LIFE IN THE FASLANE:

Faslane Peace Camp and the Protest Camp Network in the UK

by

Sarah Macdonald

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Sociology)

Acadia University Fall Convocation 2008

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While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. Canada This thesis by Sarah Macdonald was defended successfully in an oral examination on August 15,2008.

The examining committee for the thesis was:

Dr. Donna Seamone, Chair

Dr. Rod Bantjes, External Reader

Dr. Phyllis Rippeyoung, Internal Reader

Dr. R. James Sacouman, Supervisor

Dr. James J. Brittain, Acting Head

This thesis is accepted in its present form by the Division of Research and Graduate Studies as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree Master of Arts (Sociology). IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE & KEY THEORETICAL CONCEPTS 10

RELEVANT POLITICAL BACKGROUND - COLD WAR TO PRESENT 10 PEACE CAMPS 13 FASLANE PEACE CAMP 18 NON-HIERARCHICAL ORGANIZATION 19 NON-VIOLENCE 19 DISARMAMENT THROUGH STRUCTURAL TRANSFORMATION 22 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 27 RESOURCE MOBILIZATION THEORIES 28 NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY 29 FRAME ANALYSIS 30 KEY CONCEPTS 33 METHODOLOGY 36

DEVELOPING A RAPPORT 37

SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW FORMAT 38 FINDINGS: A CASE STUDY OF FASLANE PEACE CAMP 42

VISITING FASLANE 42 CONDUCTING INTERVIEWS 44 CONNECTIONS WITH THE LARGER DISARMAMENT MOVEMENT 47 FASLANE'S ROLE WITHIN THE DISARMAMENT MOVEMENT 50 CONNECTIONS OUTSIDE THE DISARMAMENT MOVEMENT 53 COUNTER-HEGEMONIC FRAMEWORK 55 POLICY OF NON-VIOLENCE 59 ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS 60 SUMMARY 61 EXAMINING PROTEST CAMP SITES ACROSS THE UK 62

UK PROTEST CAMP NETWORK 62 NETWORKING AND MASTER FRAMES IN THE UK 65 NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES 68 RESOURCE MOBILIZATION OR POLITICAL PROCESS APPROACH 69 CONCLUSION 72 APPENDIX 1 - INTERVIEW GUIDE. 75 v

ABSTRACT

The central purpose of this thesis is to explore and better understand Faslane

Peace Camp's approach to disarmament and their methods of protest as well as to understand Faslane's connection to the larger network of social movement organizations establishing camps as a method of protest throughout the UK. The central argument is that Faslane Peace Camp has developed a counter-hegemonic frame that relates it to other movements for peace, social, and environmental justice. Frame analysis, new social movement theories, and research mobilization theories are all applied to the research data to gain a fuller perspective of Faslane Peace Camp and the protest camp network in the

UK. Studying this network is crucial to help better understand SMO's in the UK and to encourage their growth and development. VI

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all I would like to say thank you to the dedicated group of activists at Faslane Peace Camp for welcoming me onto your site and for being so eager to help with my research.

I would like to thank my supervisor Jim Sacouman for your constant encouragement and support. For the past four years, you have made sure I continue to work hard and believe in myself and my abilities. You constantly challenge me to think outside of the box and have changed the way I look at the world. I am incredibly grateful to have you as a supervisor, a professor, and a friend. Thank you.

A big thank you also goes to Phyllis Rippeyoung, my internal reader. Having your positive presence across the hall from me this year was a blessing. Your detailed editing of this thesis was greatly appreciated.

Thank you to Zelda Abramson who helped to ensure I was well prepared for my interviews in Scotland. Also for all your advice and words of encouragement.

To Tony Thomson, Karen Turner and the rest of the wonderful sociology department here at Acadia, thank you for being so helpful. Everyone has been extremely friendly and encouraging. It is very much appreciated.

My sincere thanks also goes to Dr. Rod Bantjes who kindly agreed to be my external reader.

Lastly, I must thank my family and friends. Thank you for putting up with me throughout the past twelve months. It has been a stressful year and I would not have made it without you. 1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

Peace camps emerged as a method of protest in the United Kingdom (UK) in the

1980s. One of the first peace camps to form was Faslane Peace Camp, located outside the Naval Base Clyde in Scotland, established in 1982 and still in existence today

(Faslane Peace Camp 2007). The camp exists to protest the Trident nuclear weapons system, and is also the location in which an "alternative lifestyle project" takes place

(Faslane Peace Camp 2007). The central purpose of this thesis is to explore and better understand Faslane's approach to disarmament and their methods of protest. The network of social movement organizations (SMO's) establishing camps as a method of protest in the UK is also investigated. I then argue that it is Faslane's approach which connects them to other SMO's in the UK. My central argument is that Faslane Peace Camp has developed a counter-hegemonic frame that relates it to other movements for peace and social and environmental justice. This thesis suggests the existence of an active protest camp network involving numerous activists supporting a counter-hegemonic approach to different social justice and environmental issues. Studying this network is crucial to help better understand SMO's in the UK and encourage their growth and development.

The thesis begins with a review of the literature as well as the introduction of a few key concepts used throughout the thesis. Three major social movement theories are introduced, explained and their relevance to Faslane and the camp's connections with other SMO's is discussed. There is a brief chapter on methodology in order to detail the interviews conducted in Scotland and the steps taken to ensure the necessary data was 2 gathered in a way which complies with Acadia University's ethical research policies.

Findings are divided into two sections. The first outlines the findings of the research conducted at Faslane Peace Camp. The second section ties Faslane to other protest camp sites across the UK, applying social movement theories to help explain the camp and activist network.

In order to conduct a small case study of Faslane Peace Camp, data were collected through existing literature, interviews with activists living at Faslane Peace Camp and observation. A semi-structured interview was conducted on-site with two activists who have considerable experience living and working at Faslane. An interview guide with a basic list of questions was prepared beforehand and organized thematically. The interview was quite informal and helped the conversation to remain open and allowed the interviewees to feel comfortable adding their own opinions and ideas if they wanted to.

Semi-structured interviews allow for some flexibility, taking into account that as the interview progressed, additional questions sometimes arose and in other cases some of the prepared questions were deemed inappropriate and therefore not utilized. This form of interviewing ensured the necessary issues were addressed, while hopefully allowing the individuals being interviewed to share their own ideas, opinions and stories. While visiting the peace camp I also had the opportunity to have a tour of the camp, to speak informally to some campers, and to observe. The information I gathered while visiting

Faslane helped form the core of my analysis. By interviewing individuals who had been involved with Faslane as well as other disarmament groups and the protest camp network, 3

I was able to gain a better understanding of camp organization, camper experience and the Faslane's connections with other social movement organizations.

As a student living in Canada and being affected by an increasingly globalized and militarized world, I find the concept of creating a peace camp fascinating. The idea of a group of individuals putting their busy lives aside and actually coming together to act against a government program they disagree with is inspiring. By joining together around their shared concerns, the peace camp becomes more than a typical protest. It is a permanent reminder to the base, the state, and anyone who is paying attention that nuclear weapons are a real concern. In addition, the camp has become a community of activists organized to allow individuals to live in an environmentally friendly, non- hierarchical, non-violent setting. By keeping the camp active for so many years, Faslane has served as an inspiration to activists in the UK and all over the world.

By addressing this topic at a time when the Trident nuclear system is up for renewal, my thesis analysis should hopefully prove relevant during the coming years.

Faslane Peace Camp and its role in the larger disarmament movement will once again be receiving attention as the Scottish people rally to stand up to the UK government and try to rid their soil of nuclear weapons. The thesis will also hopefully be of some benefit to the protest camp network in the UK. Perhaps with a more official acknowledgement of the networks' existence, camp activists can continue to develop their methods, share resources and advance the fight against various injustices in the UK.

Since 1998 all of the UK's nuclear weapons have been located in Scotland

(Chalmers and Walker 2002:2). The current missile system, called Trident, is held in four 4

Vanguard submarines at Her Majesty's Naval Base Clyde (Chalmers and Walker

2002:2-3). The decision to refurbish and eventually replace the UK's Trident nuclear weapons system was made in early 2007 (Edwards 2007). It is estimated that to replace the Trident system, could cost the government between £10 and £25 billion (Gilmour

2006). Because Scotland stores all of the nuclear missiles, the Scottish government, activists, and community have begun to come together against this practice.

Nuclear disarmament became a major issue in the UK in 1979 when the North

Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) announced that 96 United States Air Force (USAF) ground-launched cruise missiles would be stationed at Greenham Common (Junor and

Howse 1995:X). In 1981 a small group of protesters in Great Britain, marched from

Cardiff to Greenham in protest of the NATO decision. Upon arriving at the Royal Air

Force/United States Air Force base at Greenham Common, a number of the marchers decided to set up what they referred to as a "peace camp" (Junor and Howse 1995:X).

Soon afterwards, the decision was made to make it a women-only camp. Setting up tents on a small piece of land right beside the base, a group of women formed what would become a famous settlement in protest of nuclear missiles in the UK (Junor and Howse

1995:X). Over the years the campers were evicted hundreds of times, however this dedicated group of women always managed to come back and set up camp again as soon as possible (Junor and Howse 1995).

Peace camps serve as a permanent display of the public's concern with nuclear weapons. Activists who are able to stay at a camp for any length of time are there representing the interests of numerous others who are concerned with the weapons in 5 military bases in the United Kingdom. The women gathering at Greenham Common quickly realized after establishing their camp in 1981 that they were representing thousands of other people from all over the world. Many people came forward to let them know that they were supportive of what the camp was doing. Although not everyone interested was capable of relocating to Greenham, the women who were received letters, cards and telegrams of support, as well as donations of money, food, clothes, firewood and other equipment (Cook and Kirk 1983:29). In addition, Greenham held numerous mass protests. On December 11, 1983 thousands of women "encircled the base, reflecting it back on itself with the use of mirrors" (Hipperson 2005:16). People connected with what they were trying to accomplish and tried to support them in any way they could.

A peace camp is not a regular camping ground. People do more than come together and talk about their concerns. A variety of different methods of protest are used to capture people's attention and get their message across. In the case of Greenham

Common, the women used creativity to try and make an impact on people's minds about the issue of nuclear weapons. For example one of the first large actions the Greenham women undertook was a 'die-in' in 1982. Groups of women lay down and pretended to be dead across five different roads around the London Stock Exchange. In only a short period of time, they managed to block all traffic going through the city. Other activists handed out information to any one witnessing the event. The action was meant to help people make the connection between the huge amount of money that is spent on nuclear weapons and the potential consequences of human lives (Cook and Kirk 1983). In this case, many people in the downtown area of London were either affected by or witnessed the event and many others heard about the action on the news.

By 1991, the last remaining nuclear missiles were removed from the Greenham base. Greenham campers made the interesting decision to keep the camp running, in order to continue to fight for the common land to be available to the public and to protest the Trident nuclear system (Junor and Howse 1995:219,237). It was not until September

5, 2000 that the peace camp was permanently shut down and a commemorative park was established in its place, recognizing the camp location as a historical site (Hipperson,

2002).

Due to the unusual method of protesting, the peace camp at Greenham Common managed to gather some attention. It also served as inspiration for other camps to form in different areas. With the fear of nuclear war that existed at the beginning of the 1980s and in the midst of the Cold War, there were soon a number of other peace camps outside military bases across the UK (Nordon 1985:7). Over the years many have shut down for different reasons. Although there are still some peace camps that will meet once a month or once a year, today only one permanent peace camp remains. This camp is Faslane

Peace Camp located just outside of the HM Naval Base Clyde in Scotland. Having been there since 1982, the peace camp remains highly active and continues to organize various actions in protest of the nuclear weapons stored inside the base.

Aside from maintaining a protest camp for over 25 years, activists at Faslane organize a variety of different protest actions on a regular basis. Although most organized protests are relatively short-lived, sometimes lasting a day or two, on rare 7 occasions larger actions are organized. Recently the camp introduced "Faslane 365," which began on October 1, 2006 and aimed to peacefully blockade the gates at Faslane base continuously for a year. In order to do this they planned for independent and autonomous groups to step in for a certain amount of time and take responsibility for their own organization and for how they arrange the blockade. On October 1, 2007, a

"Big Blockade" was planned in which approximately 600 people blocked all three entrance gates to the base and 187 people were arrested (Faslane Peace Camp 2006).

The protest camp concept can easily be applied to different issues. In a world that is filled with problems, protesters have to continue to find creative ways to capture people's attention and have their message heard. Today there are a number of different

SMO's which have adapted the peace camp model to their specific cause. Protest camps have proven particularly useful for those who need to occupy a specific lot of land to prevent a development or save a forest or historical site. Examining sites other than

Faslane using a camp as a method of protest enables a better understanding of social movements in the UK. In particular, this thesis examines the similarities between camp sites and whether the sites are connected and share resources. The limited research conducted at Faslane suggests that there is a network of activists that rotate through the protest camps. A shared approach also makes it easy for the camps to share knowledge and support each other.

What separates protest camps from other types of SMO's is the counter- hegemonic environment that activists are able to create as they live together and build a small community. In camps like Faslane and Greenham, the camp became the setting for 8 experiments in alternative ways of living. In the case of Greenham, as Alice Cook and

Gwyn Kirk explain, it was "a resource - a women's space in which to try to live out ideals of feminism and non-violence, a focus for information and ideas, a meeting place, and a vital context for women to express their beliefs and feelings." (Cook and Kirk

1983, 5). For Faslane Peace Camp, this aspect of the camp is referred to on their website as their "alternative lifestyle project" (Faslane Peace Camp 2007). This project refers to the way in which campers are always striving to live and work peacefully together while organizing themselves non-hierarchically in an accepting and non-violent environment.

The protest camp is a place where participants can contribute to a cause that they feel is incredibly important, live in a positive space and gain solidarity with those around them.

The counter-hegemonic approach protest camps tend to use influences the way in which a camp frames the particular issue they are protesting. Although Faslane Peace

Camp has developed as part of the disarmament movement, campers tend to acknowledge the need to address the many aspects of economic and social stratification in order to reach peace. By acknowledging that nuclear weapons are part of a larger problem, Faslane has been able to recognize that simply getting rid of the missiles will not solve the problem. Militarization is a structural problem connected to many other elements of our society such as gender, race and class hierarchies. In order to address these hierarchies, peace camp activists try to ensure an environment which resists societal norms and offers practical alternatives. They set an example for a co-operative and non- hierarchical way of living, a way of living that does not require nuclear weapons for

"security" purposes. 9

Through my interviews I gained further insight into Faslane's organization, goals and methods. Furthermore, I was able to better understand Faslane's connections with other SMO's. In the following pages I analyze Faslane's approach, and its connections to other groups both inside and outside the disarmament movement. In addition, I examine the protest camp network that has emerged in the UK and apply framing, resource mobilization and new social movement theories to the data. 10

Chapter Two

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE & KEY THEORETICAL CONCEPTS

The following chapter introduces the key concepts and expands upon them while reviewing the existing literature. This will help provide a background for the analysis that follows in Chapters 4 and 5. The next section of the chapter introduces and explains the key concepts emerging from the literature. The terms counter-hegemony, cross- movement networking, master frame and social movement organizations (SMO) are defined and discussed in order to assist the reader in the subsequent theoretical discussion. Framing, RMT, and NSM theories are the major social movement theories that are utilized throughout this thesis. All are reviewed and analysed at the end of this chapter.

Faslane is not a large organization, and there is little existing literature on SMO's in the UK. Although still relevant, most books or journal articles on the topic were quite old, written in the 1980's during a growth in concern for nuclear war. Further information had to be found not only from academic sources but from websites and newspaper articles as well. This limit in resources only made visiting Faslane more necessary. Conducting interviews on-site at Faslane Peace Camp helped to understand the camp's current position and it's connections with other SMO's.

Relevant Political Background - Cold War to Present

In November 1980, Ronald Reagan was elected president of the United States based on an election campaign that dismissed disarmament and supported improved 11

'security' through the increase of nuclear arms (Lightbody 1999). Once in power, he authorised an expansion of the US nuclear program, while at the same time challenging the Soviet Union to end the arms race (Lightbody 1999). With this reinvigoration of the

Cold War, public fear grew more widespread. The threat of nuclear war seemed to increase and people were becoming more aware of the potential effects of nuclear war

(Lightbody 1999).

It was only one year earlier on December 12, 1979 that NATO had made the decision to place 572 medium-range missiles in various locations throughout Western

Europe (De Boer 1985, 119). Believed necessary by NATO governments in order to compete with the increasing number of Soviet weapons (Mandelbaum 1984:24), Great

Britain was one of the locations in which nuclear missiles were placed. It was shortly afterward in 1983 that the deployment of the new nuclear missiles began (De Boer

1985:120). With all of this developing over the period of a few years, people took action and the European peace movement grew into "a real mass movement" (De Boer

1985:119).

The development of the UK's submarines and Trident II ballistic missiles continued throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s. Today, the UK's nuclear force consists of four Trident ballistic missile submarines kept at the HMNB Clyde in Faslane,

Scotland. Headquarters of the Royal Navy in Scotland, the HMNB Clyde is responsible for the "storage, processing, maintenance and issue of the Trident Weapon System and the ammunitioning task for all submarine embarked weapons" (Royal Navy 2007a). 12

Interestingly, the entire nuclear force has been located in Scotland since 1998

(Chalmers and William Walker 2002). The fact that the United Kingdom's entire arsenal of nuclear weapons is stored in Scotland is, not surprisingly, unpopular among many

Scottish people. It is both for this reason and because of recent political developments, that nuclear weapons have been making headline news again in Scotland.

In March 2007, the UK government voted in favour of refurbishing the Clyde naval bases and moving ahead with plans for developing the replacement for the current

Trident nuclear weapons system (Royal Navy 2007b; Edwards 2007); a decision made by the British Parliament in London. The plans anger Scottish Nationalists who believe the decision should be made by the Scottish government. In the late 1990s, constitutional changes were made and a new legislature and executive was established in Scotland.

This allowed Scotland greater powers of self-governance. Although nuclear weapon's policy is still under the control of the UK government, "the reality is that the UK nuclear force cannot now be operated without the full co-operation of Scottish political and administrative bodies" (Chalmers and William Walker 2002).

The current party in power in Scotland, the Scottish National Party (SNP), has publicly denounced the decision to store Trident within Scotland. The Party has pledged

"to use every power available to stop the nuclear warheads being based north of the

Border" (Gray 2007). On October 22, 2007 an anti-Trident summit was organized by the

Scottish government, inviting politicians, unions, environmentalists and church leaders.

Afterwards, "the minister for parliamentary business announced a working group to look at the various devolved powers that could be used to stop Trident's successor being 13 brought to Scotland by 2025" (Gray 2007). In addition, numerous protests have been held all over Scotland. In November 2007 a reported 1,200-3,000 people demonstrated in

Edinburgh in a march and rally organized by a group calling themselves Scotland's for

Peace (BBC News 2007; Allinison 2007). At this rally, Shirley-Anne Somerville, a member of the Scottish Parliament from the Scottish National Party (SNP), stated: "We want Scotland to be a force for peace in the world, not a storage depot for weapons of mass destruction. Trident is economically inept and morally repugnant" (BBC News

2007b). Comments such as these illustrate the increasing contentiousness of nuclear weapons in the UK.

Peace Camps

Since the 1980s, the UK "has been notable for the strength of its grassroots campaigns against nuclear weapons" (Chalmers and William Walker 2002:1). During the early 1980s, peace camps became a popular protest method used by small disarmament campaigns. Choosing this method enabled them to establish a permanent presence outside military bases and buildings which are associated with the development of nuclear weapons. Activists involved in Faslane Peace Camp wrote: "We think peace camps are important. They are a constant reminder of the threat that hangs over all of us, making all else seem meaningless. It's much easier to bury your head in the sand and pretend everything's fine, but everything isn't fine. We need to be constantly reminded" (Faslane

Peace Camp 1984:6). For those in the UK, the peace camps have, since the early 1980s, helped to provide that constant reminder. 14

As discussed in the introduction, the original peace camp dedicated to anti-nuclear protest was Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp and was established in England in

1981 (Junor and Howse 1995). Faslane Peace Camp was then established one year later in Scotland on June 12, 1982 (Faslane Peace Camp 1984). With Greenham lasting until the year 2000 (Hipperson 2005), and Faslane currently still in full operation, peace camps are a method of protest that can have longevity. There have been other disarmament camps that have existed for shorter periods throughout the UK. Some of the early women's camps that were established were "Waddington in Lincolnshire, home of the

Vulcan Bomber, Capenhurst Uranium Enrichment Plant in Cheshire, [and] Porton Down in Wiltshire, in protest at the MoD's [Ministry of Defence's] involvement in chemical experiments with animals" (Nordon 1985:7). In addition, Aldermaston Women's Peace

Camp was established in 1985 and remains today, meeting for one weekend each month outside the Atomic Weapons Establishment (AWE) Aldermaston (Aldermaston Women's

Peace Camp 2007).

In order to catch the attention of the media and remain in the public eye, camps must continue to engage in different actions or protests near the base or elsewhere. Due to the nature of many of the direct actions the camp activists participate in, campers are constantly coming into contact with police, and active campers can be arrested quite frequently. Consequently, camp members become quite experienced in knowing how to deal with authorities, jail time, and defending oneself in court. "Most people at the camp believe that it is better to represent themselves in court because, while the lawyer will concentrate on the actual interpretation of the law, there will normally be no mention of 15 the nuclear issue which, obviously, is felt to be more important" (Faslane Peace Camp

1984:20). However, representing yourself in court is no easy task. Not only does the camper have to be familiar with the relevant laws, she also needs a great deal of time to prepare her defence. A Greenham camper explains the difficulties involved:

Legal challenges of this sort take place amidst endless camp chores, evictions, and continuing non-violent resistance to the military. The 'offices' we work from are our tents. We have neither a telephone nor photocopier nor computer systems at hand. Just preparing to begin your legal work can take hours, if you have to collect more wood, then water, and then heat the water to wash your hands, before you can begin handling the papers. If there is an eviction of the camp in the middle of this, you have to begin all over again. It is an achievement even to store all of your papers safely (Junor and Howse 1995:19).

It seems certain that if a camp is regularly performing direct actions, a great deal of their time will be spent dealing with legal challenges.

Depending on the location of the camp, protest campers can sometimes be evicted from the land they are occupying. For years, the women at Greenham had to deal with this issue. Due to the fact that they did not own the land they were camping on, they had to be prepared to pack up at any moment. Greenham member, Beth Junor describes how she learned to deal with this problem:

I had to learn to organize my tent so that I could be evicted on waking in the morning. ... Your clothes had to be ready so you could dress very quickly. Your bedding had to be rolled up in one go, and carried to Gladys, the transit van, which would be driven off as soon as the last bedding role had been thrown in (1995:79).

Finally in 1987, the Greenham women were able to purchase a small piece of land with a financial contribution given by Yoko Ono after she visited the camp. It was only then that they no longer had to worry about bailiffs evicting the women and their possessions

(Junor and Howse 1995). Evictions are a major distraction but unfortunately they are a 16 reality at most camps. Activists have to learn to adapt and prepare for interruptions by law enforcement.

The creation of an all women's peace camp was not a new phenomenon in the

1980's. Barbara Nordon refers to the Hibakusha Mother's Committee which "set up a camp to disrupt the militarization of the sacred mountain Fuji, some miles from Tokyo in

Japan" in 1970 (Nordon 1985:7). She goes on to explain how:

it is these methods, carried into new areas in women's peace politics today, that have produced the pragmatic, imaginative and women centred political approach which differentiates Greenham actions from the demos, petitions, speeches, bureaucratic process, vanguardist and even military language and methods which are a feature both of the male-dominated left and the mixed peace movement (Nordon 1985:7).

The women who were involved in Greenham developed their own political method which

"derives partly from feminist ways of working and partly, as is often cited from the non­ violent politics of Martin Luther King and the American Civil Rights Movement, and from the methods of Gandhi in the Indian struggle for independence" (Nordon 1985:7).

The actions that the Greenham women organized were often heavy in symbolism, took the form of a direct action, and were always non-violent. In addition, most of the women at Greenham considered themselves to be feminists. Nordon explains that at first, the type of feminism you saw at Greenham was a more extreme one which saw the nuclear arms race as a direct expression of patriarchy. As time went on however, this type of feminism gave way to "a more diverse brand of socialist feminism which has enabled

'Greenham' to make links" (Nordon 1985:8). 17

Although some would argue that any emphasis on feminism would take away from the central anti-nuclear issue, most women at Greenham disagree. One woman involved at Greenham is quoted as saying:

I should like to say now that as a woman involved in both peace and feminist issues, I personally find no conflict within myself. My vision of peace is far wider than the absence of armed conflict and includes women's autonomy in their lives, the eradication of discrimination on grounds of race, class, gender, respect for animals and the environment, the absence of poverty etc. (Nordon 1985:33).

The Greenham camp recognized that disarmament is not only about getting rid of the nuclear weapons. If they were to really get to the root of the problem and achieve their

"vision of peace," they knew they had to address the hierarchical social structures that all play a role in constructing and maintaining our militaristic society. The women recognized that getting rid of the weapons on the Greenham base was only part of the solution. As a result, camp life focused on addressing issues such as race, class and gender. By trying to address these issues within the camp, Greenham had the ability to attract women from many different backgrounds. Cynthia Enloe has commented that

Greenham was indeed successful at creating a "cross-class" anti-militarism alliance

(2000:25).

By establishing Greenham as part of the women's movement, some campers felt they were at an advantage. Myra Ferree explains:

.. .regardless of their goals, mobilizations that use gender to mobilize women are likely to bring their constituents into more explicitly political activities, empower women to challenge limitations on their roles and lives, and create networks among women that enhance their ability to recognize existing gender relations as oppressive and in need of change (Ferree 2006:7). 18

Not only did Greenham women inspire others to get involved at their own camp, they also inspired women to form similar camps in other locations. Once Greenham was established as an only female peace camp, others soon began appearing across England and the rest of the world (Nordon 1985). Greenham was known for being very open and welcoming, and could attract large numbers of women with little or no background in the peace movement or political activism of any kind. It also seemed to attract high proportions of both older women and very young women (Nordon 1985:33). Clearly the peace camp concept, combined with the welcoming environment at Greenham, proved to be successful at attracting a wide variety of people interested in getting involved.

Faslane Peace Camp

Other than the location, what sets Faslane apart from Greenham is the fact that the camp is open to both men and women. In addition, Faslane seemed to try very hard from the beginning to maintain the support of the local community. The campers had a "policy of no drugs, negotiated with the local authority for official permission to site, began an educational outreach programme into local schools, and kept a regular campaigning presence in Glasgow city centre" (Faslane Peace Camp 1984:2). In the beginning,

Faslane seemed to be more conscious of local opinion in regards to the camp and were willing to work with the community to ensure that their setup was legal. The camp was also careful to distinguish "between their attitude to the base (physical evidence of the

Government's preparedness to use nuclear weapons) and those who work there. By refusing to adopt a 'them and us' stance and take refuge in taunts and slogans, the 19 campers have attempted to inform the military and civilian personnel about the issues..." (Faslane Peace Camp 1984:3).

Non-Hierarchical Organization

Most protest camps try to develop a non-hierarchical style of organizing. It is a style which supports their anti-hegemonic stance and supports solidarity within the camp environment. Epstein argues that banishing hierarchy in an organization "expresses the desire for a deepening of democracy and reflects the protest against subordination that has been pressed by women and people of colour" (Epstein 1991:56). Cook and Kirk believe that using non-hierarchical organizing "opens up options rather than closing them off, and leads to a greater sense of unity, which can be channelled into action" (1983:72).

For example, at Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp, "Everyone has the opportunity - some would say responsibility - to say what they think. As each person speaks, everyone's understanding of the situation deepens. The discussion is continually redefined and reworked to assimilate each person's ideas and feelings." (Cook and Kirk

1983:72). This way of organizing also counters the way in which the military organizes, which is very ordered and hierarchical. Peace camps try to take the time to include everyone in decisions, attempting to ensure that all those who are present are able to have input and feel satisfied with the result.

Non-Violence

One theme found across the peace camps is a strict policy of non-violence. Due to the fact that Faslane is protesting the existence of nuclear weapons and ultimately plays a role in the larger peace movement, it does not make sense to use violence to get 20 their message across. At Greenham, if grabbed by police, activists would go limp, forcing the police to have to carry or drag them to remove them from the protest or demonstration. When the Greenham women were doing an action that aimed to educate, they tried to make contact with people and start a discussion, rather than being confrontational and potentially antagonizing (Cook and Kirk 1983:64). As the Faslane website explains: "The aim of nonviolence is both dialogue and resistance - dialogue with the people to persuade them, and resistance to the structures to compel change"

(Faslane Peace Camp 2007). At Faslane they use the term "active non-violence" for most of the actions they undertake. This commonly means sit-ins, blockades and general non- cooperation to obstruct the flow of traffic as well as employees from entering the base.

Barbara Epstein argues that non-violent direct action, as we know it today, originated in the protest against nuclear weapons (Epstein 1991:1). Gene Sharp describes non-violent action as a technique which "consists of numerous specific 'methods,' or forms of action" (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:49). Some examples include "protest marches, flying forbidden flags, massive rallies, vigils, social boycotts, economic boycotts, labour strikes, civil disobedience, boycott of phony elections, strikes by civil servants, sit-ins, hunger strikes, occupation of offices, and creation of a parallel government" (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:49). During my interviews, activists were able to give me a more candid list of actions the camp regularly uses (see Chapter 4). There are three main types of non-violent action; protest and persuasion, noncooperation, and non-violent intervention (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:50). Peace camps utilize all three of these varieties in their various actions. 21

In order for non-violent resistance to occur there has to be a certain amount of discipline. Participants need to have a clear understanding of the action, what they are to do, and why they are not to react violently. Sharp argues that "the more discipline is evident in nonviolent action, the more effective the struggle is likely to be, and also the less chance of later disorder and chaos" (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:423). This is especially a concern for larger actions. When large numbers of people are involved, it is imperative to ensure that everyone is on 'the same page.' For example, for Faslane's recent year-long action, referred to as Faslane 365, a 'resource pack' was compiled and posted online. It contains a wide variety of information for people who plan on participating in an action. Everything from non-violence to blockading tactics to a legal briefing is covered in this manual (Faslane Peace Camp 2006). The Faslane Peace Camp argues that the "aim of non-violence is both dialogue and resistance - dialogue with the people to persuade them, and resistance to the structures to compel change" (Faslane

Peace Camp 2006:21).

Epstein suggests that the reason for the widespread attraction to non-violence

"reflects a sense that in the late twentieth century violence is a problem, not a solution to problems. Nuclear weapons have made it impossible to support the idea of another world war" (Epstein 1991:57). It seems only logical that a disarmament or peace movement ensure that their protests and actions are non-violent. The peace camps believe that the current system, where threat of violence is considered security, does not work. By acting non-violently, peace camps not only challenge the system, but encourage people to question the norm and offer an alternative as well. 22

Disarmament Through Structural Transformation

An important area of this research is determining whether Faslane Peace Camp is utilizing a broader approach to disarmament than simply eliminating nuclear weapons.

By taking a broader approach to the issue, Faslane can see disarmament can be reached through structural transformation. Certain states own nuclear weapons because of the current popular, yet distorted concept of security (Enloe 2000:46). The idea that a state needs nuclear weapons in order to ensure its own security is one which supports the concept of militarization. The continuation of militarization and its influence on all aspects of our lives is interrelated with the various hierarchical structures that support it.

These include the many systems which divide us: gender, class, "race", sexuality, age and ethnicity. It is this structural formation which those with a broader understanding of disarmament aim to transform.

Cynthia Enloe has argued that 'national security' is a questionable concept that has been used by states to help maintain the social order. It is this social order which helps reinforce the need for continued 'security.' Enloe argues, "in this circular process, national security can come to mean not only the protection of the state and its citizens from external foes but, perhaps even primarily, the maintenance of the social order. The social order includes in its turn those gender definitions that bolster ideological militarism" (Enloe 2000:46). Stabile and Rentschler (2005) expand upon this notion, explaining that "conceptions of security in particular have been increasingly militarized, coming to depend on military needs and perspectives for their definitions, in ways that are often directly tied to forms of aggressive masculinity" (viii). Over the years the 23 definition of the term 'security' has been distorted. The term 'security' is defined in the dictionary as "freedom from danger" or "freedom from fear or anxiety" (Mirriam-

Webster Online Dictionary 2005). Through militarization, a nation's ability to be secure has come to rely upon the possession of a military and of weapons of mass destruction.

Although this seems to be a backwards way of achieving freedom from fear, states continue to insist upon developing and modernizing tools to attack others. Stabile and

Rentschler discuss the introduction of

.. .a 'barrier mentality' that requires the continual reproduction of fearful images, where security comes to signify secured and militarized borders, hardened and gated architectures, private security forces and strategic weapons, and tactical (SWAT) units within law enforcement. Calls for 'security' have become the battle cry for forces seeking to profit from their ability to design fear into city spaces and militarized state borders (2005:xiii).

Somehow we need to find a way to demilitarize and eliminate this 'barrier mentality' that has become engrained in modern society. By standing up against proliferation, militarization, and structural forms of inequality, the peace camps are hoping to do this.

We currently live in a world that has become very militarized. It is generally accepted that waging war is something that in certain instances, is not only necessary, but proactive. Cynthia Enloe defines militarization as:

.. .a step-by-step process by which a person or a thing gradually comes to be controlled by the military or comes to depend for its well-being on militaristic ideas. The more militarization transforms an individual or a society, the more that individual or society comes to imagine military needs and militaristic presumptions to be not only valuable but also normal (Enloe 2000:3).

War has become an acceptable part of our culture. It is seen as a sensible and often unavoidable way to solve conflicts or even to prevent future possible threats. 24

Militarism also relies on the way in which we are socialized to adopt certain gender roles. "Gender roles adapt individuals for war roles, and war roles provide the context within which individuals are socialized into gender roles. For the war system to change fundamentally, or for war to end, might require profound changes in gender relations. But the transformation of gender roles may depend on deep changes in the war system" (Bunch 2004:78). Militarism is so ingrained in our social system that it is difficult to determine where it even begins. It relies on gender norms to survive, and yet at the same time, it also helps to justify and reinforce their existence. Cynthia Enloe argues that "'militarism' as an ideology.. .presumes a concept of 'masculinity' that only makes sense if supported by the complementary concept of'femininity'" (Enloe 1988:7).

She goes on to say that "the military plays a special role in the ideological structure of patriarchy because the notion of 'combat' plays such a central role in the construction of concepts of 'manhood' and justifications of the superiority of maleness in the social order" (Enloe 1988:12). Upon acknowledging the importance of gender, Enloe began an investigation into the ways in which women are affected by war and militarization.

Even if they are not directly fighting in a war, women can be greatly influenced by the power of militarization and it often goes unrecognized. A major area in which

Cynthia Enloe focuses her studies is the militarization of prostitution. She argues that prostitution is an area in which the military has attempted to use a great deal of its control. The U.S. military and the governments of the countries they place their bases on have been able to set up intricate systems in which to provide prostitutes to soldiers

(Enloe 2000). Although they do not allow for formal policy in this area, Saundra 25

Sturdevant argues that "the sale of women's sexual labour is part of a highly organized and institutionalized system. It is as necessary to the running of a military machine as weapons, munitions, military gear, [and] communications systems..." (Sturdevant

2001:149). As such, prostitution is a topic that the military deals with carefully. Enloe suggests that "the military is aware that its attitudes and practices surrounding sexuality are fraught with contradictions and political risks. Those risks can be strategically minimised by a combination of decentralised responsibility, informal decision making and official acknowledgement only of 'health issues' (Enloe 1988:20). By not creating any formal policy in regards to prostitution, the military attempts to keep the issue quiet and also tries to avoid having the public become aware of their involvement in the issue.

The spread of prostitution in areas in which military bases are placed is a good example of how women's lives can be greatly affected by militarism. Throughout history women have been used during times of war and peace by the military to ensure soldiers remain sexually satisfied. During World War II, an estimated 200,000 women were forced to work as "comfort women," or prostitutes by the Japanese Imperial Army (Enloe

2000:80). Similarly, at the end of the Vietnam war, between 300,000 and 500,000

Vietnamese women were working as prostitutes in South Vietnam (Enloe 2000:67).

When the fear of AIDS rose, child prostitution increased in Thailand, as some soldiers believed having sex with a young girl would help protect them against the virus (Enloe

2000:70). It seems that in many cases, when bases are placed in a foreign community, the military relies "on the abuse of women's human rights through prostitution and a sex industry that specifically caters for military personnel" (Tanji 2006:7). 26

The connection between military bases and the growth of prostitution is one of the more obvious ways in which women are directly affected by militarization.

Understanding how gender roles help to support the military system and the many ways in which women can be affected by militarization can help to explain women's involvement in the anti-war movement. In the U.K. in the 1980s it was a group of women in Greenham who first started the peace camp trend. It was perhaps an understanding of how militarization has influenced their experiences as women that inspired them to dedicate themselves to the disarmament cause.

The military as an institution plays a key role in militarization and maintaining the interconnection of structural inequalities. Obviously, militaries in different countries can vary on the extent to which they hire from differing ethnic and class backgrounds (Levy

1998:875). Levy argues however that within the military inequality is built right into the structure. One can see this by examining the ranks within the military and the way in which different positions offer varying levels of responsibility and prestige (Levy

1998:877). He goes on to argue that the military is capable of reproducing ethnic and class-based inequalities. Explaining that "when a dominant group is able effectively to convert its legitimately established privileged position in the military into social dominance outside the military, the military is functioning as a state mechanism involved in the reproduction of inequality" (Levy 1998:897).

Gender, class and 'race' are all important elements of our structural social system.

This is a system which helps to support militarization and an increasingly militarized definition of security. In turn, militarization influences, supports and reinforces the social 27 system. It is important to understand how all of these concepts interact and depend on each other before looking at social movement theory. In the case of Faslane Peace Camp, they approach disarmament with an understanding that it too is a part of this complex system. They believe that disarmament will not occur unless we begin to address the many hierarchical structures which support it.

Social Movements

In the 1960s and 1970s there was a growth in the popularity of social movements.

William Carroll explains that "the student movement, feminism, the peace movement, gay and lesbian liberation, ecology, and other 'new' movements significantly transformed political agendas, political culture, and social identities, so that analyses that relegated movements to the irrational margins of modern politics lost plausibility" (Carroll

2002:143). Since the growth of these movements, two main groups of sociological theories regarding social movements have emerged. Resource mobilization (RM) theories is a predominantly U.S.-centred approach, which "focuses primarily upon how movements form and engage in collective action" (Carroll 2002:144). The other group of theories is predominantly European and referred to as new social movement (NSM) theories. Carroll explains that NSM "formulations focus primarily on why particular forms of collective identity and action have appeared in late twentieth-century Euro-

North American societies" (Carroll 2002:144). Frames and framing processes has also emerged as a popular tool within social movement studies. An article by Carroll and

Ratner (1996b) connecting framing to SMO networks helped to determine the focus of this thesis. 28

Resource Mobilization Theories

Resource Mobilization (RM) theories became the dominant theoretical framework in terms of social movements in the 1970's (Buechler 1993:217). The rise in popularity of this approach marked a change in the way social movements were studied. Buechler explains that the theories "redefined the study of collective action from an example of deviance and social disorganization to a case study in political and organizational sociology" (1993:218; 2000:35). Research was now examining the "role of human choice, effort, and creativity in making the best of resources, opportunities, and weaknesses..." (Bantjes 2007:85).

RM theories tend to focus "on the process through which members of a social movement gather, trade, use, and occasionally waste resources as they seek to advance their cause" (Kendall, Murray, and Linden 2007:645). These theories are valuable because resources can play a major role in the development and continuation of a social movement. Resources can include "money, members time, access to the media, and material goods, such as property and equipment" (Kendall, Murray, and Linden

2007:645).

As a theory based on the rational actor model, RM theories have been criticized for being too economistic (Buechler 2000:35). McCarthy and Zald explain that examining the costs-rewards for individual activists is linked to their involvement and the extent of group mobilization (1977:2). Buechler also argues that RM theories tend to be too individualistic for examining a collective process (2000:38). 29

Nonetheless, applying RM theories to protest camps can be helpful. A protest camp would certainly be an example of a group with limited resources. Using RM theories one is able to recognize the importance of members' time, as individuals living at a camp have given up a great deal to dedicate themselves to a specific cause. For example, many of the activists involved with the camp are either very young or elderly.

This is likely due to the fact that they are less constrained by a career or family.

Operating without access to large quantities of money, material goods or equipment however, suggests that there is more to protest camps than material resources. Therefore, although RM theory is useful for emphasizing the value of campers' time or access to the media during protest actions, it does not fully explain the success of protest camps in the

U.K.

New Social Movement Theory

New Social Movement (NSM) theories push our understanding of social movements beyond "just the visible political challenges to the state" (Meyer and Whittier

1994:279). NSM theories generally view movements as "new forms of collective identity, which not only transform people's self-understandings but create cultural codes that contest the legitimacy of established points of view" (Carroll 2002). Being more concerned with identity formation (Baer 2002:139), sources of identity can include race, class, gender, and sexuality (Kendall, Murray, and Linden 2007:646). They "look at a diverse array of collective actions and the manner in which those actions are based in politics, ideology, and culture" (Kendall, Murray, and Linden 2007:646). 30

The protest camps analysed in this thesis tend to take a broad approach to injustice. This broad approach which places a specific issue within a larger societal model, is an attempt to "theorize a historically specific social formation as the structural backdrop for contemporary forms of collective action" (Buechler 2000:46). Although

Faslane Peace Camp developed as part of the disarmament movement, campers tend to acknowledge the need to address the many aspects of economic and social stratification in order to reach peace. By acknowledging the hierarchical nature of our system and trying to address it within the camp setting, peace camps have been able to create a counter-hegemonic space. NSM theories are useful in understanding why protest camps in the UK exist and why they organize the way they do.

Frame Analysis

Frame analysis is a social constructionist tool that was useful to this thesis because it places "...more emphasis on the role of networks and organizations as conduits of collective action" (Buechler 2000:40). When examining social movements, framing refers to "the interactive, collective ways that movement actors assign meanings to their activities in the conduct of social movement activism" (Buechler 2000:41). Frame analysis is often used when examining networks because it is these frames that can connect various groups together. In the case of protest camps in the UK, the camps can be formed for a variety of reasons, however they are able to connect through a shared critical outlook or frame. Bantjes (2007) argues that "[t]he frames that social movement actors construct become part of a cultural repertoire that other movements can borrow from" (149). 31

Although sometimes seen as more of an explanatory tool than a social movement theory, frame analysis proved crucial to this thesis. Using the work of Carroll and Ratner

(1996a), the shared master frame used by protest camps in the UK is tied to a possible activist network.

Carroll and Ratner (1996a) have written on using collective action frames from a neo-Gramscian perspective. They believe that".. .the Gramscian notion of counterhegemony entails more than disruption and dissent. For Antonio Gramsci, counterhegemony meant advancing comprehensive critiques of power and alternative visions of what could be and building the social relations congenial to the realization of those visions" (Carroll and Ratner 1996b: 602). This definition of counter-hegemony can be used to describe the critical, alternative environment that protest camps seek to achieve. Faslane Peace Camp not only focuses on the issue of disarmament, it is an organization which is trying to address the problems it sees within the entire system of which nuclear weapons are a part.

Carroll and Ratner explain that they have an interest in "appraising potentials for current movements to take their politics beyond single issues and local contexts, toward more comprehensive critiques of power and more comprehensive forms of action" (1996b: 602). As Faslane Peace Camp seems to be a good example of an SMO trying to achieve this, Carroll and Ratner's notions of counterhegemonic framing proved to be a useful theoretical tool.

To take counterhegemonic framing one step further, Carroll and Ratner introduce the concept of a "master frame." They explain that "[MJaster frames enable 32 heterogeneous groups to be allied in common political struggles and thus lend coherence to the movement politics of an historical conjuncture, or even an era" (Tarrow 1992 in

Carroll and Ratner 1996b:603). In their study published in 1996, Carroll and Ratner were trying to determine whether those SMO's belonging to a network of cross-movement activism shared a common master frame of injustice. They use the term political- economy framing to describe the way in which groups like Faslane view injustice.

Carroll and Ratner argue:

Activists whose social movement organization (SMO) memberships put them in touch with activists from other movements tend to frame injustice as materially grounded, structural, and susceptible to transformation through concerted collective action. Moreover, the movements in which political-economy framing especially predominates - labour, peace feminism, and the urban/antipoverty sector - tend not only to supply most of the cross-movement ties but to be tied to each other as well, suggesting that a political-economy framing of injustice provides a common language in which activists from different movements can communicate and perhaps find common ground (1996:601).

Neo-Gramscian framing theory, centring on political economy as a master frame, will therefore be used when analysing the results of the interviews. One of the main goals of my research will be to determine the extent to which Faslane Peace Camp is involved with other social movement organizations, both within and outside of the disarmament movement. I hope to determine if Faslane Peace Camp utilizes what Carroll and Ratner refer to as a "master frame" which "enables heterogeneous groups to be allied in common political struggles and thus lends coherence to the movement politics of an historical conjuncture, or even an era" (Tarrow 1992 in Carroll and Ratner 1996:603). 33

Key Concepts

A term used frequently in the context of social movements is social movement organizations (SMO's). SMO's can be defined as "associations of persons making idealistic and moralistic claims about how human personal or group life ought to be organized that, at the time of their claims-making, are marginal to or excluded from mainstream society - the then dominant constructions of what is realistic, reasonable, and moral" (Lofland 1996:2-3). When activists come together over an extended period of time to address a specific issue they inevitably take on an organizational framework

(Davis, McAdam, Scott and Zald 2005:189).

This thesis will examine Faslane Peace Camp as an SMO and will seek to understand its connections with other protest camps throughout the UK. It will explore

Faslane's counter-hegemonic approach and try to determine whether Faslane's connections with other camp-based SMO's can be considered a cross-movement activist network.

Throughout this thesis I argue that Faslane Peace Camp is a counter-hegemonic organization, encouraging both an environment and an approach to disarmament which contradicts the dominant belief systems. Counter-hegemony is "viewed as a political project of mobilizing broad, diverse opposition to entrenched economic, political, and cultural power, counterhegemony entails a tendential movement toward comprehensive critiques of domination and toward comprehensive networks of activism" (Carroll and

Ratner 1996:601). The term counter-hegemony is used in response to Gramsci's concept of hegemony, which is "done by the dominant and collaborated in by the 34 dominated" (Ryan 1991:18). Power is very concentrated in our society and hegemony is the way in which those in power are able to keep control. Hegemony includes all of the hierarchies in place in our society which divide us. It includes the way in which our social system continues to reinforces these hierarchies. Protest camps try to work against this dominant system and to create more equitable alternatives. By developing a counter- hegemonic approach, activists living on-site develop new ways of organizing and living that offer a positive alternative within a larger hegemonic system.

Master frame is a term developing out of framing theory. A master frame can be explained as allowing "heterogeneous groups to be allied in common political struggles and thus lend coherence to the movement politics of an historical conjuncture, or even an era" (Tarrow 1992 in Carroll and Ratner 1996:602-603). It is a "shared and highly resonant" frame which can assist movements in "their understandings of injustice and in their visions of alternatives" (Carroll and Ratner 1996:602). This thesis suggests that a master frame is shared between SMO's involved in the protest camp network in the UK.

As Carroll and Ratner (1996) have suggested, a shared view of injustice could be a crucial aspect of cross-movement networking.

Counter-hegemony and master frame are used frequently throughout this thesis.

It is therefore important to recognize the differences between the two terms. Counter- hegemony is something that is practised, it is more of an active term. Master-frame however is more a way of viewing or critiquing a situation or problem. It is therefore more theoretical. A political economy master-frame helps activists critique the larger 35 social system and the problem of nuclear weapons, however a counter-hegemonic approach involves the actual steps the camp takes to address these larger problems.

The last key concept, cross-movement networking, is also drawn from Carroll and

Ratner's work. The concept was introduced to refer to the fact that "networks may involve many intersections of mutual support and cross-membership, fostering an interdependence that can provide a basis for concerted collective action" (Diani 1992 in

Carroll and Ratner 1996:603). Interviews at Faslane revealed links with numerous other camp-based SMO's in the UK, connections that can be considered part of a cross- movement network.

This chapter has outlined relevant political developments in the UK and the emergence of peace camps as a form of protest. It introduced Faslane Peace Camp and explained the camp's focus on non-hierarchical organization, non-violence and disarmament through structural transformation. A brief background on social movements and social theories relevant to this research were outlined. Lastly, the four key concepts used throughout the thesis were introduced; social movement organization, counterhegemony, master frame, and cross-movement networking. The topics covered in this chapter will help to improve the reader's understanding of the chapters that follow. It will will be argued that Faslane Peace Camp developed a counterhegemonic framework in its struggle for disarmament and has been able to share a master frame with other

SMO's in the UK. 36

Chapter Three

METHODOLOGY

In order to conduct a case study of Faslane Peace Camp, I visited Faslane Peace

Camp on February 22, 2008. Spending the day at the camp allowed me to conduct an interview with two different activists living on-site, as well as observe and speak informally with other campers.

Although there were problems contacting the camp, a contact was eventually reached through email. Unfortunately, there was no internet access at the camp itself.

My contact was working with the camp, however was not living there at the time of my visit. Although I was told the camp would be informed of my visit, the people I ended up talking to did not know of my plan to visit in advance. Luckily, Faslane Peace Camp is incredibly welcoming to visitors. Everyone who I spoke to welcomed me to the camp and seemed happy to answer my questions. Due to the nature of the camp, it was difficult, if not impossible to know who would be living at Faslane during the time I was in Scotland. For this reason, no attempt to set up interviews in advance was made. All interviewees were briefed on my research and applicable ethical guidelines. They were then given the option to ask questions and each signed consent forms.

In order to conduct a semi-structured interview, an interview guide (See

Appendix) was designed ahead of time. The interview guide allowed the interviewer to skip any questions if it was known that the camper would not have the experience to answer. The first section of the interview guide was designed to get information on the amount of experience the interviewee had working with Faslane Peace Camp. Asking 37 these initial questions was crucial to determine which questions would be appropriate to ask as the interview progressed. Luckily, this did not prove to be a problem on-site. Both of my interviewees were able to answer all of my questions.

During my visit I formally interviewed two activists who were living on-site. One activist was male and one was female. Both had considerable experience working with and living at Faslane Peace Camp. One interviewee was a teenager who had been active with Faslane for approximately a year, living on-site periodically and partaking in numerous actions. The second interviewee was in his mid-twenties and had been active in the "protest scene" since 2001, first coming to Faslane in 2002. This interviewee had extensive experience working and living at numerous sites similar to Faslane all over the

UK. His stories and experiences provided evidence of an active protest camp network.

Developing a Rapport

Developing a rapport with the activists at Faslane as soon as I arrived was essential in order for the individuals being interviewed to feel comfortable answering questions. There were therefore a number of issues that needed to be thought through and planned before arrival. Two important issues were researcher appearance and the extent to which I would share my own feelings on the camp.

Researcher appearance needed to be considered ahead of time because activists who are living in a camp setting often do not have access to heat or hot water, and luxuries of modern-day living are extremely limited. As the camp is such a relaxed, casual environment, it was crucial that the researcher keep this in mind when determining her attire. Casual, warm clothing was worn not only to blend in, but to stay warm in the 38 cold winter weather as well. This type of clothing hopefully helped interviewees to feel more comfortable answering questions.

Another way of developing rapport with the individuals at Faslane Peace Camp was showing support for what they are doing. All interest and support for the camp was genuine and helped to make interviewees more comfortable answering questions. I find it is commendable that campers have dedicated themselves towards disarmament.

Extensive research aided in proving myself knowledgeable about Faslane, peace camps, the disarmament movement, and anti-hegemonic discourse. Although I was there to conduct interviews, it was important to share my personal interest on the topic to try to make people feel at ease around me. It was also important to demonstrate that I had made an effort to learn about the camp and its activists before arriving.

Semi-Structured Interview Format

Data collection during the interviews was accomplished using a semi-structured interview format. As Esterberg explains, in semi-structured interviews "the goal is to explore a topic more openly and to allow interviewees to express their opinions and ideas in their own words" (Esterberg 2002:87). It was important that camp activists have the ability to talk about issues that they want to discuss. Having never been to a peace camp before, I was aware that important issues could come up that I had not anticipated. The less rigid structure of the interview allowed for the interviewee to take the interview in an unexpected direction if necessary. On the other hand, the interview guide ensured that the interviewer could get back on topic if the discussion went too far off on a tangent.

The less structured format also allowed for each interview to be "tailored to the research 39 participant" (Esterberg 2002:87). Not every question had to be asked. If it became apparent that a particular question would not apply to the interviewee, the question could be skipped. The researcher could also jump ahead if an interviewee touched upon a subject or question that was to be discussed later in the interview.

Interview questions were divided into four main areas. As mentioned previously, the first section contained general questions regarding the camper's involvement at

Faslane Peace Camp. These questions were designed to determine the camper's level of experience with Faslane or any other peace camp they have been to. It is also meant to allow the interviewer and interviewee to become acquainted with one another. General questions such as "What made you decide to get involved in a peace camp?" are easy to answer and allow both individuals to relax and grow comfortable with the discussion.

The second section involved questions designed to determine involvement in the disarmament movement in general. Questions were directed at both the individual camper and their knowledge of Faslane's involvement with the larger disarmament movement as well. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) is mentioned specifically in one of the questions because of the size, history and influence this organization has in Scotland. Questions in the third section are along the same lines, asking about involvement with social movement organizations outside of disarmament.

As the term 'social movements' is extremely broad, feminist, anti-racist and environmental organizations were given as possible examples.

The last group of questions were perhaps the most personal. They involved questioning the interviewee on issues regarding camp life. It is for this reason that these 40 questions were placed at the end of the interview. Hopefully by this time, the interviewee had grown comfortable with the researcher and the interview situation. In order to lead into the more personal questions, the first question asked was very general: "What is camp life like? Is there a particular role you play within the camp?" The research participant was then questioned on how the camp deals with environmental issues and environmental awareness at the camp site. Another question asked whether both genders live at the camp and whether there were more or fewer women than men. Camp organization was also a topic addressed in this section. The camper was asked whether they feel there is one person or a group of people who tend to make decisions or be in charge. Lastly, the interviewee was asked whether they felt there was a conscious effort made to include people of different backgrounds (class, sex, ethnicity, etc.) at Faslane

Peace Camp. This last section involving more personal questions provided crucial insight into camp life at Faslane.

After conducting the interviews, I was able to spend some time observing camp life and asking more questions informally. A camper gave me a tour of the camp and let me see inside the various campers and trailers. Most of my time was spent in one of the common areas. The day I visited there was not much activity other than campers coming and going. It was explained that the day previous a number of visitors had come to stay for the night and everyone was up late spending time with the guests. As a result people seemed to spend most of their time relaxing. At one point someone started chopping some wood outside and a few people began cleaning up the kitchen area. Upon leaving the camp I spent the train ride back to Glasgow making notes on everything I had seen 41 and heard while at the camp. These observations contributed significantly to the data I collected during my interviews. 42

Chapter 4

FINDINGS: A CASE STUDY OF FASLANE PEACE CAMP

In February of 2008,1 travelled to Faslane Peace Camp outside the Naval Base

Clyde in Scotland. Conducting interviews with two individuals living on-site and observing and talking with others informally, I was able to carry out a case study of the small camp. This chapter summarizes my experiences at the camp and what was learned from the interviewees. A review of the major findings during the visit is followed by a more extensive analysis of the data as they relate to Faslane's connections to the larger disarmament movement and other social movements in the UK. In addition to the areas in which the study originally aimed to focus, three main topics emerged from the interviews at Faslane: Faslane's counterhegemonic framework, its policy of non-violence, and environmental awareness.

Visiting Faslane

Located across the street from the base's south entrance, Faslane Peace Camp is situated next to the UK's entire collection of nuclear missiles. The camp also has a clear view of the River Clyde and campers are able to spot the nuclear submarines which go by regularly. It takes approximately 10 minutes to walk from the camp to the bases main enterence. Taking a train heading north out of Glasgow to Helensburgh and then a short bus ride, the camp is located on a highway that runs alongside the Clyde. The camp is quite difficult to miss as it contains a series of brightly painted caravans, signs and a picket fence. A large sign welcomes all visitors. 43

Upon arriving I immediately noticed a police car with two officers sitting on the road right outside the camp entrance. Walking through the picket fence entrance, a pathway leads you through the site. As you walk through the camp various creative art projects can be found among the gardens, caravans and common areas.

My two interviewees were found in one of the indoor communal areas of the camp. A small cozy space filled with couches, a coffee table and a selection of reading material is attached to a small kitchen. On the wall is a chalkboard listing the chores that need to be done. I was immediately welcomed and offered a cup of tea. Both interviewees were young activists. A young female teenager with dreadlocks and casual dress was my first interviewee. She had been with the camp for just over a year, seemed to be very knowledgeable on the camp and did the most talking during the interview. The second interviewee was male, in his mid-twenties and had the greatest level of experience, having lived at Faslane as well as other protest camp sites over a number of years. Although he had to leave early, he contributed a great deal to the interview and was a major source of information on the protest camp network in the UK.

Shortly after arriving, the interviews began. The interviewees seemed quite comfortable throughout the interview. Everyone had a cup of tea and one interviewee rolled and smoked a cigarette. Both actively took part in answering questions, listening to what the other said and adding details when they felt necessary. As the interview was conducted in one of the communal areas, the interview was interrupted on two occasions.

There were a group of campers getting ready to go into town to do errands and they came in to let my interviewees know where they were going and when they would be back. 44

Unfortunately one of the individuals being interviewed left with the group. He had however warned me prior to the interview that he would likely have to leave early. My other interviewee seemed eager to continue answering questions. By the time I ended the interview I felt as though I had asked all of my questions. The data was very limited, however, because I only spoke to two people.

After the interview I was offered a tour of the camp and was introduced to other campers. At the time I was visiting there were seven people living on-site permanently; they have lots of room for the regular stream of people who come to visit. For example the day before I arrived they had eight people who stayed overnight. I was also told there were four dogs currently living at the camp. They have ten different caravans or trailers set up. Some are currently being lived in by permanent campers and others are filled with mattresses and blankets for people coming to visit.

Surprisingly they have a shower with hot water and a flushable toilet on-site.

This is a fairly recent addition and there is still an outhouse at the back of the camp.

Most trailers are painted with bright colours and pictures and the walls inside the main visitors' trailer were covered with old pictures from different actions and events. There seemed to be a strong sense of camp history on-site. Overall the camps seemed colourful, creative and inviting.

Conducting Interviews

A major frustration when researching peace camps in Scotland was all of the outdated literature. As a result, the main goal of my interview was to get a better idea of what activists at Faslane do now and how they do it. One of the most important findings 45 was that the campers view the camp as a type of information post. With so many interested people passing through the camp or getting involved with various actions, it is the role of permanent campers to be up to date on various issues within the disarmament movement. They also have a wealth of information about the base and the nuclear missiles. During my visit one of the interviewee's pulled out an illustration that displays the different types of vessels owned by the military, what each are called, and how to tell them apart. This leads to a second important finding. During the interview, the campers expressed a number of times how "safe" the camp was. They were referring to the low risk of being evacuated by the police. Although other sites in the UK are constantly at risk of an evacuation, Faslane does not face such a threat. A camper explained that "if they did put an eviction notice up, people from up and down the country and people from overseas.. .would all flock here and it would be impossible. Like, it would literally be impossible." Being in existence now for 26 years, the camp is well recognized world­ wide and the interviewees believe that if police were to try to evacuate the camp, protestors from all over the world would come to help protect it.

Initially, I was frustrated with the outcome of my interviews. One of the more important questions I asked was in regards to what Faslane's website called an

"alternative living project" (Faslane Peace Camp 2007). Much of my research focused on master frames and I felt as though an explanation of Faslane's alternative living project could help provide evidence of a master frame at Faslane. At the very least, I was expecting the campers to place a larger emphasis on this so-called "project". Instead, the two individuals I interviewed immediately dismissed this term, saying they did not agree 46 with calling what they do a 'project'. Interviewee 2 commented: "I don't know, a project, an experiment, I think it gives off the wrong sort of image. It's not an experiment. We are doing it, you know what I mean?" She goes on to say "It's not, we're not a project. I think it's working pretty well, isn't it?"

The interviewees explained that because the site does not have internet access, the individual who maintains Faslane's websites does not live on-site. This is an example of a disconnect between the activists on-site and the off-site network. However, it is important to note that the activist's seem to disagree only with the term 'project.'

Although I first felt as though this could mean my prediction of a master frame at Faslane was wrong, a closer look at my interview transcription proved otherwise. My interviewees did not disagree with the idea of an alternative approach, what they were disagreeing with is the idea that the camp is considered a project or experiment. In their opinion, the camp had already successfully established an alternative way of living. It is likely that others would disagree with their opinion, arguing that developing alternative ways of living is always a work in progress. This would be an interesting area to explore through further research and interviews.

Even though the interviewees disliked the term 'alternative living project,' I was still able to continue my focus on Faslane's alternative approach. In fact, much of what was discussed during the interviews helped provide further evidence of an alternative lifestyle approach at Faslane. The term used to describe what they are doing was not relevant, instead I focused on what was actually being done at the camp to nurture a counter-hegemonic environment. 47

One last major development was a new area of focus which emerged throughout the interview. When answering all of my questions, both interviewees continued to refer to various sites or camps throughout the UK. Although not all of them were for peace or disarmament, they were in support of various environmental or anti-corporate issues and followed the same protest camp format. Throughout the UK there are numerous camps that have been established to protest various developments. It became clear during the interview that the protesters seem to share methods and tactics, with protesters easily moving between the various sites. The interviewees continued to cite various sites and seemed quite knowledgeable on the progress of other groups. An example is when

Interviewee 2 began discussing a number of instances in which people have occupied woodlands in order to save them and began naming various examples: "Nine Ladies won their case after 9 years of people being there, 9 years of occupation and Bilston's been there for five years. Titnore's been there for a year." Rather than a phenomenon that has developed only within the disarmament movement, protest camps are a method of protest that has become popular within the UK for fighting a number of different problems. For environmental or anti-corporation issues where occupation is seen as beneficial, it is not uncommon for a site similar to Faslane to be set up. As a result of this unexpected development during my interviews, a major focus of Chapter Five will be exploring the camp phenomena in the UK and how the various sites share methods and resources.

Connections with the Larger Disarmament Movement

Although Faslane Peace Camp is an SMO which works, for the most part, independently, they still have connections to other organizations within the disarmament 48 movement. Faslane campers explained that there are two main anti-nuclear organizations that the camp is involved with. Both the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and

Trident Ploughshares are major organizations within the UK. When Faslane Peace Camp works with others on different projects or events it is usually with at least one of these two groups.

The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) is an organization based in the

UK. The CND website states that the organization "campaigns non-violently to rid the world of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and to create genuine security for future generations" (CND 2008a). They go on to explain that the "CND opposes all nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction: their development, manufacture, testing, deployment and use or threatened use by any country" (CND

2008a). February 2008 marked the 50th anniversary of the founding of the CND (CND

2008b). Although their headquarters is in London, they also have a Scottish national office in Glasgow. This is only a short distance from Faslane and would enable activists to travel easily between the two locations. During the interview one of the campers explained that Faslane Peace Camp is quite involved with CND. The camp also receives a portion of their funding from the CND. This seemed to be the most important connection Faslane had with another organization.

Trident Ploughshares is another disarmament organization based in Norwich,

England. The group is made up of activists who "have pledged to disarm the UK Trident nuclear weapons system in a non-violent, open, peaceful, safe and fully accountable manner" (Trident Ploughshares 2008b). Their website refers to a "Ploughshares 49

Movement," in which "actions are made by people committed to peace and disarmament and who nonviolently, safely, openly and accountably disable a war machine or system so that it can no longer harm people" (Trident Ploughshares 2008a). Trident Ploughshares is one of the main disarmament groups and organizes mass protests. Although the interviewees named Trident Ploughshares as one of the main organizations the camp is involved with, they also had some critiques. They explained that Faslane Peace Camp's methods differ from those of Trident Ploughshares. Trident Ploughshares has an agreement with the Ministry of Defense (MOD) that they inform them in advance of any protests or actions. Faslane campers who were interviewed disagreed with this tactic.

They explained that they work in different ways and it is for this reason that they try to organize small actions on their own. The interviewees argued that activists at Faslane prefer to organize their actions secretly. They do not agree with informing the police of their intentions beforehand. This led to another major finding; that activists at Faslane

Peace Camp try for the most part only to work in small groups of people they know.

There is a very active anti-nuclear movement in the UK and more specifically

Scotland, due to the placement of all of the UK's nuclear weapons inside the Naval Base

Clyde. Generally speaking, Faslane Peace Camp does have connections to this larger disarmament movement. Faslane's mission and beliefs are very similar to those belonging to both the CND and Trident Ploughshares. It therefore makes sense that they support one another. The groups do not seem to work closely together, however they offer official, public support, as the groups share the same cause and therefore support any steps other groups are taking to capture public attention and create change. The only 50 other support seems to be given mainly through shared resources. CND, which is a large organization with enormous support, has been able to offer financial support to Faslane.

The groups also share activists. Activists seem to be comfortable moving from one group to another as they participate in various actions. One interviewee did point out however that there are different approaches with each group. For example, as mentioned earlier,

Trident Ploughshares informs police of their plans before an action is taken. It is perhaps because of these differences in methods that Faslane chooses not to collaborate with other groups when organizing actions.

Faslane's Role Within the Disarmament Movement

Aside from being a permanent disarmament information site, Faslane Peace

Camp's focus is on organizing non-violent actions. Campers explained that usually actions require small groups of people, depending on what they are trying to accomplish.

The number of people involved in an action depends on what is being done and how many people are needed to carry out the action effectively. Actions organized by Faslane

Peace Camp tend to be ones that do not require large numbers of people. Campers listed a number of different types of methods that campers have used to protest Trident weapons and the base. Activists regularly perform blockades, marches, on-site demonstrations, vigils, office occupations, leaflet distribution, as well as cutting base fences and destroying machinery. A Faslane interviewee explained that when it comes to actions, she is only comfortable working with small groups of people she knows well.

She explained, ".. .the people that I do actions with are usually the same people that I trust and I'm comfortable with. I don't know, if someone just turned up from a certain 51 group or something like that, that wanted to do something, I'd be quite wary of them.

Because you have to be quite secretive."

Most actions undertaken by Faslane activists are organized and then executed by a small group of people for two main reasons. The first and most important is that campers have to be extremely secretive about their plans. With the police always outside their camp they usually avoid talking about actions on-site. One interviewee explained that they will go for walks in the woods behind the camp when they need to plan or discuss an action. Some campers have also expressed concern that the camp common areas might be bugged by police. During interviews, campers explained how paranoia is a problem within Faslane. With the police always present, some people feel as though they are constantly being watched.

The second reason Faslane keeps action groups small is because participating activists need to be able to trust one another completely. One interviewee explained that when she participates in an action she is often doing something illegal and risks getting arrested and possibly charged or imprisoned. In order to agree to partake in an action she needs to know group members well and trust them completely. This is another reason why actions and groups are usually kept relatively small in size. However, a popular base protest is to have people hold hands and circle the entire base. Which in those cases, requires incredible organization and a large number of protesters. For this reason, large actions are not held on a regular basis. The smaller actions which Faslane Peace

Campers seem to focus on, can be organized at the last minute. As one camper explained, the goal is simple: "Catch whoever off guard and cause as much commotion as possible 52 so the message does get across." Although smaller actions may not capture as much attention as an action with thousands of people, interviewees argued that they try to cause the greatest disruption possible using the resources available.

An interesting finding that came from both literature on the camp and was also expressed during the interviews, was the existence of an off-site network. No only was

Faslane a protest camp, a home, and the site for developing alternative ways of living, it also had ties to numerous activists around the world. There are many activists in the area and throughout the UK who are very much involved with Faslane Peace Camp. Although they do not live on-site, they may visit regularly, help to organize events and participate in various actions or protests. Although there were less than 10 people living on-site when I visited, the campers explained that the camp is bigger and stronger than it may initially appear. The camp site also regularly welcomes activists from around the world.

Being such an old and well-known protest camp, it attracts interested individuals and groups who stop by to visit, stay the night, and perhaps take part in an action. Being such an established SMO, Faslane seems to have a strong off-site network that brings regular visitors and gives the camp a large pool of support.

It is interesting that Faslane's major connections within the disarmament movement are with larger organizations. Although the CND and Trident Ploughshares share similar goals with Faslane Peace Camp, their approach is quite different. Faslane is not meant to be a large organization. The camp is a small informative site, a base for protesters to share knowledge and plan actions and a place which practices cooperative, non-hierarchical, counter-hegemonic living. During the interview the interviewees 53 mentioned several different groups or "sites" similar in size and function to Faslane Peace

Camp. However, these groups are not a part of the disarmament movement. This leads us to Faslane's other connections to various SMO's.

Connections Outside the Disarmament Movement

When asked about connections to groups outside of the disarmament movement, the campers explained that they did so primarily for networking. Interviewees discussed that they are in regular contact with a number of autonomous centres which serve a variety of causes. Generally they send and receive leaflets or flyers in order to keep those who are interested updated on various events. Although they did not elaborate much on the details of this networking, later on in the interview they began speaking a great deal about other camps or "sites" throughout the UK. An interviewee explained that "They're not peace camps. Most of them are anti-road or anti-Tesco or like.. .one in Derbyshire, there's a stone circle there that was used in Pagan times."

The interviewees then went on to share their knowledge of different protest sites spread throughout the UK for a variety of causes. The example of the site trying to save the Pagan stone circle was a success story. Thus far activists occupying Stanton Moor hillside in England have helped stop development plans for a quarry in the area (Peak

District Anti-Quarry Protest Camp 2008). They also gave an example of one site in

Titnore, England where activists are trying to save an ancient woodland being threatened by a Tesco development. Tesco is an international corporation based in the UK that is currently one of the worlds leading retailers (TESCO pic 2008). Another group had set up a site against Shell oil. An interviewee explained that it is "a solidarity camp.. .against 54

Shell. Shell is trying to put this massive pipeline through Ireland.. .it's on bogs and moors and stuff like that. It's where a pipeline really shouldn't go. It's really dangerous." The interviewees continued to discuss various sites, displaying how well versed they are on SMO's outside of disarmament.

What was interesting is how similar organizationally these small sites were to

Faslane. All of the locations use the "camp" approach to maintain a permanent presence on a site. Although not in existence to oppose nuclear weapons, these other camps seem to be in support of environmental causes and against the expansion of large corporations.

It became clear as the interview continued that these different activist sites across the UK share resources. One of the major ways in which they do this is through the exchange of activists. Similar to earlier discussion involving Faslane's involvement with the CND and Trident Ploughshares, activists also go between different camp sites. One interviewee made a few references to experiences he had working and living at other camps. He explained that "people always come and go between different sites, all over the UK.. .1 have a friend that took me through here in 2001 and 2002.. .since then I came and stayed here numerous times..." It is perhaps through this regular exchange of activists that various methods, tactics and common organizational practices get passed along.

The interviewees also used examples of other sites when explaining the various protest methods they used. For example, they explained the usefulness of building underground tunnels on a site. Tunnels are usually built in situations in which there is a possibility of evacuation at a site. Interviewees gave details of one particular protest in 55 which an activist known as "Swampy" was able to remain underground for a long period of time at the Manchester Airport. Tunnel building is considered a tactic at protest sites because of the legalities limiting what police can do if there are people underground.

One interviewee explained that the tunnels provide "A lot of leverage. 'Cause when they come on site they've got to put down an air pipe.. .otherwise they're responsible if anything happens." He continued to explain how "They have to widen the tunnel to regulation. So we try to make it as skinny and small as possible." The other interviewee then explained jokingly that you can also ask for food and water. The use of tunnels can be especially beneficial when protesting any type of development, as heavy machinery cannot be brought on-site when there are people underground. Through experience, activists have gained a good understanding of the laws regarding evictions and tunnels.

They have shared this knowledge in order to help other sites find ways to make evictions as long and difficult as possible.

Counter-Hegemonic Framework

Throughout the interview and especially when asked questions regarding camp life, the Faslane interviewees emphasized their alternative methods of organization and their broad approach to disarmament. It is for this reason that Faslane Peace Camp can be considered a counterhegemonic organization. Faslane exists not only to encourage disarmament but to criticize the broader social system. Using this broad frame recognizes the complexities of disarmament while enabling Faslane activists to share a master frame with groups outside of the disarmament and peace movement. The 56 counterhegemonic framework has therefore been crucial in developing a network of organizations and activists within the UK.

Those interviewed at Faslane Peace Camp disagreed with using the term

"alternative living project" to describe the way in which the camp is organized. To be more specific, they disagreed with referring to what they do as a "project" or an

"experiment". They did not feel these terms were appropriate because their organizational methods are not being tested or developed. Not only is it the way in which campers are currently living, but Faslane Peace Camp has taken an alternative living approach since the camp was first set up in 1982. It is this approach combined with the camp's participation in the disarmament movement that makes Faslane Peace Camp counter-hegemonic. Faslane's alternative living approach involves three main elements: non-hierarchical organization, a policy of non-violence, and environmental awareness.

Campers discussed all three of these elements during the interview.

Non-Hierarchical Organization

The use of consensus decision making was discussed first. What campers explained matched up exactly with what existing literature on Faslane had described. All decision making occurs at weekly meetings. Each Sunday the camp has a meeting where anyone can bring an issue forward and the entire group will discuss it. One camper explained: "Nothing is just one individual. If you have an idea you have to bring it to the whole group." She went on jokingly: "And if the whole group doesn't agree with it then, well, bugger." Interviewees did clarify that camp decisions are usually left to those 57 individuals currently residing at the camp. However, they made it clear that".. .we do invite visitors to meetings and stuff like that. If they have anything to say then they can bring it forward..." During the interview, the campers were also asked about the difficulties associated with achieving a group consensus. One camper admitted that"... sometimes with the diversity of people here it's hard to make a consensus decision because everyone is quite... When you're living together for such a long time, people can be quite pig-headed and you end up arguing a little bit. But you know it usually ends up alright."

Another aspect of non-hierarchical organization that campers were asked about is gender relations within the camp setting. As mentioned earlier, both a male and a female camper were interviewed. Both seemed to be conscious of gender dynamics within the camp. One interviewee argued that "...we try as much as we can to divert gender stereotypes." The female interviewee then gave an example of how the previous evening two female campers were in the kitchen doing dishes and preparing dinner. While doing so they took notice. She explained how, ".. .we turned around and went wait a second!

We are cooking and those guys are chopping wood, what is going on here?!" She then explained with a smile that that evening a male camper would be preparing dinner and she would be chopping wood. According to the campers I talked to, the camp seems to try to recognize gender stereotypes and eliminate them. This contributes to a camp environment which attempts to make everyone an equal, regardless of gender.

The interviewees went on to explain that most of the time there are more men than women at the camp. This does seem to sometimes have an effect on camper 58 dynamics. The male camper commented that having more males "does work, on occasions, but quite a lot of the time it doesn't, 'cause of the whole alpha-male thing.

That always comes into play, whether you feel you're involved in it or not." He argued that he has seen examples of "alpha-males" at many different sites, with men getting upset with each other and yelling or fighting. He also went on to argue that the presence of women seems to improve the situation. In general, the interviewees seemed to feel that a balance of male and female campers creates a healthier camp environment.

Another topic addressed during the interview that concerned non-hierarchical organization was the issue of class background. The interviewees were asked whether the class-backgrounds of those living at Faslane differed. Both believed that over the years Faslane has had a variety of different people staying on-site. They explained that everyone from working class to upper class get involved. One camper argued:

...it doesn't matter which class you're from, there's always a small group of people who are a little bit more open minded than everyone else and want to be involved. I've met people that have a lot to do with local government or.. .have huge houses and great jobs or they had great jobs and they're retired now...

The campers did admit that it was likely the majority of people involved are from what they described as the working class. They did feel, however, that everyone was welcome and the camp still does see many activists from the middle and upper classes. This is likely tied to the level of commitment necessary to live at Faslane. For many people with jobs and families, living for an extended period at Faslane could prove quite difficult.

The predominance of working class activists could also be tied to the age of the people living at the camp. The campers I interviewed and most of the individuals I saw on-site appeared to be quite young. Interviewee 1 is a teenager who lives on her own going back 59 and forth between working temporary jobs and living at Faslane. Her lifestyle makes it easier for her to live on-site.

Finally, the interviewees spoke briefly about the ages of campers at Faslane. At the time of my visit those living on-site varied from being in their late teens to their thirties. However the interviewees insisted that the ages of those involved in the camp's actions are varied and activists can sometimes be in their sixties or seventies. After the interviews one of the campers described an action where an elderly woman cut through the fence of the base and was able to explore the base for hours in the middle of the night before she was discovered. Although it may be too difficult for the elderly or those with families to live at the camp, there are many who still regularly participate in various actions.

Policy of'Non-Violence

Although there were no direct questions about Faslane's policy of non-violence, interviewee's did identify themselves as a non-violent group while discussing other topics. Faslane is very strict about keeping all protests non-violent. Their Faslane 365

Resource Pack refers to engaging in "active non-violence" explaining that they are

"committed to always acting in a way that causes no harm to ourselves or others" (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:21). Being a non-violent organization fighting for the elimination of nuclear weapons, it is important that activists understand ".. .that the means are the ends in the making, so the means have to be consistent with the ends" (Faslane Peace Camp 2006:21). 60

During the interview, the activists also explained how they try to ensure their non­ violence policy within the camp environment. When talking about their relationship with the police, they explain that only on a few occasions have they been called to the campsite: "They're only called in for extreme cases, like when someone random comes on site with a firearm or something, because we're a non-violent group. .. .you can't, you know, react.. .with violence. You try and restrain them and then phone the police to get them off-site." Most of the time violence is not an issue on-site. Anyone who makes the decision to live at Faslane Peace Camp is aware of the policy and usually understands the reasoning behind it.

Environmental Awareness

The third major element of Faslane's alternative living approach is their commitment to environmental sustainability. Of all the elements of Faslane's alternative living approach, this was the one that the interviewees spoke about the most enthusiastically. The current campers at Faslane seem to identify environmental concerns as a top priority. The camp rarely uses electricity, explaining that they will only turn it on in extremely cold weather, otherwise they rely on wood burning stoves to keep warm.

They also choose all of their cleaning products carefully, avoiding anything with "harsh chemicals." The activists argued that they try to recycle "pretty much" everything, however if something cannot be recycled they try to reuse it. They also have a compost heap at the back of the camp and compost all food waste. They did admit that they buy their environmentally friendly cleaners wholesale and occasionally when they are unable to place a big enough order they need to purchase regular cleaners elsewhere. They 61 commented that "We don't like doing it. But sometimes it's necessary." Overall the camp seemed to be dedicated to making the smallest impact possible on the environment.

Summary

Overall the visit to Faslane Peace Camp was a successful one. A great deal of data was gained from interviewing two experienced camp activists and was supplemented by observations and informal discussions on-site. The criticism by campers of the term

"alternative living project" used on their website was unexpected and took the research in a slightly different direction. The interviewees spent a large portion of the interview talking about other protest camp sites throughout the U.K. Although these camps focus on different issues, the activists share a master frame of fighting injustice. 62

Chapter Five

EXAMINING PROTEST CAMP SITES ACROSS THE UK

This chapter applies various social movement theories to the active group of social movement camps throughout the UK. First a brief overview of some of the different sites in existence will be given. Their goals and ways of organizing is discussed. This is followed by an application of social movement theories to the gathered data with the aim of better understanding the network of activists utilizing camps to protest in the UK.

The existence of numerous protest camp sites throughout the UK is a topic that emerged during the interviews at Faslane Peace Camp. As the interviewees discussed in detail, various camps that had been set up for a variety of causes, it became clear that there is a network of social movement organizations and activists in the UK. Although one Faslane camper described the camp as fairly autonomous, everyone seemed incredibly well versed on sites all over the country. In addition, one interviewee had experience working and living at a number of different sites.

UK Protest Camp Network

Faslane Peace Camp has existed for over twenty-six years. During its existence, activists have set up numerous other protest camps for a variety of causes. Academic work has shown that "successful tactical innovations developed by one social movement become part of a collective action repertoire upon which subsequent social movements draw" (Tarrow 1993; Tilly 978, 1992 in Meyer and Whittier 1994:287). Tactics developed in earlier movements, such as the civil rights movement were later adopted by 63 other movements such as anti-war protestors (Meyer and Whittier 1994:287; Nordon

1985:7). It has also been argued that the tactics developed throughout the women's movements influenced the nuclear freeze campaign in the U.S and the peace camp movement in the UK. Meyer and Whittier explain that "Veterans of the women's movement brought their feminist experiences and values with them when they entered peace movement organizations. Specifically, debates over non-hierarchical leadership structure, interpretative frames linking militarism to patriarchy, and the expectation that leaders would include women were all part of the legacy feminist activists brought

(1994:291). Faslane was established only one year after Greenham Common Women's

Peace Camp began in England. Inspired by Greenham, Faslane enabled both genders to live and work together in protest against nuclear weapons.

Now in the twenty-first century, new concerns have arisen in the UK. There are many different SMO's being created for environmental and anti-corporate purposes. A number of these SMO's have decided to use the tactic of creating a protest camp. The following briefly describes four different examples of groups which have established a camp modeled on Faslane Peace Camp. Titnore, Eithinog and Brewery Fields, Bilston

Glen, and Nine Ladies are all camps that either currently exist or have existed recently in the UK.

On May 24, 2008 Camp Titnore celebrated its second year anniversary (UK

Indymedia May 13, 2008). Titnore Protect Our Woodland campaign began in 2002 to protest development plans that would mean the destruction of an ancient woodland

(Protect Our Woodland 2008). In addition to environmental concerns, the development 64 plans included a new Tesco supermarket (Protect Our Woodlands 2008). On May 28,

2006 the campaign decided non-violent direct action was necessary to try and prevent the development and organized a treetop vigil. Two years later the activists are still there, living in a camp both on the ground and in the trees (Protect Our Woodland 2008).

The Eithinog and Brewery Fields Campaign was a protest in North Wales trying to save a fifty acre piece of land from development plans. Activists explain that the land was "a patchwork of wildlife-rich habitats, wildflower meadows, woodland, wet woods and marshes, with more than 800 recorded species" (Eithinog and Brewery Fields

Campaign 2008). A camp formed on-site in March 1998 after five activists were arrested for protesting construction. Although the camp grew over a three week period, it was evicted at the end of the month. A second camp was established within a few days. This time tree houses were built and protestors successfully occupied the land for three months. As a result of the camp and the public outcry, the landowner gave up 38% of the land to become a nature reserve. (Eithinog and Brewery Fields Campaign 2008).

Bilsten Glen is an anti-bypass protest site established in 2002. They describe themselves as "multinational environmental activists" who have done protests against road construction workers and Biotech companies (Bilston Glen Anti-Bypass Protest Site

2008). What is perhaps most interesting about Bilston Glen is that they share the exact same website design as Faslane Peace Camp. In addition both websites say ".. .we are also doing a[n] alternative lifestyle project. Living and working together, organising ourselves and co-operatively helping each other" (Belston Glen Anti-Bypass Protest Site

2008; Faslane Peace Camp 2008). This indicates that the two sites are likely closely 65 connected. In the least, whoever was responsible for creating their websites has been involved with both camps.

The last protest camp examined is one that has managed to prevent development for eight years. Nine Ladies is an anti-quarry protest camp. Beginning in 2000 the camp has occupied Stanton Moor Hillside (part of a national park) in England to try and prevent any quarry development (Peak District Anti-Quarry Protest Camp 2008). Not only are the activists trying to prevent a quarry, they are also trying to protect the Nine

Ladies, a bronze-age stone circle that is located close by. The camp has not yet officially declared victory because the quarry company is now making attempts to get approval for a quarry in another part of the national park (Ward, 2005). Like Faslane, Nine Ladies is an example of a well-organized camp. There are "homes" built from recycled materials and a number of treehouses for visitors to stay in (Peak District Anti-Quarry Protest

Camp 2008).

Networking and Master Frames in the UK

When researching social movement theory in preparation for conducting interviews at Faslane Peace Camp, I focused a great deal on Carroll and Ratner's work on master framing and cross-movement networking (1996). They argue that: "Activists whose social movement organization (SMO) memberships put them in touch with activists from other movements tend to frame injustice as materially grounded, structural, and susceptible to transformation through concerted collective action" (Carroll and

Ratner 1996:601) When activists working in different areas communicate and share their ideas, a common critique of the existing social order seems more likely to develop. 66

Because I believe Faslane Peace Camp does see injustice as structural and addresses disarmament using a broad, multi-faceted approach, I was expecting the camp to be working closely with other groups. Although Faslane did not seem to have many connections with groups working specifically for disarmament, they did discuss numerous other organizations that share similar methods of protest and activists that have worked in more than one location. This suggests a possible network of protest camps with activists moving from site to site.

A key finding from the interview was how many of the activists who become involved at one camp site later visit and participate in other sites as well. One interviewee spoke of his own experiences at various sites over the past seven years.

Recent academic work has suggested that networks not only serve as "a crucial means for mobilizing resources through recruitment of activists," but they also provide a way in which activists can "share both common viewpoints on the nature of their grievances and a sense of collective identity" (Carroll and Ratner 1996b:604). The growth of a network of activists who are active at various protest camp sites could help to enable the sharing of much needed resources to small SMO's throughout the UK. The evolvement of this network also assists in the continued development of of a shared master frame which allows activists to live or work at a variety of sites. This shared injustice frame involves

...resistance in the sense of concerted opposition to domination and of attempts to transform the system. .. .this frame interprets power as a systemic phenomenon, and the system in which power resides is viewed as driven by its own logic and/or by the self-interest of those occupying positions of power. Within this universalistic frame, which obviously entails a broadly socialist political sensibility, power is concentrated, not dispersed, and this concentration is itself fundamental to injustice. The critique of systemic power and the transformative 67

thrust of this frame elevate its counterhegemonic prospects (Carroll and Ratner 1996b:609).

All of the different issues that these camp sites are trying to address are seen by activists as problems within a larger failing system. They struggle to address these issues together, hoping that they are helping to fix or provide alternatives to this larger system.

Carroll and Ratner's work was conducted in British Columbia, Canada, making it interesting to apply the results to a group of SMO's in the UK. They concluded that

SMO's that want to develop beyond the standard require "a common language and an analytical perspective that emphasizes the systemic and interconnected character of the various injustices and problems of late modernity" (Carroll and Ratner 1996b:616). Due to my research beginning as a case study of Faslane Peace Camp, the resulting data is extremely limited compared to the extensive research done in Canada. However it is important to note that my results do indicate a network of activists. Part of the reason for the development of this network could be a shared critique of the social order or master frame. Further research in this area could be a great addition to the work already done in

Canada.

Another interesting finding in Carroll and Ratner's work was:

Movements preoccupied with 'identity' concerns are less inclined to tap into the more inclusive or universalistic modes of interpretation that facilitates cross- movement networking; movements propelled less by identity quests and more by goals of structural transformation (as in the end of militarism or poverty) are more likely to articulate their political projects in ways that enjoin coalition formation (Carroll and Ratner 1996b:620).

This is important because none of the current camps that were examined for this study dealt with identity issues. This could be partially because of the nature of a camp as a 68 method of protest. Most of these camps were established to block or be in the way of some type of development. However, the early women's peace camps in the 1980s dealt with identity issues. These camps were an interesting combination of promoting disarmament with goals of social transformation and identity recognition. Further research could explore the possible benefits of using the camp method when addressing identity issues.

New Social Movement Theories

As explained in Chapter Two, NSM theories take their analysis beyond the interaction social movements have with the state. These theories are based on the notion that there is a group of social movements in existence today which differ from the social movements of the past. The theory argues that "contemporary social movements are distinctive because they organize around a common identity and seek to challenge dominant meaning systems and definitions of their group as much as they seek changes in the state" (Meyer and Whittier 1994:279). According to this basic definition, Faslane

Peace Camp would not be considered a new social movement. Although the camp definitely challenges the dominant system, it is not identity based. However if one stretches the definition of identity to include those who share the same world outlook or master frame, than NSM theories could be applied to this case study.

Instead of examining the camps impact on government policy, NSM theory emphasizes the "importance of oppositional culture and the collective identity of participants in sustaining a challenge over the long haul" (Taylor 1989 in Meyer and

Whittier 1994:279). When trying to analyze a social movement network, this theory 69 places more emphasis on ways of organizing and activist experience. It recognizes that

Faslane approaches the issue of nuclear weapons as a systemic problem, thereby placing value on their alternative living approach. It is therefore interesting that the definition of

NSM theory includes that the organization must be identity based. Understandably, we have become a more identity based society with the development of black, women's, gay and lesbian rights in recent decades. Faslane recognizes all these identities and tries to create an environment that is non-hierarchical. They are not identity based because they want to remain inclusive.

NSM theories prove most useful for studying protest camps when examining their counter-hegemonic approach. As a group of theories with a more macro perspective,

NSM theories are able to recognize the importance of solidarity, collective resistance and a shared master frame. NSM theories are useful in this study because it recognizes the value of the counter-hegemonic approach. When combined with framing theory, one can see how this approach is what connects the various protest camps and activists in the UK.

Resource Mobilization or Political Process Approach

When examining the protest camp network in the UK using RM theories, I decided to focus on McAdam's political process model. This approach looks specifically at political opportunities and the SMO's interaction with authorities and the state

(Buechler 2000:37). The political process model argues that SMO's develop their strategies based on the state's response to their work. Meyer and Whittier explain that

"As states alter the costs and benefits of collective action and develop new techniques for controlling collective action, they allow, encourage, or discourage movements to adopt 70 particular strategies of influence" (1994:279). This is an important aspect of collective action and one that was discussed during my interviews at Faslane.

It is important to consider the value of the political process approach in terms of

Faslane Peace Camp and its connections to other SMO sites in the UK. When talking to activists at Faslane they did make references to certain laws and discussed the value of influencing the state. One main example was the topic of building tunnels, which was already discussed in Chapter Four. The interviewees explained the benefits of building tunnels on-site for eviction situations. Because activists have developed a solid understanding of eviction laws, most sites know to build tunnels as a way of prolonging the eviction and making the situation as difficult as possible for the evictors.

At another point during the interview, one activist discussed recent political developments in the UK and how the Scottish government is now considering trying to get Trident moved. She also discussed the benefits of placing pressure on politicians as a way of influencing change. With the announcement of the plan to introduce a nuclear weapon system to replace Trident, disarmament is becoming a much discussed topic in the UK again. This gives more bargaining power to the disarmament movement as a greater portion of the general public becomes concerned with nuclear weapons.

The three different social movement theories I chose to focus on proved beneficial to the research in different ways. The political process model, a RM theory, helps to recognize the important role the state plays in social movements. NSM theories are relevant to understanding the the counter-hegemonic approach adopted by the protest camp SMO's. Lastly, framing proved to be an effective tool for connecting Faslane 71

Peace Camp's alternative ways of organizing and living with it's connections to other protest camps. Faslane activists have undertaken a counter-hegemonic framework that has enabled them to share a master frame with a variety of other SMO's. Sharing a common critique of injustice has allowed Faslane and other similar SMO's throughout the UK to create an activist network, sharing organizational and protest methods and knowledge. 72

Chapter 6

CONCLUSION

Faslane Peace Camp is an interesting example of a small, long-lasting SMO.

Started in the 1980s, Faslane entered the protest scene at a time when the UK was getting nuclear weapons and many were calling for disarmament. It has endured the test of time however, and over 25 years later Faslane remains a strong part of the disarmament movement in Scotland. By conducting a thorough review of the available literature, combined with a visit to Faslane and interviews with two experienced activists, I was able to analyse Faslane's organization and methods were analysed. During interviews, emphasis was placed on understanding camp life as well as determining Faslane's connections to SMO's both within and outside of the disarmament movement. Early research led to an interest in the term "alternative living project" used on the camp's website. When visiting Faslane the researcher's aim was to get a better understanding of this term and what it meant to the campers, eventually tying it to framing theory.

Unexpectedly, both interviewees rejected the term outright. A potential problem emerged, however upon closer examination of the data, the results led the research in a different direction. Campers disagreed specifically with the use of the word "project" in the term "alternative living project." All discussion did however support the notion that

Faslane Peace Camp uses alternative methods of organization along with a counter- hegemonic approach to disarmament and injustice.

The interview conducted at Faslane ended up focusing a great deal on similar camps throughout the UK that the interviewees knew about and linked to Faslane. Both 73 campers referred to various protest camp sites when explaining their own protest methods or talking about connections to other groups. What was interesting is none of these camps' primary cause was disarmament or peace. They served a variety of purposes such as saving woodlands, preventing road-construction and quarry and corporate development. A network of UK activists was discovered, all utilizing a similar protest camp approach.

To better understand the results of the case study, framing theory was researched, especially that developed by Carroll and Ratner to examine SMO's in British Columbia,

Canada. Frame analysis helped to highlight the study's focus on Faslane's approach to disarmament and their alternative ways of organizing. Gramsci's concept of counter- hegemony was introduced and connected to Faslane activist's work. Faslane's approach to disarmament is more comprehensive than getting rid of nuclear weapons. Activist's work recognizes a larger systematic problem and the necessity of addressing various injustices and hierarchies which connect to and support the problem of militarization.

Counter-hegemony was then linked to Carroll and Ratner's idea of a master frame or a common way of framing injustice. Their study identified the political-economy frame which they argue supports cross-movement activism in labour, peace, feminism and antipoverty social movements (Carroll and Ratner 1996b). It is this common master frame which arguably links such a wide variety of SMO's together and enables activists to easily move from site to site.

It is important to recognize that this was a case study and a limited amount of data was analysed. Only one camp was visited where two individuals were interviewed and a 74 small number of campers were talked to informally. The results do however suggest an interesting network of activists. Further, more detailed research could prove useful in helping SMO's better understand shared frameworks and enable activists to create an environment which supports cross-movement networking.

Faslane is an example of an SMO that has successfully built a counter-hegemonic living environment that offers an alternative way of living and organizing. Their counter- hegemonic framework combined with a non-hierarchical way of organizing, a policy of non-violence, and an environmental awareness is an important part of their approach to disarmament. The camp's way of viewing the nuclear problem connects them to a common master frame shared by other groups addressing different issues. Framing has proved a useful tool in explaining the connection between a number of small SMO organizations linked to Faslane. Trying to tie a common master frame to cross-movement networks in further research could prove beneficial to the larger social movement network in the UK. 75

APPENDIX - INTERVIEW GUIDE

The following guide is a list of possible interview questions organized thematically.

Background and involvement at Faslane Peace Camp • Are you currently living at Faslane Peace Camp? • How did you become involved with Faslane Peace Camp? • How long have you been involved with Faslane Peace Camp? • Have you ever been involved with other camps?

Involvement in the disarmament movement in general • Would you say that Faslane Peace Camp is connected to or works with the larger disarmament movement? How so? Why? • The CND seems to be a major organization in the UK, what level of involvement does Faslane have with them? • Have you personally ever been involved with other organizations within the disarmament movement?

Involvement in other social movements • Do you know if Faslane Peace Camp is involved with any organizations outside of the nuclear disarmament movement? For example, feminist, anti-racist or environmental organizations. • Have you personally ever been involved in organizations outside of the nuclear disarmament movement?

Regarding camp life • What is camp life like? • What is a typical day like for you? • Do people have certain roles within the camp? How are different chores or tasks divided up? • In terms of decision-making or planning events or protests, what is the process normally? • About how many people are currently living at the camp? Does this change during the summer? • On your website you mention an "alternative living project." Can you explain what this is? • Are there any environmental concerns at the camp? How do you address them? • Are there people of both genders living at the camp? Are the numbers balanced? • Based on your experience do you feel that Faslane attracts people from different backgrounds? For example, class, age, gender, ethnicity. • Where are Faslane activists generally from? • How does the camp manage financially? • How do campers manage financially? 76

Camp Life Cont'd • What methods of protest are commonly used by Faslane? • In your opinion what is the purpose of maintaining a permanent camp site? • Recent political developments have seen the announcement that plans will go ahead to develop a system to replace Trident. Do you think interest in Faslane Peace Camp will be affected by this? • Overall, what would you argue Faslane Peace Camp is here to do? • Is there anything else you would like to add or say? 77

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