Janowitz The Last Half-Century: Societal Change and Andrew Abbott Politics in America

How Organized is International Crime? 516 Roberto Gomorrah: A Personal Journey into the Violent Saviano, International Empire of Naples’ Organized translated by Crime System Virginia Jewiss Misha Glenny McMafia: A Journey through the Global Criminal Underworld Paul Gootenberg Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug

REVIEWS Culture 522 Paul Frosh and Media Witnessing: Testimony in the Age of Sam Han Amit Mass Communication Pinchevski, eds. 523 Jeremy Gilbert Anticapitalism and Culture: Radical Theory Michael and Popular Politics McQuarrie 524 Kenneth C.W. A Hypersexual Society: Sexual Discourse, Michael David Kammeyer Erotica, and Pornography in America Today Franklin 526 Barbara A. Intellectuals and the Public Good: Creativity Joseph C. Misztal and Civil Courage Hermanowicz 527 Gregory J. Graffiti Lives: Beyond the Tag in New York’s Katherine Giuffre Snyder Urban Underground

Demography 528 Nickie Charles, Families in Transition: Social Change, Family Frances K. Charlotte Aull Formation, and Kin Relationships Goldscheider Davies and Chris Harris 529 Jacqueline Migration Miracle: Faith, Hope, and Meaning Cecilia Menjívar Maria Hagan on the Undocumented Journey Author Title Reviewer

Deviance and Control 531 Allison M. Effigy: Images of Capital Defendants Amber E. Cotton Boydstun 532 Michael P. A Typology of Domestic Violence: Intimate Kristin L. Johnson Terrorism, Violent Resistance, and Situational Anderson Couple Violence 533 John H. Kramer Sentencing Guidelines: Lessons from Robert C. Hauhart and Jeffery T. Pennsylvania Ulmer 535 Michael Lynch, Truth Machine: The Contentious History of Simon A. Cole, DNA Fingerprinting Ruth McNally and Kathleen Jordan 536 Peter Moskos Cop in the Hood: My Year Policing Baltimore’s Nick Larsen Eastern District 538 Frank van Street Gangs, Migration and Ethnicity Vera Lopez Gemert, Dana Peterson and Inger-Lise Lien, eds.

Education 539 Burton R. On Higher Education: Selected Writings, John Aubrey Clarke, with 1956–2006 Douglas Adele Clark 541 Bruce L. R. Closed Minds? Politics and Ideology in Richard Flacks Smith, Jeremy American Universities D. Mayer and A. Lee Fritschler 542 Pamela Education Research on Trial: Policy Reform David B. Bills Barnhouse and the Call for Scientific Rigor Walters, , and Sheri H. Ranis, eds. Ethnicity 544 Korie L. The Elusive Dream: The Power of Race in Shayne Lee Edwards Interracial Churches 545 Evelyn Nakano Shades of Difference: Why Skin Color Matters Tanya Golash- Glenn, ed. Boza 546 Pyong Gap Min Ethnic Solidarity for Economic Survival: Edward Chang Korean Greengrocers in Health 548 Ann K. Boulis The Changing Face of Medicine: Women Laura A. Schmidt and Jerry A. Doctors and the Evolution of Health Care in Jacobs America 549 People’s Health Global Health Watch 2: An Alternative World Alaka M. Basu Movement, Health Report Medact, Global Equity Gauge Alliance Author Title Reviewer

Politics 551 Yildiz Atasoy, Hegemonic Transitions, the State and Crisis in Alessandro ed. Neoliberal Capitalism Bonanno 552 Xavier de Souza Democracy as Problem Solving: Civic Capacity Thomas Janoski Briggs in Communities Across the Globe 553 Jessica R. High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Christopher Cattelino Sovereignty Wetzel 555 Heather Democracy, States, and the Struggle for Global Jackie Smith Gautney, Omar Justice Dahbour, Ashley Dawson, and Neil Smith, eds. 556 Charles Democracy Denied, 1905–1915: Intellectuals Daniel Chirot Kurzman and the Fate of Democracy 557 Vincent Mosco The Laboring of Communication: Will and Catherine Knowledge Workers of the World Unite? McKercher 558 Lina Newton Illegal, Alien, or Immigrant: The Politics of Cybelle Fox Immigration Reform 560 Kevin J. Popular Protest in China Xiaodan Zhang O’Brien, ed. 561 Deborah A. Stories of Inclusion?: Power, Privilege, and Paul Joseph Piatelli Difference in a Peace and Justice Network 562 Ray Taras Europe Old and New: Transnationalism, Christopher A. Belonging, and Xenophobia Bail 563 Steven M. Teles The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement: Rory McVeigh The Battle for Control of the Law 565 Laura L. The Contemporary US Peace Movement John F. Galliher Toussaint 566 Lynne M. Contesting Patriotism: Culture, Power, and Ellis Jones Woehrle, Patrick Strategy in the Peace Movement G. Coy, and Gregory M. Maney

Sexuality, Gender, and Social Psychology 567 George A. Animal Spirits: How Human Psychology Sajay Samuel Akerlof and Drives the Economy, and Why It Matters for Robert J. Shiller Global Capitalism 569 Steven Hitlin Moral Selves, Evil Selves: The Social Thomas J. Scheff Psychology of Conscience 570 Celia Roberts Messengers of Sex: Hormones, Biomedicine and Rosemary L. Feminism Hopcroft

Stratification 571 Vicki L. Income Inequality in Capitalist Democracies: Lane Kenworthy Birchfield The Interplay of Values and Institutions 572 Ruchira Globalisation and the Middle Classes in India: Brandon Ganguly-Scrase The Social and Cultural Impact of Neoliberal Vaidyanathan and Timothy J. Reforms Scrase 574 Kath Weston Traveling Light: On the Road with America’s Timothy Pippert Poor Author Title Reviewer

Theory and Methods 575 Rebecca Jean The Undevelopment of Capitalism: Sectors and Eric Mielants Emigh Markets in Fifteenth-Century Tuscany 576 Lane Kenworthy Method and Substance in Macrocomparative David Weakliem and Alexander Analysis Hicks, eds. 577 Nicos P. Modern and Postmodern Social Theorizing: Philip Walsh Mouzelis Bridging the Divide 579 Lloyd H. Rogler Barrio : Tales of Naturalistic Tennille Allen Research 580 Philip Selznick A Humanist Science: Values and Ideals in Douglas V. Social Inquiry Porpora 581 Frédéric A Philosophical History of German Christopher Adair- Vandenberghe Toteff 583 Thomas The Frankfurt School in Exile George E. Wheatland McCarthy

Urban and Communities 584 Nicholas Dagen Public Housing That Worked: New York in the Sharon Zukin Bloom Twentieth Century 586 Mary Chayko Portable Communities: The Social Dynamics of Jessie Daniels Richard Online and Mobile Connectedness 587 Gendron and The Leftmost City: Power and Progressive Thomas H. Koenig G. William Politics in Santa Cruz Domhoff 588 Derek S. Hyra The New Urban Renewal: The Economic Bruce D. Haynes Transformation of Harlem and Bronzeville 590 Sean Safford Why the Garden Club Couldn’t Save Charles S. Varano Youngstown: The Transformation of the Rust Belt

Work and Organizations 591 Arthur P. Brief, Diversity at Work Ellen C. Berrey ed. 593 Kerry B. Fosher Under Construction: Making Homeland Eric Klinenberg Security at the Local Level 594 Jessica Johnston Technological Turf Wars: A Case Study of the Linus Huang Computer Antivirus Industry 596 Alexandra Bullish on Uncertainty: How Organizational Doug Guthrie Michel and Cultures Transform Participants Stanton Wortham 597 Hayagreeva Rao Market Rebels: How Activists Make or Break Fabio Rojas Radical Innovations 598 Andrew Ross Nice Work If You Can Get It: Life and Labor in Robert K. Precarious Times Schaeffer 600 Catherine Hypocrisy Trap: The World Bank and the Sarah Babb Weaver Poverty of Reform Author Title Reviewer

Briefly Noted 602 Jack Barbalet Weber, Passion and Profits: ‘The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism’ in Context 602 Edgar F. Freedom in Sociology Borgatta, edited by Alberto Gasparini and Bruno Tellia 603 Stanley Buder Capitalizing on Change: A Social History of American Business 603 David B. Clarke, Jean Baudrillard: Fatal Theories Marcus A. Doel, William Merrin, and Richard G. Smith, eds. 604 Peter B. Clarke The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion 605 Hamid Dabashi Post-Orientalism: Knowledge and Power in Time of Terror 605 Anthony Worlds Made by Words: Scholarship and Community in the Modern Grafton West 606 David Kettler, Karl Mannheim and the Legacy of Max Weber: Retrieving a Research Colin Loader, Programme and Volker Meja 607 Kathryn Mabel Agnes Elliott: Pioneering Feminist, Pacific Sociologist McGonigal and John F. Galliher 608 Nick Reding Methland: The Death and Life of an American Small Town 608 Robert F. Making Americans Healthier: Social and Economic Policy as Health Schoeni, James Policy S. House, George A. Kaplan, and Harold Pollack, eds. 609 John H. The Politics of Truth: Selected Writings of C. Wright Mills Summers, ed. 610 Peter S. Wenz Beyond Red and Blue: How Twelve Political Philosophies Shape American Debates 610 Timothy Zick Speech Out of Doors: Preserving First Amendment Liberties in Public Places

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The American Sociological Association acknowledges with appreciation the facilities and assistance provided by Pennsylvania State University. Cover art by Tina Burke; design by Robert Marczak. EDITOR’S REMARKS LOOKING FORWARD BY LOOKING BACK

In the early ‘90s I served as editor of another an ever-growing group, now read it with ASA journal, Sociological Theory, and decided appreciation. to devote parts of two issues to “Neglected Perhaps more important, Janowitz single- Theorists.” Based on the responses I heard, handedly rebuilt the School during this unprecedented use of scarce was the 60s, after its heroes of the 20s and 30s had viewed as successful and illuminating, espe- dispersed and left that department with an cially for readers without a deep knowledge uncertain future. He meanwhile came up of theory’s history. So when I began editing with the brilliant publishing idea of institut- CS in August 2008, the notion recurred to me ing the Heritage of Sociology Series, wisely that expending some of the journal’s pre- anchored in the University’s own Press. cious pages on retrospective reviews might Beginning with a volume in 1964 on W. F. also be worthwhile, particularly for younger Ogburn, edited and introduced by Dudley scholars. At least one of my Editorial Board Duncan, the series eventually included over members—Charles Lemert—concurred, vol- 50 volumes, ending only in the mid-90s, hav- unteering to examine Augustine’s De Trini- ing covered virtually every major sociologi- tate (400–416 A.D.) in terms of its continuing cal thinker or researcher of the modern era. sociological importance. Every academic library owns the series and A few months later I asked Andrew those few lucky scholars who collected them Abbott, longtime editor of AJS and stalwart have at their fingertips the “best of the best” of the Chicago School, if he thought it was that sociology had to offer between Marx and time yet for a rediscovery of Morris Janowitz, Elias. That I was unable to comply with his particularly his magnum opus, The Last Half- request to edit such a volume remains a Century (1978). Not long before Janowitz grave professional disappointment. It was died in 1988, this was written in a festschrift surely the premier series of sociological work in his honor: “Janowitz is one of the best ever mounted by a single publisher under a known and most prolific sociologists adopt- continuous editorial philosophy and format ing the institutional approach to an under- (nobly continued by Donald Levine after standing of contemporary society” (The Chal- Janowitz’s continued final illness). lenge of Social Control , Ablex, 1985). Even One could go on about Janowitz, but I allowing for exaggerations that typify such now leave that to the able hands of Andy occasions, it is shocking to those of us who Abbott. More generally, it is said that a dis- knew him personally to admit that few soci- cipline which hesitates to forget its founders ologists under the age of 40 would likely be is lost (so said Whitehead and Merton and able to identify Janowitz by name, nor would many others), but a field of study that cannot have any inkling of what he accomplished remember its lineage does not deserve the professionally. (The Wikipedia entry for him designation “discipline” at all, and becomes remains a so-called “stub,” barely better a randomly generated congeries of discrete than being entirely absent.) The same might studies that, in the end, do not add up to well be said for any number of worthies who what they could have had there been some died 20 or 30 years ago, yet Janowitz was central vision organizing these disparate indeed a special case. His The Professional Sol- efforts. And it is to help maintain and expand dier: A Social and Political Portrait (1960) this vision that CS will occasionally look back remains the standard work, and even though for clues to our present condition, beginning during the 70s and 80s it had apparently with this long meditation by Abbott on the become irrelevant to national interests, those meaning of Morris Janowitz’s final, grand who study the military or who live that life, effort to analyze modern society.

vii Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 REVIEW ESSAYS

The Last Thirty Years ANDREW ABBOTT [email protected]

Although the past is always ready to teach, anniversaries help us choose which of its The Last Half-Century: Societal Change and classes to attend. Perhaps then we should Politics in America, by Morris Janowitz. notice that it is twenty years since Morris Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, Janowitz died, thirty years since he pub- 1979. 582pp. $29.00 paper. ISBN: lished The Last Half-Century, and forty years 9780226393070. since the close of the epoch to which his title referred. Perhaps it is now time to learn Square College of New York University, something from the book, its reception, and studying in particular with , the implicit commentary made upon it by then in the disillusion-with-Stalin phase of these late eventful years. his long march from Marxism to neoconser- The Last Half-Century was the middle vatism. When Janowitz was drafted in 1943, work of a trilogy that Janowitz intended as his German language skills took him to the his masterpiece: Social Control of the Welfare OSS London office and eventually to the con- State (Social Control 1976), The Last Half-Cen- tinent itself, where he interviewed German tury (Last 1978), and The Reconstruction of prisoners of war. After the war, he did grad- Patriotism (Reconstruction 1983). He had orig- inally envisioned one immense work. But he uate work at the University of Chicago, extracted Social Control when the main man- where he finished his PhD in 1948. He taught uscript became too long, and Reconstruction at Michigan from 1951 until his return in emerged later as the call to action implied by 1961 to Chicago, where he remained until his the two earlier analyses. death in 1989. The three books are quietly autobio- Let me start with a disclaimer. Although graphical. The “welfare state” which needed Morris Janowitz chaired my dissertation control was the United States. The “last half- committee, I did not read this book when it century” was 1920–1970, the first half-cen- appeared. Janowitz had wanted me to write tury of Janowitz’s own life. The patriotism a dissertation on the role of mental hospitals that needed reconstruction was American. in the welfare state and had been character- Indeed, the books circle perpetually around istically explicit in his disappointment at my Janowitz’s personal passions: social and awkward refusal. In revenge I ignored the political citizenship, democracy, justice, com- The Last Half-Century when it appeared. Now munity, social change. Their footnotes are a that I am older than its author, I can begin to litany of loyalty to the people who taught see its place both in the discipline and in his him, to his peers and friends, and to the own life. Not to mention my own, for while many students that he himself taught. I was reading and puzzling over what Although sometimes awkward to the point exactly Janowitz meant by “systemic analy- of rudeness, Janowitz was a man of enduring sis,” I recalled with chagrin that the word loves: for the wife and children to whom he “system” appeared—somewhat incongru- dedicated Last, for the students, department, ously, in fact—in the title of a book of my and university to which he devoted endless own. hours, for the community institutions he bankrolled and advised, and for the country 1. The Book Itself he served and revered. The Last Half-Century is a work in four sec- Born in Paterson, New Jersey, Morris tions of several chapters apiece. The opening Janowitz was educated at Washington section sets out the book’s purposes, theory,

507 Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 508–Review Essays and analytic method. Janowitz’s purpose is Janowitz focuses on industry, noting the drift to understand the major trends of modern from coercive to manipulative modalities of society as well as their interrelations, it being control, a drift he thinks characteristic of pris- a central theme of the book that these inter- ons and other institutions as well. He also relations are increasingly “disarticulated.” notes the increasing separation of, and disar- Janowitz’s theory focuses on “social control,” ticulation between, family and workplace. As loosely understood as a society’s ability to for residential communities, Janowitz sees regulate itself through both change and sta- trends to smaller communities (nucleation) bility so as to accomplish its broadest and and to “communities of limited liability” highest objectives. (Social control is thus at (communities used for few things beyond once an empirical fact and a normative ambi- sleeping, eating, and education). He also tion.) Janowitz’s method is “systemic analy- notes the failure of the school to serve all the sis,” which is macrosociological and empiri- aims forced on it by these changes, as well as cal, developmental rather than the similar failure of new voluntary associa- equilibrium-based, inductive rather than tions to fill the gap. deductive, concrete rather than abstract. As for mass media, Janowitz insists on a Section Two elucidates “master trends” in “social” personality, whose “personal con- politics, social stratification / welfare, and trol” (the individual analogue of social con- military structure, intending thereby to iden- trol), while more central than ever to social tify indicators of declining social control and solidarity (because of segmentation), is the mechanisms producing that decline. In deeply and negatively affected by mass politics, the trends are (1) political regimes media, which emphasize violence, which without clear mandates (control of both weaken party affiliation, and which increase houses, major differences in popular vote for distrust of the political system. president, etc.), (2) lack of critical elections, Finally, as for legitimate coercion, and (3) decline in party identification cou- Janowitz notes the increase in crime, which pled paradoxically with an increase in he thinks is partly demographic, but also extremist politics. In stratification, the trend related to declines in social control occa- is the breakup of clear classes and indeed sioned by segmentation and the ending of even of clear occupational groupings, result- military service. He also comments on judi- ing in a society of “ordered segments,” and cial activism, which he feels shows the failure facilitating the emergence of ascriptive of legislative institutions (to accomplish what groups, which crosscut the segments and the judges therefore felt impelled to accom- therefore make each individual’s calculation plish by their activism), even as it decreases of “enlightened (political) self-interest” insu- respect for judicial and legal processes. At the perably difficult. In welfare, the trend is the same time, he sees ghetto violence as pro- diffusion of entitlements in education, home- ductive, in that it eventually led to new vol- ownership, welfare, and social insurance untary (and non-violent) organization, while across the socioeconomic scale, with the con- the student movement and its associated vio- sequence of even further unclarity about self- lence simply seemed to produce generalized interest. In the military, the trend is away distrust of authority, again sapping social from the citizen-soldier, mass-army concept control. towards professionalism, limited war, partial Section Four comprises three chapters engagements, unequal participation, and about “what is to be done:” one on interper- decreasing support for veterans, who are sonal relations, one on community organiza- themselves a rapidly decreasing group. This tion, and one on political elites. In each of trend too removed essential aspects of social these, experts play a central role. In the realm control. of interpersonal relations and desire, Section Three considers important societal Janowitz sees the emergence of compulsive and cultural contexts of these “master hedonism, but thinks that the various forms trends:” bureaucratic institutions and resi- of psychotherapy (for which his word is usu- dential communities among the former, and ally psychoanalysis, that being the dominant mass media and legal coercion among the school in 1975) have in fact increased the effi- latter. Among bureaucratic institutions, cacy of personal control. As for communities,

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 Review Essays–509 he notes a shift from comprehensive (e.g. pejorative. “Social control” and “disarticula- Utopian and new town) strategies to partial tion” mean different things on different and pragmatic ones, rooting this change in pages. In such a text, the reader sometimes the rise of social surveys, government inves- feels adrift. tigation, and sociological analysis. He urges More broadly, the book is not well-writ- the creation of new voluntary associations, at ten. Sentences are long and ponderous. Sec- block, “organizational community,” and tion summaries are few and far between. “metropolitan aggregation” levels, mention- Digressions are not always distinguished ing on the way the first publication of a from the main argument. Chapters some- young Yale graduate student, Robert D. Put- times wander afield into other countries and nam, who would become world famous for other periods. Moreover, this diffuse quality saying the same things twenty years later. grows towards the end of the book: perhaps As for political elites, Janowitz urges a the copy-editor just gave up. Indeed, he or limit to their dispersion and division, as he she might better have ordered the book cut in does to purely economic conceptions of polit- half, for it is well over 200,000 words of text ical life (which he thought were being alone, not counting hundreds of often sub- defeated by stagflation in any case.) He stantial footnotes. clearly admires European codetermination in Why should we go back to such a book? labor relations, being well ahead of the 1980s What is the point of revisiting a complicated, vogue of that phenomenon in American exasperating, and difficult book that doesn’t labor circles. In the end, however, he favors in the last analysis give us the clarity we increasing citizen participation outside the prize? The point is that by now rereading this electoral system, since he feels that the elec- book we can learn a lot about Janowitz and toral system simply cannot serve as an effec- his time, and about us and our time, and tive aggregator of interests and creator of the indeed about the process of history that links decisive majorities necessary for serious the two. This learning comes from three sep- reconstruction of society. arate readings. One is from our point of view, In short, Janowitz argues that a number of in teleological hindsight. One is a contextual reading that sees Janowitz in his own time broad trends, together with smaller eddies and place. And one is a humane reading, try- and flotsam in the flow of history, have made ing to hear the voice of the universally the United States outgrow its governance human as it speaks through the particular system and social institutions. This is evident concerns of one particular person at one par- in failure of social control—the society’s ticular moment. inability to regulate itself and realize its goals. He recommends various solutions for 2. The Teleological Reading this problem, notably the extension of insti- The teleological reading is easiest, for it tutions of personal control and of means for involves a simple problem: how could so personal efficacy, the creation of extensive widely read, thoughtful, and brilliant a man intermediary institutions of societal partici- have been so wrong? Even as Last was pub- pation, and the better coordination of politi- lished, its core trends of stagflation, weak cal elites. regimes, and military quiescence were com- This is a short summary of a book that is ing to an end. Stagflation? GNP would rise ambitious, comprehensive, insightful, and 400 percent in real terms from 1970 to 2000, profound, even as it is also uneven and exas- (although real median family income would perating. Let me begin with the difficulties, rise by only 12 percent). Weak regimes? A to get them out of the way. president without firm control of Congress One of the stranger aspects of the book is would soon oversee deregulation of most Janowitz’s often idiosyncratic vocabulary. industries and devolution of federal safety- For a book so rooted in existing literature net functions to local governments and pri- (over a thousand scholars are mentioned in vate agencies without the resources to serve the footnotes), its working lexicon is surpris- them. Congressionally-mandated executive ingly personal. “Hypothesis,” one discovers, functions would be halted by appointing means “interpretation” or even “conclusion.” cabinet officers pledged to gut their agencies. The word “manipulative,” we are told, is not Federal deficits would balloon not through

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 510–Review Essays

“welfare” but through increased military brought the courts—perhaps permanently— spending, middle-class entitlement pro- into an active and easily redirected political grams, and a tax cut with which the Reagan role, that self-help was a crucial new form of administration bought popularity. Bureau- voluntarism, that economic thinking had cratic disarticulation? The labor/manage- come to dominate political discourse (even ment relationship whose disarticulation and more than he could have imagined), that cor- adversarialism so bothered Janowitz would porate interlock data was the useful way to be dissolved by exporting industrial jobs to understand elites, that polls now had a direct right-to- work states or overseas and by a influence in creating the very attitudes they wave of union-busting sponsored by the study, that paying executives in stock executive branch. Ordered segmentation? options would transform the relation of own- The “haves versus have-nots” politics that ership and control. Janowitz thought was vanishing in a welter This too is an extraordinary list, and the of segments would return in the isolation reader will find as many more surprising and solidification of an underclass and in the insights in the book if he or she looks. But division of the labor force into sharply above all, Janowitz was right that the 1970s defined upper and lower segments. were a crucial moment, that politics as usual As for Janowitz’s other master trends, could not, would not, survive. In this he was inequality would skyrocket. Although usu- absolutely correct. ally coded as other things (e.g., crime), What Janowitz did not see was how this racism would again become central to poli- turning point would turn out. In part, this tics (Janowitz saw the beginnings of this, but happened because the first set of results not how consequential they would be.) The listed above—the things he got wrong—was citizen-soldier Janowitz thought gone would by no means a foregone conclusion as of reappear as the multi-tour reservist. The 1977. After all, it was the Democrats’—and crime rate he expected to fall would balloon, more particularly Jimmy Carter’s—failure to feeding off concentrated urban unemploy- develop a credible campaign that put Reagan ment, undisciplined schools (as he did see), in the White House by a landslide. Since the and a massive demand for illegal intoxicants “Reagan revolution” was to a considerable that he did not foresee (only because he did- extent a top-down affair, the counterfactual n’t foresee the affluence that drove it; he did is a strong one; things might have been quite realize affluence drove the demand for intox- different if Carter had won. icants). The crime rate built an incarceration Indeed, Janowitz’s own theories—rooted industry and associated lobbying system, in —said that social trends could and would, together with several related only set the conditions for action. Action social issues, provide the symbolic icons itself would decide the future, not some used to stampede the public into ongoing inevitable drift. And as it turned out the support for administrations that were future made by that action would have been reshaping the government, and ultimately as repugnant to Janowitz as to many of us. even the military, in line with a narrow set of He was a self-proclaimed social democrat, private interests. proud to live in an integrated neighborhood But the question “how did so smart a man and active in meliorist causes throughout get it so wrong” is beside the point. We all Chicago. More important, he was a patriot got it wrong. Few people other than those who would have been revolted by the use of who enacted these changes saw them even as public monies and public commitment for possibilities. Janowitz got more right than private gain. most people. He correctly saw that social seg- In short, a first reading shows Janowitz to mentation would transform politics, that the have been a prescient man betrayed by welfare state was predominantly for the action narratives he could not foresee. He middle classes, that the increasing differ- saw many of the trends correctly, if he mis- ences in black and white social attitudes took some of their details. But he did not see would have major consequences, that the how certain of those trends could be woven decline in local voluntarism would reshape into a deeply conservative hegemony, nor political life, that judicial activism had how a politics of self-interest would replace

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 Review Essays–511 the public-spirited politics he so admired. Occasionally Janowitz ranged afield. Tal- The only ones who knew what was coming cott Parsons and (particu- were those determined to make it come. larly for his voting studies) are both men- tioned often, as is C. Wright Mills (as if to 3. The Contextual Reading counterbalance Parsons and Lazarsfeld). A second reading of Last tries to see Janowitz And there are a scattering of others. But in his time, forgetting our knowledge of what beyond the senior generation, there is great now seems the avalanche of changes that concentration on Chicago sources (not only drove his work to irrelevance. Here, we see for their work on communities and ecology, him not only in his public moment, but also but also for NORC surveys more broadly) in the more private traditions of his disci- and on Michigan sources (particularly for pline. In this reading, one is struck immedi- political sociology and for survey data). ately by the catholicity of Janowitz’s reading. Functionalism and its institutions make only The book draws on multiple generations and rare appearances. Even in an East Coast spe- multiple traditions. Yet at the same time, it cialty like the sociology of science, profes- bears the inevitable stamp of Michigan and sions, and intellectuals, Janowitz comple- Chicago, the two institutions where Janowitz ments the obligatory Kuhn and Merton worked. citations with Ben-David, Glaser, Strauss, In the senior generation—those who Shils, and others of the Chicago lineage. retired or died around the time Janowitz was Indeed, his occasional followings of the born—he referred most to Durkheim and mainstream seem quite awkward, as if he especially Weber, but also to Robert Park and didn’t really believe them. There is for exam- W. I. Thomas and , whose ple an odd Durkheimian quality to some of Polish Peasant Janowitz had read as an under- his indicators of social control—mental ill- graduate and which he explicitly cites as an ness, participation in elections, partisan iden- early model of “systemic analysis” (p.70). Beyond these were scattered references to tification, of strikes, respect for the Karl Marx, Herbert Spencer, and Georg Sim- Supreme Court, etc. Some of them are the mel, as well as to younger men like Joseph usual attitudes, employed throughout the lit- Schumpeter and . In the mid- erature as important political indicators. But dle generation—Janowitz’s own teachers and others are distinctly odd: for example, using senior collaborators—the major figures cited mental illness rates and strikes to indicate were (for his psychological “social control.” theories of politics) and Edward Shils; but When we move beyond the realm of soci- also prominent were Janowitz’s Chicago ological ancestry to historical roots, however, teachers Will Ogburn, Lloyd Warner, and Janowitz’s lineage is very plain. Two epochal , as well as his senior collabo- themes mark him very clearly. First, the cor- rator Bruno Bettelheim and the emigre Karl nerstone of his politics is fear of totalitarian- Mannheim, whose Man and Society in an Age ism. There may be no index entry for fascism of Reconstruction provided a model for The (as there is none for communism), but the Last-Half Century. Janowitz’s fellow graduate topics of mass persuasion, domination, prej- students make an appearance as well—Rein- udice, and anti-democracy recur continu- hard Bendix and Dudley Duncan in particu- ously throughout the book. Janowitz’s first lar—as do his Michigan colleagues in sociol- essays in sociology were translations of Ger- ogy () and political science man war pamphlets and interviews with (Angus Campbell and Philip Converse). His German POWs, and his reverence for democ- close Chicago friend Lloyd Fallers is men- racy—to the point of considerably underesti- tioned several times, as are such junior col- mating the bad faith of various elite political leagues and students as Dave Street, Gerry segments in America—reflected the wartime Suttles, Al Hunter, Jack Kasarda, and David experiences of the young American whose Segal. The depth of Janowitz’s commitment Polish relatives (his parents had come to the to students is evident in the citing of six pub- United States early in the last century) must lished and fourteen unpublished Chicago have perished in the camps. dissertations, most of them dating from It is this deep fear of fascism that made Janowitz’s teaching years at Chicago. Janowitz seem conservative to those of my

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 512–Review Essays generation, as he probably seems completely munity (and to a lesser extent organizational) irrelevant to the post-cold-war generation. studies, together with the emphasis on con- For it made him accept political differences sumption, hedonism, and therapy at the we found abhorrent, and made him patient individual level, almost forces an IC model, with social problems for which we complexified slightly by an intermediate demanded quicker solutions. Though he was level of “community” that is distinctly ideal- passionate about equality as well as democ- ized. racy, he felt the former could come only by A curious correlative is that although overcoming the political impotencies of the Janowitz discusses the civil rights, women’s, latter. Oddly enough, this makes him seem and anti-war movements, he does not envi- willing to countenance a level of political sion society or even politics as a congeries of authority and centralization that was pre- social movements. This too marks his era. cisely what my generation came to call “fas- The years from 1925 to 1975 were the years of cism,” although it was a pale reflection giant organizations and formal structures, of indeed of the real thing, for which Janowitz huge bureaucracies and an attempt to insti- and his peers—who saw that real thing at tutionalize social change within them. Dur- first hand—reserved the word. Thus, ing the war, the country itself had been orga- strangely, his work has occasional echoes, for nized on this basis, well over thirty million my generation at least, of precisely the thing people reporting in one way or another up a he most directed it against. long chain of military, industrial, or research A second epochal theme is what I have command to the Secretary of War and elsewhere called the IC model. Dominant in beyond him to the President. In such a both the theories of and the world, there was no room for social move- midcentury practice of survey analysis, this ments, which seemed foreign indeed to mid- model imagines that society comprises sim- century America. ply some “individuals” on the one hand and Today’s America is by contrast filled with the “collectivity” on the other (hence, IC social movements, and indeed sociology model.) The IC model largely disregards itself has begun to see the world largely in intermediate institutions like churches, firms, terms of social movements: disease move- associations, ethnicities, and so on. It ments, self-help movements, environmental emerged during and after the Second World movements, ethnic and racial movements, War, in part because society actually took and so on. The idea of “an America” in which more of an individual/collectivity form, but different “segments” are “disarticulated” also because the war effort required so strong sounds like rank functionalism to us, even a commitment to “the nation” that interme- though Janowitz was at great pains to dis- diate institutions and their conflicts had to be tance himself from Parsonsianism. But the disregarded. This meant that sociologies larger conjuncture has changed, and now he emphasizing those intermediate structures— looks painfully close to sociologists whom he in particular the Chicago School—were emphatically rejected. inevitably eclipsed. We see then that while a fairly catholic Although Janowitz helped lead the reader, Janowitz was predominantly rooted revival of the Chicago School, the underlying in the Chicago sociological tradition. More model of society in Last is a variant of the IC broadly, as a social thinker, he partook of the model. As the chapter outline above implies, intellectual hallmarks of his era—anti- fas- Janowitz saw society as persons nested in cism on the one hand and a certain “democ- local communities in turn nested in the ratic” collectivism on the other. nation. (He also saw persons nested in occu- The contrast between this contextual read- pations or firms which also were nested in ing and the teleological one considered ear- the nation.) Although he talked about lier teaches an important lesson. The “Mene “ordered segments” early in the book, this Mene Tekel Upharshin” of the future is, to be term (borrowed from Evans- Pritchard, prob- sure, written on the walls in front of us. How- ably via Gerald Suttles or Lloyd Fallers) was ever, also written on those walls are other never clearly explored. Through most of the threats from other gods. Which of them book, the heavy use of survey data and com- comes true is only in part determined ahead

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 Review Essays–513 of time; for history is also a matter of chance the counterculture, and so on. But like social and of will. Our descendants too will wonder movements, events are strangely absent. One why we didn’t read the handwriting on the is reminded of reading The Mediterranean and wall. Like us looking back at Janowitz, they the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip the will have trouble imagining that the course Second (itself first published in a paperback of the last thirty years could have been quite translation in 1976) and wading through nine different if chance and will had assembled hundred pages of structure and conjuncture different lineages in our present, as they did before finally getting to one’s first event. But in Janowitz’s thirty years ago. in Janowitz, it’s worse. The events never Oddly enough, then, we are better off come. We get the structure—Janowitz’s the- reading the book now than we would have ory of systems and their social control. We been in 1978. At that time, the book’s argu- get the conjuncture—master trends and the ment made little sense. One could see its institutional responses to them. But we never vision only with difficulty, and all too often get the events. the pieces of the argument seemed just an The Braudel comparison is apt, for like eclectic collection. But as later readers, we see Braudel’s immense book, Janowitz’s is ency- that it was precisely this confusion that was clopedic and overstuffed. There is a sheer what the world looked like at the time. To us, it is obvious which among the trends intellectual exuberance in its lists of topics Janowitz described became the political ful- and its many digressions. Like Braudel, crum that emerged as he wrote: sharper Janowitz never fully reconciles or theorizes black-white differences in voting, increased the diverse things he describes. Some sec- extremism in politics, export of jobs, paying tions seem present only because they have to of executives with stock options, emergence be here: law and order, for example, or of divisive social issues. But in no case does industrial relations, or consumerism, or the he see that these are the crucial trends, for he declining status of medical professionals. locates them amid dozens of others. Others are quite evidently his specialties: the To read the book at both the teleological military, most obviously, which is socially and contextual levels is then to learn what a and politically important but surely not as very particular present looked like, to a wise important as Janowitz makes it. Still other and thoughtful observer, profoundly com- sections are there to give him a chance to cite mitted to his city, his discipline, and above all teachers, friends, and students. his nation. And to learn from his experience This lack of events proves problematic. a lesson in historical humility. For as I have already noted, it is by events that the potential of the future becomes the 3. The Humane Reading actual of the new present. The very rhetorical The humane reading starts from this basic structure of Janowitz’s argument, leading lesson in humility. Morris Janowitz knew just from the structure to the conjunctures, leaves as well as we do that he was trapped in the no room for events. We are told to hope for flow of history and could not predict the social control, but the events that can shape future. He had watched his own teacher Sid- new institutions of control are invisible here. ney Hook remodel his views to deal with his- torical changes, and his own conceptions of There are proposals in The Reconstruction of civility and social democracy were called Patriotism, to be sure, where Janowitz’s plea conservatism and worse by students in his for civic education sounds strangely pre- own department during a contested tenure scient in a discipline that didn’t bother with case in the late-1960s. A humane reading theories of civil society much before the therefore aims to learn from Janowitz his 1990s. But the eventful level of history is not strategy for confronting this predicament we articulated (to use Janowitz’s word) with the all face—our historicality as individuals. two other levels. As a result, like Braudel, His first tactic was to ignore events. One Janowitz seems sometimes to have taken an might expect a book covering U.S. history almost literary approach to the puzzle of his- from 1920 to 1970 to talk about the Depres- tory, hoping by simply listing and anatomiz- sion, the Second World War, the Cold War, ing all the relevant social trends to solve the McCarthyism, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, dilemma of structure and action.

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Yet, Janowitz’s accomplishment is much expected artists to be the communicators of more than that, for the conjunctural analysis the social analysis evolved by experts in acad- that preoccupies him must be seen as an emia. No doubt he would have seen film as attempt to provide the middle-level social the- the central such artistic medium, and one can ory absent from the books he took as his mod- imagine his ghost telling Janowitz in 1977 to els. In the first instance, these models are the take a break from proof-reading and go see writings of the Chicago School sociologists he Saturday Night Fever. After all, the ever-adven- so much admiredl; for while some of them turous Dewey remarried at age 87. (Will Ogburn in particular) pioneered the So Janowitz handled historicality first by analysis of social trends, they never tied this ignoring events and second by detailing the analysis into an explicit analysis of political conjunctural history of macropolitics which life. Janowitz turns the format of Ogburn’s had been only lightly touched either by the Recent Social Trends from a mere annual list of pragmatist political theory of Dewey or by the indicators into a comprehensive, if not always matching pragmatist empiricism of the persuasive, analysis. Chicago School. But ultimately, he handled The most important of Janowitz’s models, the problem of writing in the turbulent pre- however, is without question ’s sent exactly as had Dewey: he refused the dis- The Public and Its Problems. Last is almost cer- tinction between “is” and “ought.” The Last tainly a self- conscious continuation of the Half-Century makes its obligatory bow to Deweyan program there set forth. (The Public Weber’s “value-free sociology.” But the book and Its Problems, probably not coincidentally, is, in fact, profoundly committed to a vision of predates Last by exactly 52 years.) What is society. Indeed, it was far ahead of its time, a Janowitz’s “disarticulation” if not Dewey’s massive example of what “loss of the public?” What is Janowitz’s “soci- has called public sociology, aimed at a broad etal socialization” if not Dewey’s “search for intellectual audience across both the discipline the great community?” What is Janowitz’s and American intellectual life. “social-scientific institution building” if not Oddly, Janowitz here diverged from his Dewey’s “free social inquiry?” Janowitz’s chosen roots in the Chicago School. For the normative theory of mass media in democ- Park-Burgess Chicago School had surren- racy is pure Dewey, and his critique of party dered the articulate progressivism of depart- politics could be summarized by Dewey’s ment founders Albion Small, Charles Rich- remark that “political parties may rule, but mond Henderson, and W. I. Thomas. Like they do not govern.” Weber, Park and Burgess accepted a separa- In addition to creating a developed empir- tion of advocacy and objectivity that the older ical basis for the abstractions of political prag- men had never recognized. But Janowitz fol- matism, Janowitz has also made some sub- lows the senior generation, not least because stantive additions. One concerns his core concept of social control comes from psychoanalysis in relation to personal control, that generation. It is on the one hand empiri- for Dewey did not so much think of people as cal, denoting society’s observed ability to lacking control as he thought them wrongly govern itself, and on the other hand norma- educated. Another is the emphasis on local tive, recognizing the contested and performa- community organization, for Dewey seemed tive character of social ideals. In The Last Half- to embrace the societal segmentalism that Century, Janowitz seldom drifts into explicit Janowitz—having observed fifty years of it— moralism, but The Reconstruction of Patriotism knows to be part of the problem. is firmly normative, and the opening pages of Ironically, Janowitz’s book resembles Social Control of the Welfare State explicitly Dewey’s also in being awkwardly written and announce Janowitz’s social democracy. No sometimes difficult to follow. Clarity emerges one who reads these books—and certainly no only on reflection, for both texts resist reduc- one who knew Morris Janowitz personally— tion to bullet points. And Janowitz’s text is all could have thought him other than a moralist. too clearly a negative illustration of Dewey’s To be sure, Janowitz was no more able than remark late in Public, that for social inquiry any of us to see out of the normative bubble in “presentation is fundamentally important, which he had chosen to live his life. In the last and presentation is a matter of art.” Dewey analysis, he was, like John Dewey, a profound

Contemporary Sociology 38, 6 Review Essays–515 optimist. He expected well of his fellow men. as a trilogy, but individually; few citers If they dedicated themselves to institution- invoked more than one of the books. Perhaps building at the personal, community, and this was understandable given the historical national level, they would together build a sequel. By the late 1980s, stagflation was better society for all. If their leaders got gone, and social scientists were writing about beyond petty divisions, they would guide the newly powerful Reaganism and Thatcherism, society first to find its purposes and then to which would flower into the neoliberalism of realize them. Underneath all is Janowitz’s the 1990s. memory of America coming together in a To think more broadly about the legacy of great committed effort to fight the Second The Last Half-Century it is useful to compare it World War. The spirit of citizenship and col- to Habits of the Heart, published only seven laboration built there had only to be trans- years later. Self-consciously modeled on Ries- ferred to civilian life to reap a profound har- man and Denney’s Lonely Crowd, Habits vest in the solution of social problems, the catered to the American self-obsessions that flowering of democracy, and the building of a were analyzed in Chapter 11 of Janowitz’s truly great society. book. Of course, the memory was itself a myth. Habits is a pleasant book, gracefully self- The Second World War had barely sub- merged the country’s complex political divi- conscious about its limitations. Its demo- sions, and many of the social control indica- graphic facts, attitude trends, and structural tors Janowitz would later recount in his book analysis are familiar borrowings from sec- reached heights of disorganization during the ondary sources, neither weighed nor judged war: divorce, residential mobility, race rela- nor articulated into a comprehensive analysis. tions, to give a few examples. But like many, Its analysis of American culture rests on inter- perhaps even most, of his generation, views with two hundred middle- and upper- Janowitz was marked permanently by the war middle-class whites, chosen by an arbitrary experience. How was he to know that the process, and asked questions we never hear political party of Henry L. Stimson and about by investigators whose methods and Dwight D. Eisenhower would give the nation biases are never discussed. Much of the book Ronald Reagan and the younger Bush? He consists of illustrative quotes from these inter- had seen great things. He was not prepared views, interspersed with a didactic interpre- for little. tation. Alternative interpretations and con- Thus the humane reading, like the teleo- flicting data are absent. logical and contextual ones, contains a pro- As for the results, quotes are interesting, found lesson. Not only is each of us inevitably the framing from Tocqueville and other clas- bound to a particular social place and time, in sics is artful, and the whole is elegantly writ- the end this means that sociology is ten for a particular non- academic audience. inescapably moral. Willy nilly, each of us is a Habits essentially deals with only one among public sociologist. Social analysis inevitably many themes Janowitz considerd: the thera- has value implications because all the terms peutic, self-help tradition that aims at adjust- that matter in it consist of congealed human ing human beings to their (for Janowitz prob- values. Democracy, inequality, individual- lematic) society. Thus one can read Habits ism, delinquency, bureaucracy, satisfaction, without being aware of Reaganism, global- even marriage: none of these words can ization, poverty and racial issues, the attack on denote a purely empirical fact. Janowitz sus- organized labor, the rapid rise of immigra- pected that; and he consciously chose to write tion—in sum, without being aware of the both as sociologist and moralist. His work therefore lacked the clarity of some later rapid transformation of American life. This macrosociology. But it had a moral forth- complex social conjuncture is invisible in rightness that our own awkward forays into Habits, where an America that never was public sociology often lack. rehearses the insights of olden days, and where the culminating conclusions about self- 5. Impact actualization, public spirit, and building The impact of Janowitz’s trilogy was modest, America are faint echoes of things John and moreover what impact they had was not Dewey shouted from the rooftops in 1925.

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Habits of the Heart was cited 114 times in Janowitz wrestles with the great issues of his 2008. The Last Half-Century was cited once. It time, and if in the end they were too much is not a journalistic book. It is not an easy or for him it is not for want of ambition or abil- well- written book. It is more passionate ity. The present is always more than we can than elegant, more comprehensive than comprehend. Whoever can do better, let him clear, more disciplined than popular. cast the first stone.

How Organized is International Crime? RANDALL COLLINS University of Pennsylvania [email protected]

Roberto Saviano was a 22-year-old under- graduate sociology student when he took a Gomorrah: A Personal Journey into the job on the docks of Naples in 2001 and began Violent International Empire of Naples’ Organized Crime System, by Roberto his attempt to penetrate the Camorra. His Saviano. Translated by Virginia Jewiss. intrepidness is admirable. Young sociologists New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, have been getting much closer to the crime 2007. 301pp. $15.00 paper. ISBN: world than older criminologists ever thought 9780312427795. possible. How deep inside did he get? Not that far, as we shall see. Did he keep his head, McMafia: A Journey through the Global above all in the write-up, in the final prod- Criminal Underworld, by Misha Glenny. uct? Not sufficiently; the book is not just New York, NY: Vintage Books, 2009. laced through with rhetoric, it is to a consid- 416pp. $16.95 paper. ISBN: erable extent built up from a rhetorical 9781400095124. stance. Amid the oratory we get glimpses of a set of crime organizations, partly interna- Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global tional, but on the whole quite traditional. To Drug, by Paul Gootenberg. Chapel Hill, keep our own heads clear, we need to pull NC: University of North Carolina Press, apart books like Saviano’s, separating what 2008. 442pp. $24.95 paper. ISBN: he observed from the way he paints it. 9780807859056. And this is what we need to do with most treatments where the impetus to get up close for their sins. That is a fair sample of to the crime world is not strictly intellectual. Saviano’s tone throughout. This may be a harsh thing to say, but the Saviano’s participant observation of intellectual world is a harsh place, and we crime-related organization is limited to the keep raising higher standards for our socio- first two chapters, when he works on a crew logical understanding of the world. No mat- tearing out the interiors of old Neapolitan ter how difficult it is to be in the field, there remains another struggle to make sense of waterfront buildings in order to turn them what is out there, and how it fits into the pic- into warehouses for goods which are ture from all our reports. Saviano’s contribu- whisked away from the docks in order to tion is better on understanding what is tra- avoid paying customs duties. He meets the ditional about Camorra crime, than it is in his boss of a Chinese firm which employs smug- rhetoric of unprecedented violence and clan- gled workers in clandestine sweatshops, pro- destine international doom-threat. Gomorrah ducing imitations of brand-name clothing. of course is a pun on the biblical cities of These gray-market factories—Italian as well Sodom and Gomorrah, destroyed by fire and as Chinese—compete at cutthroat prices for brimstone by God Almighty as punishment fast-delivery contracts; in the background,

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