Purdue University

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Purdue University Chapter 4 Identifications in Unprovenanced Inscriptions 4.1 The scope of potential identifications evaluated in this chapter The corpus of inscriptions treated in Chapters 3 and 4 is defined in section 3.1 above. Since the deadline at the beginning of October 1997, several publica- tions of relevant “new,” unprovenanced inscriptions have appeared.1 4.2 Is the biblical Uzziah, king of Judah, named in the seal of Abiyaw? Description, transcription, and translation This unpierced agate seal,2 which was probably used in a ring, measures 16.1 mm. long by 12 mm. wide by 3.8 mm. thick, and its reverse side is nearly flat. Down the center of its ellipsoid face, in a vertical or “portrait” orientation, is a carved figure variously identified as the Egyptian sun god,3 the Egyptian in- 1 See Appendixes B and C below, which are updated through July 2002. In these appendixes, footnotes frequently mark the addition of updates (post-deadline items). 2 The seal of Abiyaw, minister of Uzziyaw, purchased on the antiquities market, was first published in Ernst Otto F. H. Blau, “Bibliographische Anzeigen,” ZDMG 12 (1858): 726. Its last published location is La Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, specifically in “le Cabinet des Médailles, la collection François Chandon de Briailles, no. 156” (CSOSI, 45). It is listed in AHI, 129, no. 100.065, and in WSS, 51, no. 4. 3 G. A. D. Tait, “The Egyptian Relief Chalice,” JEA 49 (1963): 113, Fig. 4, 115, no. 16, 134–36, 135, Fig. 7. 153 154 Identifying Biblical Persons in Northwest Semitic Inscriptions fant solar deity Nefertum,4 the newly born Horus,5 or as Harpocrates.6 Wearing an Egyptian wig or hairstyle topped by an Egyptian crown, he is kneeling on his right knee atop a lotus blossom between two lotus buds. In impressions pro- duced by this seal, he is facing the reader’s left and has his right hand raised, palm forward, as if in a gesture conferring blessing, while his left hand covers his solar plexus. Below his head, his only discernible clothing seems to be a belt. Vertically, behind the figure’s crown and back, is engraved db( wyb)l, “belonging to Abiyaw, the minister (of),” which reads downward. In front of the figure and the lotus blossom the name wyz(, “Uzziyaw,” is also engraved verti- cally but reads upward.7 A single line surrounding the face of the seal is broken by three minor chips which do not interfere with the text or image. (4.2) Question 1: reliability of inscriptional data Access: 3) Purchased on the antiquities market in 1858 or earlier. Provenance: 4) Unknown. Authenticity: 2) Presumable, because when it was purchased in the mid- nineteenth century, knowledge of epigraphy was not sufficient to forge letters that would fit in with the typology of letter shapes that developed later.8 The au- thenticity of this seal is virtually certain, because the specific letter shapes con- sistent both with each other and with the date of the biblical Uzziah certainly could not have been known by forgers when the seal was purchased, ca. 1858. (4.2) The setting of the seal of Abiyaw, apart from biblical data Date: 5) Dated by epigraphy: mid- to late eighth century. Among the diagnostic letters are the two waws; the fact that in them the right stroke does 4 CSOSI, 45. 5 Max E. L. Mallowan, Nimrud and Its Remains (New York: Dodd, Mead, & Co., 1966), 475. 6 Diringer, 221, no. 65. 7 The PN Abiyaw means, “Yaw is my father.” Uzziyaw means, “Yaw is my might.” 8 This concept is not original with this study and perhaps not with the source used here, which is the following statement regarding the authenticity of the Mesha Inscrip- tion: “The form of the letters is consistent with other inscriptions of the 9th cent. B.C. and could not have been known when the stone was discovered” (Patrick D. Miller Jr., “Moabite Stone,” ISBE 3:396). Identifications in Unprovenanced Inscriptions 155 Fig. 12 The Seal “of Abiyaw, the Minister of Uzziyaw” (Reversed to appear as an impression. Drawing by the author) 156 Identifying Biblical Persons in Northwest Semitic Inscriptions not cross over to the left side of the vertical shaft is a reliable indicator of an eighth-century date (All but one of the extant examples of such a form of waw are early to mid-eighth century; the one exception is late eighth century).9 The form of the aleph has parallels as early as the second half of the eighth cen- tury.10 The zayin with its cursive-style ticks on both horizontals is found on ex- emplars as early as the late eighth century.11 The ligatured beth and daleth in db( find close parallels in the late eighth-century seal zx) · db / (· )n#)l (treated below in section 4.4). A date in the second half of the eighth century best accommodates these paleographic traits.12 Language: 5) The language of the inscription cannot be specifically de- termined on linguistic grounds. If language parameters are set solely by vocabu- lary, morphology, and syntax, most Northwest Semitic languages of the day are viable alternatives. Socio-political classification: 3) Determined by the two theophoric ele- ments -yaw13and the Hebrew script. Permitted by the onomasticon of inscrip- tional Hebrew,14 the language parameters, the arrangement of the text on the face of the seal,15 and the material characteristics of the seal:16 Hebrew. (4.2) How the seal of Abiyaw correlates with the historical framework Although two texts of Tiglath-pileser III (r. 744–727) refer to a man named Azriyau, it does not appear demonstrable that he is to be identified with the bib- 9 See Chapter 2, note 3, second paragraph, above. 10 SANSS, 89, no. 14, 127, no. 102, Hebrew Seal Script Fig. 64, nos. 14, 102. 11 Ibid., 136, no. 127, Hebrew Seal Script Fig. 67, no. 127. 12 Bordreuil proposes a date between 780 and 740 (CSOSI, 45); Cross dates it “ca. 768–734” (Cross, “Seal of Miqnêyaw, Servant of Yahweh,” in Ancient Seals and the Bi- ble,[ed. Gorelick and Williams-Forte], 56). 13 See Chapter 3, note 136, above. 14 The PN Abiyaw occurs in three or four other Hebrew inscriptions, of which one or two are Samaria ostraca (ca. second quarter of the ninth century to mid-eighth cen- tury), one is an undated seal from Carthage, and one is an unprovenanced seal dated to the eighth century (AHI, 266; WSS, 475). The forms Abiyah and Abiyahu also appear in Hebrew inscriptions (AHI, 266; WSS, 475). PNs formed from b), “father,” are found also in at least nine other socio-political classifications (Fowler, 280; WSS, 475). The PN Uzziyaw is present in only one other Hebrew inscription, the seal of Shub- nayaw (see section 4.3 below), which is also unprovenanced (WSS, 522; AHI, 458). There are four other Hebrew theophoric compounds and hypocoristica based on the root zz( (WSS, 521–22; AHI, 457–58). PNs based on the root zz( appear in inscriptions of at least six other socio-political classifications (Fowler, 288; WSS, 521–22). 15 See sections 2.2 above and 4.3 below. 16 Several Hebrew seals are unperforated, iconic, and made of semiprecious stone. Identifications in Unprovenanced Inscriptions 157 lical Azariah/Uzziah.17 The Hebrew script, the two theophoric elements, and the use of the term ebed as a title on a seal, however, make it evident that the seal owner’s master was a Hebrew monarch. It is not possible on purely inscriptional grounds to say which kingdom he ruled. Extant inscriptions of the northern kingdom of Israel exhibit the syncopated suffix, /-yaw/, spelled wy-, to the exclu- sion of /-yahu/ (written as why-). But until the late eighth century, the seals and bullae of Judah display both of these theophoric endings.18 Therefore, the in- scriptional evidence reveals only that Uzziah was a mid-eighth-century Hebrew king, not which kingdom he ruled. Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions mention four kings of Judah: Jehoa- haz (see section 4.4 below), Hezekiah (see section 4.6 below), Manasseh,19 and Jehoiachin,20 but not Uzziah/Azariah. 17 For a discussion of Azriyau, whose ID as Azariah/ Uzziah, king of Judah, was once widely accepted, see Na’aman, “Sennacherib’s ‘Letter to God,’” 25–39 (contra ANET, 282); cf. Hayim Tadmor, “Azriyau of Yaudi,” Scripta Hierosolymitana 8 (1961): 232–71; ITP, 273–74. Tadmor observes that “had it been the name of an Aramean, or had it been transmitted to Assyria through Aramaic, the name would probably have been ren- dered Idri-yau in Akkadian transcription . .” (ibid., 273, n. 1). His current position seems to be that the question of this potential ID cannot be resolved without new evi- dence (ibid., 274). For bibliography of works for and against this ID, see Becking, Fall, 3, n. 9. 18 See Chapter 3, note 136, above. 19 “Manasseh (mme-na-si-i), king of Judah (KUR ia-ú-di),” according to Prism B of Esarhaddon (r. 680–669), was among those who paid tribute to the latter (Esarhaddon’s Prism B, column 5, line 55; R. Campbell Thompson, The Prisms of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal [London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1931], 25; ANET, 291; Galil, Chronology, 154). Also, Ashurbanipal (r. 668–627) records that “Manasseh, king of Judah (mmi-in-si-HV@DU KUR ia-ú-di)” paid tribute to him (Ashurbanipal’s Cylinder C, col. 1, line 25; Maximilian Streck, Assurbanipal und die letzten assyrischen Könige bis zum Untergang Niniveh’s, [Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 7; Leipzig: J.
Recommended publications
  • Inflected Article in Proto-Arabic and Some Other West Semitic Languages*
    ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 9, 2000, I, 24-35 INFLECTED ARTICLE IN PROTO-ARABIC AND SOME OTHER WEST SEMITIC LANGUAGES* Andrzej Z a b o r s k i M. Zebrzydowskiego 1, 34-130 Kalwaria Zebrzydowska, Poland The Arabic, Canaanite and Modern South Arabian definite article has a common origin and goes back to an original demonstrative pronoun which was a compound inflected for gen­ der, number and probably also for case. It can be reconstructed as *han(V)~ for masc. sing., *hat(V)~ for fern. sing, and *hal(V)- for plural. Assimilations of -n- and -t- to the following consonant (including -n-l- > -11- and -t-l- > II) neutralized the opposition of gender and number and led to a reinterpretation of either hcil/’al- or han/’an-> ’am- synchronically as basic variant. In Aramaic the suffixed definite article was due not to simple suffixation o f hā but to a resegmentation of the postposed compound demonstrativehā-zē-[n(ā)] and suffixation of enclitic hā> -ā which has been generalized. The problem of the definite article in the West Semitic languages has been discussed by many scholars, so that there is a rather abundant literature on the subject and opinions differ widely. Older studies were briefly reviewed by Barth (1907), while in the most recent contribution D. Testen (1998) discusses most of the newer studies (e.g. Wensinck 1931, Ullendorf 1965, Lambdin 1971, Rundgren 1989) and he develops a hypothesis going back at least to Stade (1879, § 132a; cf. Croatto 1971) saying that the Arabic, Canaanite and Modern South Arabian1 definite article goes back to an “assertative” particle */ (sic!) which is continued both by la- i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Wisdom Editing in the Book of Psalms: Vocabulary, Themes, and Structures Steven Dunn Marquette University
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Wisdom Editing in the Book of Psalms: Vocabulary, Themes, and Structures Steven Dunn Marquette University Recommended Citation Dunn, Steven, "Wisdom Editing in the Book of Psalms: Vocabulary, Themes, and Structures" (2009). Dissertations (2009 -). Paper 13. http://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/13 Wisdom Editing in the Book of Psalms: Vocabulary, Themes, and Structures By Steven Dunn, B.A., M.Div. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin December 2009 ABSTRACT Wisdom Editing in the Book of Psalms: Vocabulary, Themes, and Structures Steven Dunn, B.A., M.Div. Marquette University, 2009 This study examines the pervasive influence of post-exilic wisdom editors and writers in the shaping of the Psalter by analyzing the use of wisdom elements—vocabulary, themes, rhetorical devices, and parallels with other Ancient Near Eastern wisdom traditions. I begin with an analysis and critique of the most prominent authors on the subject of wisdom in the Psalter, and expand upon previous research as I propose that evidence of wisdom influence is found in psalm titles, the structure of the Psalter, and among the various genres of psalms. I find further evidence of wisdom influence in creation theology, as seen in Psalms 19, 33, 104, and 148, for which parallels are found in other A.N.E. wisdom texts. In essence, in its final form, the entire Psalter reveals the work of scribes and teachers associated with post-exilic wisdom traditions or schools associated with the temple.
    [Show full text]
  • Common Origin of Ethiopian Semitic: the Lexical Dimension*
    Leonid Kogan Russian State University for the Humanities Moscow COMMON ORIGIN OF ETHIOPIAN SEMITIC: THE LEXICAL DIMENSION* Introduction Semitists have a tendency to be sceptical with regards to genetic classi- fication and negative statements about «the questionable usefulness of classi- ficatory schematizations» (Renfroe 1992:7) can easily be found on the pages of Semitological treatises. In spite of this trend, various aspects of genetic classification of Semitic have always occupied many of the best minds work- ing in this branch of comparative linguistics. A proper evaluation of the sub- grouping procedure as applied to Semitic languages has been admirably out- lined in a recent survey by John Huehnergard: «Classification and subgrou- ping of language families are among the most important of the comparativist’s tasks, and this obtains in our field, too... Indeed, classification and subgouping should inform comparative work and historical reconstruction, for these activi- ties are inextricably interwined ... In other words, classification is not simply a mind game...» (Huehnergard 2002:130).1 A coherent classificatory pattern of Semitic has two facets: several major splits and unities are to be postulated and proved, such as East Semitic vs. West Semitic or Central Semitic vs. South Semitic; simultaneously, the com- mon origin of each minor subdivision (Cannanite, Aramaic, ESA, Ethiopian, * I am deeply grateful to Maria Bulakh and Alexander Militarev for their critical remarks on a preliminary draft of this article. The work on the present topic was carried out within the project «Studies in the Genetic Classification of Semitic» supported by the Center for Fundamental Research (project No. ÐÄ02-3.17-101) which deserves my most sincere gratitute for its assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Ahmad AL-JALLAD
    A. Al-Jallad, Updated January, 2019, pg. 1 Ahmad AL-JALLAD 313 Hagerty Hall 1775 College Rd Columbus, OH 43210,USA [email protected] https://nelc.osu.edu/people/al-jallad.1 BIOGRAPHY Ahmad Al-Jallad specializes in the early history of Arabic and North Arabian. He has done research on Arabic from the pre-Islamic period based on documentary sources, the Graeco- Arabica (Arabic in Greek transcription from the pre-Islamic period), language classification, North Arabian and Arabic epigraphy, and historical Semitic linguistics. His notable decipherments include a zodiac star calendar used in the Safaitic inscriptions (Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 2014), the oldest Arabic poem yet discovered (Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religion, 2015), and the decipherment of the oldest, fully vocalized Arabic text, written in Greek letters (Arabian Epigraphic Notes, 2015). He is the author of An Outline of the Grammar of the Safaitic Inscriptions (Brill, 2015); The Damascus Psalm Fragment: Middle Arabic and the Legacy of Old Ḥigāzī (OI, 2019); A Dictionary of the Safaitic Inscriptions (Brill, 2019, with K. Jaworska). He has led or been a member of several epigraphic and archaeological projects. POSITIONS The Ohio State University, Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Sofia Chair of Arabic (2018-Present) Leiden University, Centre for Linguistics and Institute for Area Studies, Assistant Professor of Ancient Arabia and Arabic and Semitic Linguistics (2012-2018); Director of the Arabic language program (2013-2014); Director of the Leiden Center for the Study of Ancient Arabia (2015-2018). Oxford University, Khalili Research Center, Research Associate on the Online Corpus of Ancient North Arabian Inscriptions project (2013-present) University of Pisa, Post-doctoral fellowship on the Digital Archive for the Study of pre-Islamic Arabic Inscriptions project (2012) Harvard University, Teaching Fellow in Arabic language acquisition (2007-2012); Intensive Summer School instructor (2009) Brandeis University, Instructor of Arabic language (2009-2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Diversity in Pre-Exilic Hebrew
    Forschungen zum Alten Testament herausgegeben von Bernd Janowski und Hermann Spieckermann 5 Diversity in Pre-Exilic Hebrew by Ian Young ARTIBUS Mohr Siebeck Ian Mark Young: Born 1962; Doctorate (PhD) 1990; since 1989 Lecturer in the Depart- ment of Semitic Studies at the University of Sydney. ISBN 978-3-16-151676-4 ISSN 0940-4155 (Forschungen zum Alten Testament) Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. Unrevised Paperback Edition 2011. © 1993 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was typeset and printed by Guide-Druck in Tiibingen using Times typeface and acidfree paper from Papierfabrik Gebr. Buhl in Ettlingen, binding by Heinr. Koch in Tiibingen. Printed in Germany. Acknowledgements This book is for my mother and father, who were my main supports through my undergraduate days and for my wife Karyn, who did likewise during the writing of my postgraduate thesis. It is a great sadness to me that my mother did not live to see the completion of this project. Great thanks are due to many people, not least my mother-in-law, Mrs. Elke Stoermer who, with a not inconsiderable contribution from my wife, typed the whole work. Mr. Thomas Schaeffer and Mr. Milton Cooke deserve thanks for generously allowing the use of company equipment in its production.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study on Some Semitic Toponymic Types of the Second Millennium Bc in the Southern Levant
    A STUDY ON SOME SEMITIC TOPONYMIC TYPES OF THE SECOND MILLENNIUM BC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT Pauli Rahkonen University of Helsinki The present study is based on the onomasticon of the Southern Levant in the second millennium bc. The results from onomastics are compared with the corresponding archaeological data and with the parallel literary sources. There existed a frequently found toponymic type stem + -ōn that was common in the area of Phoenicia and the coastal area of modern Israel. Another widely spread toponymic type bêṯ + adjunct appeared in the Galilee and the Judean Hill Country, the analogue of which is found in Syro-Mesopotamia. It is notable that these two particular types are not found in the Hill Country of Ephraim. As for the origin of these two toponymic types, the archaeological evidence, in accordance with the toponymic material, hints at migrations or at least at linguistic influence from the north to the Southern Levant during the first part of the second millennium bc. 1. INTRODUCTION AND TOPIC OF THE RESEARCH The question of the toponyms in the Southern Levant originating from the second millennium bc is an interesting but complicated issue. Linguistic groups are not the primary topic of inquiry in this study, even though toponyms are always named by people. Instead, we concentrate on actual names, although we are naturally obliged to touch on linguistic groups to some extent as well. A number of different ethnonyms are documented in several historical written sources. We find such ethnonyms as the Canaanites, Amorites (Amurru), Israelites, Hurrians, Hittites, and Philistines that are known not only from biblical texts but from various extrabiblical sources, as well (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Features of Aramaeo-Canaanite
    Features of Aramaeo-Canaanite NA’AMA PAT-EL UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS, AUSTIN and ARen WILSON-WRIGHT UNIVERSITY OF ZÜRICH One of the sub-branches of Central Semitic, Northwest Semitic, contains a number of languages with no established hierarchical relation among them: Ugaritic, Ara- maic, Canaanite, Deir Alla, and Samalian. Over the years, scholars have attempted to establish a more accurate sub-branching for Northwest Semitic or to suggest a dif- ferent genetic affiliation for some languages, usually Ugaritic. In this paper, we will argue that Aramaic and Canaanite share a direct ancestor, on the basis of a number of morphosyntactic features: the fs demonstrative *ðaˀt, the direct object marker *ˀayāt, the development of dative subjects with adjectival predicates, the use of the construct state with prepositions, the G imperfect inflection of geminate verbs, and the plural form of *bayt. We will also address arguments that Ugaritic is a Canaanite dialect, or that Canaanite and Ugaritic are more closely related. This proposal not only outlines a more coherent family tree for Northwest Semitic, but also accounts for numerous “Aramaic”-like features in some Canaanite dialects, primarily Biblical Hebrew, which have thus far been treated as the result of language contact in the early Iron Age. 1. INTRODUCTION The internal subgrouping of the Central Semitic languages was first established by Hetzron (1976) and later refined by Huehnergard (2005a). One of the sub-branches of Central Semitic, Northwest Semitic, contains a number of languages, with no established hierarchical relation among them; that is, they remain in a polytomic formation (Huehnergard 1991, 2005a): Ugaritic, Aramaic, Canaanite, the Deir ‘Allā dialect, and Samalian.
    [Show full text]
  • Aspects of Aramaic and Babylonian Linguistic Interaction in First Millennium BC Iraq
    Journal of Language Contact 6 (2013) 358–378 brill.com/jlc Aspects of Aramaic and Babylonian Linguistic Interaction in First Millennium BC Iraq Paul-Alain Beaulieu University of Toronto [email protected] Abstract This article investigates four areas where the influence of Aramaic on the Neo- and Late Babylonian dialects of Akkadian can be detected (8th-3rd centuries BC): the pronominal system, the verbal prefixes, the precative (i.e., jussive) conjugation, and cognate loanwords. In each case Babylonian appears to have replaced native forms with Aramaic equivalents that bore a close morphological, but not necessarily functional similarity to them. Aramaic and Babylonian both belonged to the Semitic family and were in intimate contact for centuries, being spoken and written side by side in the same society. While the changes that occurred in Babylonian can in each instance be analyzed as individual cases of interference and contamination, I propose to view them together as evidence that the close genetic relation between the two languages trig- gered a process that induced speakers of Babylonian to adopt Aramaic forms in specific cases where morphological similarity between the two languages was the strongest. These changes were highly selective, however, and do not provide evidence for a massive influx of Aramaic on Neo- and Late Babylonian, as has often been argued in the past. Keywords Aramaic; Neo-Babylonian; Late Babylonian; Semitic; interference; contamination The Akkadian language, a member of the Semitic family, ranks as one of the oldest known languages in history. It also possesses one of the longest attested written records of any language, being documented from the mid-third mil- lennium BC until the beginning of our era.
    [Show full text]
  • Almubarak 4254.Pdf
    Al-Mubarak, Ghalia (2016) An investigation of sociolinguistic variation in alal-ʾAḥsāʾ Arabic. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/id/eprint/23575 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this PhD Thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This PhD Thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this PhD Thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the PhD Thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full PhD Thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD PhD Thesis, pagination. An investigation of sociolinguistic variation in al- ʾAḥsāʾ Arabic Ghalia Al-Mubarak Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2016 Department of Linguistics SOAS, University of London 1 Declaration for SOAS PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the SOAS, University of London concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Arabicincontext
    Arabic in Context Celebrating 400 Years of Arabic at Leiden University Edited by Ahmad Al-Jallad leiden | boston For use by the Author only | © 2017 Koninklijke Brill NV Contents Foreword vii Preface x List of Figures xiv List of Abbreviations in Linguistic Glosses and Paradigms xv List of Contributors xvi What is Arabic? 1 Arabic in Its Semitic Context 3 John Huehnergard 2 How Conservative and How Innovating is Arabic? 35 Andrzej Zaborski Arabic in Its Epigraphic Context 3 The ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription Thirty Years Later: A Reassessment 53 Manfred Kropp 4 Aramaic or Arabic? The Nabataeo-Arabic Script and the Language of the Inscriptions Written in This Script 75 Laïla Nehmé 5 Graeco-Arabica I: The Southern Levant 99 Ahmad Al-Jallad Classical Arabic in Context 6 Traces of South Arabian Causative-Reflexive Verbal Stem in Arabic Lexicon? 189 Daniele Mascitelli 7 Arabic allaḏī / illi as Subordinators: An Alternative Perspective 212 Lutz Edzard For use by the Author only | © 2017 Koninklijke Brill NV vi contents 8 Raphelengius and the Yellow Cow (Q 2:69): Early Translations of Hebrew ˀādōm into Arabic ˀaṣfar 227 Jordi Ferrer i Serra 9 Terminative-Adverbial and Locative-Adverbial Endings in Semitic Languages: A Reassessment and Its Implications for Arabic 271 Francesco Grande 10 On the Middle Iranian Borrowings in Qurʾānic (and Pre-Islamic) Arabic 317 Johnny Cheung Qurʾānic Arabic in Context 11 Traces of Bilingualism/Multilingualism in Qurʾānic Arabic 337 Guillaume Dye 12 A Syriac Reading of the Qurʾān? The Case of Sūrat al-Kawṯar 372 Martin
    [Show full text]
  • 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION French Culture and Civilization Was
    CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION French culture and civilization was introduced in the Middle East from 1860 to 1914, following the French occupation of the Middle East. During that period, the French language became one of the most important languages taught in the private schools as a second language. Realizing the importance of languages, the Palestinian Ministry of Education and Higher Education recently introduced other foreign languages besides English. There are presently 14 schools that teach French and two schools that teach German. The French language became an important foreign language not only in the schools but also in most of the universities in Palestine, for example, Bir-Zet University, An-Najah National University, the Arab American University, and Al-Quds University. French is an important language in Palestine, because it gives the students the chance to establish social relations with French speakers, and increases students' awareness of other cultures. Further, it can increase employability, due to the large number of French organizations operating in Palestine. 1.1 Statement of the Problem Morphologically and structurally the Arabic language is different from the French language, for example there is only one past tense in Arabic while in French there are more than four types of past tenses like: the passé composé, the imparfait, the plus-que-parfait, and the passé simple in addition to the past tenses in the other modes. French is taught 1 mainly in private schools, and only in certain public schools; therefore the majority of students do not speak French at an early age and this is the cause of a lot of problems and errors when they learn French later in life.
    [Show full text]
  • The Word for 'One' in Proto-Semitic1
    Journal of Semitic Studies LIX/1 Spring 2014 doi: 10.1093/jss/fgt032 © The author. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester. All rights reserved. THE WORD FOR ‘ONE’ IN PROTO-SEMITIC1 AREN WILSON-WRIGHT THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN Abstract Traditionally, scholars have reconstructed *waÌad or some variant Downloaded from thereof as the word for ‘one’ in Proto-Semitic. In this paper, I argue that *‘ast- is a better candidate because it is attested as a number in both East and West Semitic. *waÌad, by contrast, was most likely an adjective meaning ‘lone’ as in Akkadian. Along the way, I will review some methodological criteria that may prove useful in the ongoing effort to reconstruct Proto-Semitic. http://jss.oxfordjournals.org/ 1. A Different Scenario The treatment of the number one follows a set pattern in comparative grammars of the Semitic languages: a long section on *waÌad and its relatives precedes a brief section on its less common rival *‘ast-. This by guest on March 22, 2014 organizational pattern, in turn, reflects a common assumption about the nature of Proto-Semitic. Most scholars reconstruct *waÌad or some variant thereof as the first cardinal number.2 But, in this paper, I argue that *‘ast- is original. Along the way, I will review some meth- odological criteria that may prove useful in the ongoing effort to reconstruct Proto-Semitic. 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 40th meeting of the North American Conference on Afro-Asiatic Linguistics. I would like to thank the audi- ence members for their insightful feedback.
    [Show full text]