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Introduction: Representing Others in Medieval Iberia 1 NOTES Introduction: Representing Others in Medieval Iberia 1. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 227–228, uses the term “in-between” to refer to the spaces of diaspora, where “migrant and minority discourse” negotiate cultural difference. 2. For the sake of ease of reading, Arabic and Hebrew consonants have been transliterated by the closest Romance character. I have indicated long and short vowels in Arabic terms and proper names for which there are no accepted English transcriptions. Commonly recognized English spellings for better-known Hebrew and Arabic names and terms have been used. While I include in the text English translations of the material I am analyzing, I have included in the notes citations of all primary texts in the original Arabic, Hebrew, Latin, or Spanish. 3. Echoing the opinion of Catherine Brown, Jeffrey Jerome Cohen has pointed out that in general the “Middle Ages have been characterized too often as a field of undifferentiated otherness against which modernity (and therefore the possibility of a premodern postcoloniality) emerged.” Cohen, introduc- tion to Postcolonial Middle Ages, 4; see also Brown, “In the Middle.” Modern critics have constructed medieval Iberia, and particularly al-Andalus, as sites of political and social otherness in order to offer an alternative to contempo- rary social and political attitudes of intolerance. D. Fairchild Ruggles calls for an approach to al-Andalus that recognizes it as a site of problematic cultural intermingling that anticipates more modern colonial spaces. “Mothers of a Hybrid Dynasty,” 65–66. Also see note 9 below. 4. For the tenth-century nun Hroswitha’s description of the Umayyad court in Cordoba as “Ornament of the World,” see Menocal, Ornament of the World, 12. 5. “Europe North of the Pyrenees showed little interest in Islam before the first Crusade of 1095–1099.” Tolan, Saracens, 69. On Raymond d’Aguilers and Petrus Tudebodus, see Tolan, Saracens, 111–118. 6. Said, Orientalism, 61. 7. Pre-Umayyad medieval Iberia was what Arjun Appadurai describes as a “dias- poric switching point,” an area to which or through which various diasporic- subjects traveled and in which they often settled for various reasons, but without the idea of renouncing their former cultures or of making it their 150 NOTES “homeland.” Modernity at Large, 171. For a concise overview of the early centuries of recorded Iberian history, see Payne, History of Spain and Portugal, 1–14 and Barton, A History of Spain, 5–30. 8. Barton, History of Spain, 5. 9. Américo Castro coined the term convivencia to describe the coexistence of Jews, Muslims, and Christians in medieval Iberia. España en su historia, 200–209. Later historians, such as Norman Roth, have imbued the term with an extremely optimistic (in David Nirenberg’s terms) reading. See Roth, Jews, Visigoths and Muslims, 2. Menocal, Ornament of the World, 9–13 also paints a more positive picture of medieval Iberian coexistence. David Nirenberg is a recent representative of the conflictive version of Iberian coexistence. See Communities of Violence. Other representatives of this approach include the so-called lachrymose school of Jewish historians, which includes Baer, History of the Jews in Christian Spain. For a summary of these positions see Nirenberg, Communities, 8–10 and Brann, Power in the Portrayal, 3–10. Other recent studies examine medieval Iberia, espe- cially al-Andalus, as a more complex society in which different ethnic, religious, and cultural groups coexisted in an often problematic way. See, for example, Meyerson, introduction to Christians, Muslims, and Jews; Ray, The Sephardic Frontier; and Makki, “The Political History of al- Andalus,” 3–87. 10. See Meyerson’s recent evaluation of the problematics of studying Spanish history through the lens of mainstream European history and/or as a site of alterity, introduction to Christians, Muslims, and Jews, xii–xiv. 11. Makki, “The Political History of al-Andalus,” 6–77, provides a detailed dis- cussion of the political rivalry between these different ethnic groups. 12. Andalusi exiles established settlements, among other places, in North Africa—particularly in current day Tunis and Morocco. In the old city in Fes there is still an Andalusi quarter and some Moroccans still refer to themselves as Andalusis, attesting to the survival of al-Andalus even into the present. 13. The Andalusi court model is adapted from the earlier Umayyad court in Baghdad that similarly accommodated ethnically and religiously diverse courtiers from the different populations of the Umayyad Empire such as Persians, Nestorians, and Arabs. Peter Heath characterizes adab as a type of practical “cultural knowledge based on the body of literary traditions and cultural norms” of the Arabs. Though originally based on the tribal traditions of the pre-Islamic inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula, as the Islamic Empire spread and as its centers of power became more urban, these traditions also changed, adapting to the changing demographics of imperial expansion. By the end of the ninth century, elements of the varying traditions (Persian, Hellenic) with which the Islamic Empire had come into contact are also incorporated into adab. Heath characterizes ninth-century adab as a “new Islamic synthesis of interrelated fields of knowledge that encompassed and combined such genres as poetry, belles lettres, grammar, genealogy, history, NOTES 151 biography, proverbs, ethics, wisdom and advice, and examples of behavior recognized as models worthy of emulation.” Heath, “Knowledge,” 107. Raymond Scheindlin also describes the “cosmopolitan intellectual life some- times referred to as Arabic humanism” developed in the Baghdadi courts, which attracted people from diverse religious and ethnic groups. “Merchants,” 335. Also see Robinson, In Praise of Song, 69–80, who compares the Andalusi and Baghdadi models of the ideal courtier in the context of the majlis, liter- ary and drinking parties among court intimates. 14. On these terms and their usage in the courtly context see Robinson, In Praise of Song, 11, 70–72, 78, 103–104. Also see Monroe, Shu‘ubiyya in al- Andalus, 6–7 for a discussion of the growing importance of the katib or courtier-secretary under ‘Abd al-Rahman III. 15. For example, the tenth-century Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, courtier to ‘Abd al- Rahman III, states that the secretary-courtier should be “spotless in his dress, clean in the assembly, exhibiting manly courage, sweet of smell, keen of wit, elegant of tongue, sweet in giving hints, witty in metaphor,” etc. Quoted in Monroe, Shu‘ubiyya, 6. 16. For more on these poets see Monroe, Hispano-Arabic Poetry; Robinson, Praise. 17. On the usage of Arabic among Andalusi Jews see Halkin, “The Medieval Jewish Attitude toward Hebrew”; Drory, “‘Words beautifully put,’” 61–63; and Rabin, “Hebrew and Arabic in Medieval Jewish Philosophy.” 18. The taifa kings that emerged after ‘Amirid rule had disintegrated held power in their various realms until the invasion of the North African Almoravids in the 1080s. See Kennedy, Muslim Spain, 130–195; Wasserstein, Rise and Fall of the Party Kings. 19. Monroe, Shu‘ubiyya, 7–9, 24. 20. Andalusi courtiers, like the Jews of the Diaspora described by Denise McCoskey, “occupied multiple, often intersecting, positions of identification simultaneously and could find themselves activating or being categorized by only one or more of these positions, depending on the context,” 400. 21. Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi claims “the secretaries of kings are their eyes that see, their ears that listen, their tongues that speak” and advises, “in them may be found the manners of kings and the modesty of subjects.” Quoted in Monroe, Shu‘ubiyya, 6. 22. The origins and meaning of the term Mozarab is further discussed in chapter 5, n21. 23. Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, xviii. 24. Bhabha uses the term “unhomely,” which he adapts from Freud (The Location of Culture, 10), to designate the hidden that when revealed (often in intimacy) estranges. 25. See Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, 303–436; Kayser, The Grotesque; Russo, The Female Grotesque. 26. Among Arabic literary scholars, and to an extent among those working in medieval Hebrew, the rhymed prose narratives studied in this book have received little critical attention compared to that given by Hispanists to the Libro 152 NOTES de buen amor. James T. Monroe’s relatively new translation of al-Saraqusti’s Maqamat al-luzumiyah (which I examine in chapter 2) has been the impetus for some new critical reappraisals of al-Saraqusti’s importance as an Andalusi author and of the Arabo-Iberian maqamat in general. See Young, Rogues and Genres and “Preachers and Poets”; Wacks, “Performativity”; and my own “‘Words sweeter than honey.’” Ibn Hazm’s chapter on the messenger (the subject of chapter 1) has similarly received scant contemporary attention, although it was at the heart of a disagreement between Américo Castro, G.B. Gybbon-Monypenny, and Claudio Sánchez Albornoz during the 1950s and 1960s. This debate centered, however, not on a reading of Ibn Hazm in the context of Andalusi literature, but on the extent to which it may have influenced the Spanish work, the Libro de buen amor. See Castro, La realidad histórica de España, 402–429 and España en su historia, 355–446; Sánchez Albornoz, España: Un enigma histórico, 1: 202–226; and Gybbon- Monypenny, “Autobiography in the Libro de buen amor,” 64. Within the last twenty years, among a handful of scholars, including Matti Huss and Tova Rosen, there has been growing interest in the Hebrew work studied in chapter 3, Ibn Shabbetai’s Offering. See Rosen, “On Tongues,” “Sexual Politics,” and Unveiling Eve; Huss, “Critical Editions of Minhat Yehuda”; and Fishman, “A Medieval Parody of Misogyny.” Early studies on Ibn Shabbetai’s Offering include Dishon, “The Sources of the Maqama” and “Critical Examination.” Studies of the other work analyzed in chapter 3, al- Harizi’s Gate Six of the Tahkemoni include Dishon, “The Sources” and “Critical Examination”; Haberman, Shalosh Maqamot; and the analysis included in the newest translation and edition by Segal, Book of the Tahkemoni, 454–458.
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