Article Abstracts in English

Museum of Antiquities in Leiden. Th e fact that these were Identifying the date of issue purchased by Siebold in the Spring of 1826 becomes an for Bunsei era courtesan prints by Eisen important piece of evidence for determining the issue date using the Yoshiwara-saiken for this set of prints. We checked whether the name of the courtesan is included in the Yoshiwara-saiken database, database and the mon an attribute: and whether the mon depicted could be matched up with the Keisei Dochû Sugoroku one of the mon of courtesans included in the Keisei Dochû Sugoroku designed by Gokitei Sadafusa. In our limited Taketoshi Hibiya viewpoint, we have been able to determine the issue date Satoru Satô of ten of the thirteen variant prints that exist. Yasuhiro Uchida

Takatsuya Isuke and : Within the genre of bijin-ga is a category of pictures Th e Pioneering Publisher and Print Artist depicting the oiran. Compared to actor portraits—in of Ukiyo-e’s Golden Age which by referring to various show bills, we can make a determination easily from the part played, the actor’s Masako Tanabe name, and the performance time period—determining the date of issue of courtesan prints is accompanied by Torii Kiyonaga (1752–1815), a major ukiyo-e artist diffi culties and challenges. As a method for determining during the Tenmei era (1781–1789), introduced the the issue date of courtesan prints, we have utilized (1) the splendor of the true ôban-sized full-color print, and is Yoshiwara-saiken database and (2) mon depicted in the considered to be the print artist who heralded in the picture; moreover, we propose (3) checking them against golden age of the ukiyo-e print. At the time, the majority the collected works of Blomhoff and Siebold, which are of full-color print works were produced in the chûban or housed at the Dutch National Museum of Antiquities smaller scale image. Kiyonaga’s sets of ôban-sized prints in Leiden, in which the purchase dates in the first, fifth were considered extravagant at the time, and we might ask, and ninth years of the Bunsei era (1818, 1822 and 1826) what circumstances led to the publication of these larger are precisely known. We take up, as a specific example, prints. Th is article considers the activities of the publisher the fifty-five prints and thirteen variant prints of Keisei Takatsuya Isuke (1758?–1791) who published Kiyonaga’s Dochû Sugoroku – The Fifty-Three Stations in Yoshiwara major works and took on the ôban format in the early Parody, drawn by Keisai Eisen, and clarify the issue date Tenmei era when it was still a rarity, as it reconsiders the and motive. Th is set of fifty-fi ve prints depicts oiran of the characteristics of full-color print publication in the Tenmei hanmagakimajiri rank and above from twenty of the largest era. brothels in Yoshiwara. Each oiran is placed in one of the Looking over the biography of the publisher fifty-five stations of the Tokaidô Highway (Nihonbashi Takatsuya reveals that he was young, only in his mid 20s, and Kyoto terminal stations included); within each print in the early Tenmei era when he began to publish the is a cartouche of the nearby scenery of that station. The works of Kiyonaga. In spite of his youth he already had National Library and the Chiba City Museum of Art established an extremely resourceful environment. He collections both have fifty-five prints, although there was the husband of Mura, daughter of Takatsu Ihee III of are variant prints and the collections are not identical. the Iseya (commonly known as Ninben), a tuna merchant In comparing them with the Yoshiwara-saiken database, middleman in Nihonbashi-Muromachi. He established the highest rate of correspondence is for the autumn of a branch house of the family in Kanda Koyanagi-chô, 1824 (Bunsei 7), with 52 out of 55 prints, or 95 percent and there established himself as a publisher. According matching up. We can understand that the prints were to Ihee’s will, his daughter Mura inherited the massive issued to publicize the brothels’ return to Yoshiwara in the amount of 4,450 ryô. It is not hard to imagine that it was summer of 1825 (Bunsei 8) from the temporary facilities this money that paid for Takatsuya’s establishing himself they operated following a fire in the fourth month of as an independent publisher. Further, Takatsuya’s birth 1824. At the same time, they served to publicize 13 newly family was the print publisher Fushimiya Zenroku, and inaugurated courtesans. The thirty-nine prints which Takatsuya Isuke himself seems to be the same person as Siebold purchased in the Spring of 1826 (Bunsei 9), while Zenzô, the 3rd son of the fi rst generation of the Fushimiya visiting Tokyo are in the collection at the Dutch National family. Thus, he would have easily gained the necessary

100 know-how to be a publisher. The reprint edition of Tachibana Minkô’s Saiga Consideration for the publication shokunin burui in 1784 (Tenmei 4) was jointly published of nishiki-e at the end of the Edo period by Takatsuya and Fushimiya. Extant versions of the -from Kore ga Edo nishiki-e awase : majority of the printed books listed in the print catalogue of Takatsuya included in this work cannot be confirmed Th is is the Edo nishiki-e matching game today, but it would seem that Takatsuya was involved in publications related to that era’s kyôka boom. Also, Jun’ichi Ôkubo he seems to have been involved with the kyôka masters Yomono Akara (Ota Nanpo) and Akera Kankô, and the There is a single-sheet print, Kore ga Edo nishiki-e print artists who were closely involved with kyôka, namely awase (This is the Edo nishiki-e matching game), made in Kubo Shunman and . the form of a sumo banzuke listing. This catalogue lists Conversely, it is noteworthy that during the Tenmei the names of 15 types of print series, including Utagawa era Fushimiya published such especially elaborate and Toyokuni III’s Actor Print Mitate Version of the Fifty- highbrow famous nishiki-e works as Kubo Shunman’s Three Stations of the Tôkaidô and Utagawa Kuniyoshi’s Mutamagawa (Six Tama Rivers series) and Hei no Naigai Sixty-Nine Stations of the Kisokaidô, created between the (In and Out of the Moat). Further, it is fascinating to note intercalary 2nd month of 1852 to the 2nd month of the that Fushimiya was also involved in joint publications with following year. The print also includes text encouraging Takatsuya, such as Kitagawa ’s Daimyô yashiki the purchase of these prints. no Santô Kyôden (Santô Kyôden in the Daimyô residence) Th e entry for the 25th day of the 2nd month of 1853 and other Utamaro works with a kyôka master connection. in the Fujiokaya nikki provides information suggesting The kyôka masters of the day seem to have been treated the circumstances behind the creation of this catalogue. like stars so they had their portraits in full-color prints. It states on that day that immediately after the publisher Confirming from actual prints, it would seem that the began selling some deluxe edition prints, such as the majority of these images were published from around Mitate Sanpukutsui and the Actor Print Mitate Version of Tenmei 6–7 to the early Kansei era (1789–1801). The the Fifty-Th ree Stations of the Tôkaidô, they were accused portrait-like depiction of men, in works such as Kiyonaga’s of braking the law. Most of the names of the series Tôsei yûri bijin awase; Nakazu no suzumi, are likely images included in this diary entry accord with those in the Kore of actual people, such as kyôka masters. ga Edo nishiki-e awase. The Kore ga Edo nishiki-e awase Nihonbashi, closely linked to the Takatsuya, was one was published jointly around the 2nd month of 1853 by of the centers for kyôka poetry at the time. A Nihonbashi involved publishers as a means of selling the elaborately predilection can be sensed in the subjects of Kiyonaga’s printed series that were priced at several times the normal ôban-sized full color prints, focused on the courtesans of print prices. the neighboring Oka pleasure quarters and the tendency The Fujiokuya nikki entry was at most one year later to favor Ichikawa Danjûrô V. The author believes that than the publication periods of the print series listed in the more so than the works distributed amongst the usual low- Kore ga Edo nishiki-e awase catalogue. Th e diary states that margin conditions, Kiyonaga’s ôban full-color prints were these same prints were made at three price levels, namely aimed at an audience limited to the relatively wealthy, the extremely high grade prints, the somewhat high grade focusing on the cultured aficionados of the Nihonbashi prints and the normal prints. Th is gives rise to questions area. While the publisher can be discerned in only a few about the accepted theory that early impressions of a print of Kiyonaga’s major early Tenmei era works, Takatsuya is a were carefully printed, while later impressions were of a likely candidate for that role. lesser quality. In other words, this diary entry suggests the existence of deluxe prints that were printed later than the early impressions, the intentional differentiation of printing quality amongst prints of the same blocks, and the coexistence of those diff ering quality prints. Further, numbers of the series names listed in both the catalogue and the diary, and the 1849 example of the publisher Mikawaya Tetsugorô who published densely worked deluxe prints, as seen in Shichû torishimari ruishû, suggests these examples were not exceptional during the late Edo

99 period. the short compositions, in opposition to that not clearly Several scholars have questioned the existence of drawn with the lack of expression in the long compositions. numerous sets of high quality impressions, a quality However, in contrast to the short compositions, which— normally seen in first impressions only, regardless of armed with the irrefutable truth of her dismissal— the fact that it took three years from the beginning of renounce Saigû’s sexual act, the long compositions explain publication to the completion of the series of Utagawa the couple’s act with a unique religious morality. Th is kind Hiroshige’s One Hundred Famous Sites of Edo. This of change in the sexual attitudes would place it in the same conundrum can be settled if we consider that a set of high time period as the transition of Heian Period tales, which quality prints was made after the series was completed, not hesitated to “shamelessly depict the body,” into Otogizôishi, at the time of the fi rst impressions taken from the blocks. in which the body was drawn as “something to be viwed This article uses the catalogue and diary to raise and appreciated”. various issues related to accepted theories regarding the In other words, it can be said that the Koshibagaki printing of late Edo period full-color prints, as it examines Sôshi, based on the incident of Saigû’s intrigue, was the production circumstances surrounding the print series transformed from an illustrated narrative (the short of this period. composition category) into an Otogizôshi (the long composition category) rich with humor. As a “hidden image” of narrative literature—which transitioned from dynastic stories and narratives into Otogizôshi— Th e Transition in the Koshibagaki Soshi the Koshibagaki Sôshi made the change by reflecting the infl uences of the times. Kahoko Iguro

The Koshibagaki Sôshi is a tale that openly depicted lovemaking, and along with the Chigo Sôshi Emaki, the Fukuro Hôshi Ekotoba, and others, has attracted attention as a precedential work in the genre of ukiyo-e erotic pictures and books known as shunga and shunbon. The opportunities to actually do research on it have heretofore been few. This picture roll is about an incident that occurred in real life, the Intrusion at Princess Saigû’s, reported in the article for the nineteenth day of the sixth month (and other date sections) in the Nihongi Ryaku (Summary of Japanese Chronologies, 986). It is said that the Koshibagaki Sôshi was created in or around the Kamakura era, and there are various theories about the creators of the work. Emporer Go-Shirakawa, Fujiwara no Tameie, and Horikawa Michitomo are among those who have been suggested as the author of the poetic passages, while Sumiyoshi Hôgen, Fujiwara no Nobuzane, and others have been suggested as the artist, but there is no conclusive evidence for any of these. In this article, I have surveyed the copies of the Koshibagaki Sôshi that have been handed down at present, and from the poetry and artwork divide the work into two categories: short compositions and long compositions. Furthermore, I have compared the scenes of lovemaking in the two categories and point out that the simple and frank expression of sex in the short compositions contrasts with the classical references, incorporated elegance, and euphemistic portrayals of the long compositions. Also, Saigû’s face is portrayed in unashamed sexual ecstasy in

98 References Works in English

When it comes to the role and the play depicted in Another design from this print, unfortunately insuffi cient evidence means that Toyokuni I’s Yakusha Butai no Sugata-e. we cannot identify either of them with any certainty. Judging from the kamishimo costume and the two swords, Paul Griffi th the character is obviously a samurai of some rank. He is seen with a closed fan that he holds by its paper end rather I wish to express my sincere thanks to Mr. than by its wooden ribs, as though pointing at something. Iwata Kazuo and to Prof. Iwata Hideyuki for their Th e particular wig that Kanya wears is of the type called encouragement and valuable assistance. It was with namajime (生締,) with the tied and stiffly oiled top-knot great interest that I read Iwata Kazuo’s article in Ukiyo-e that protrudes over the pate. The small sideburns that Geijutsu no. 161 in which he introduced the design of stick out from the sides are called shitchū (シッチュウ,) and Otowaya and Yamatoya from the series Yakusha Butai no this is especially associated with such samurai roles as Sugata-e. After that, I contacted both gentlemen and was Yawata no Saburō, the bodyguard of Kudō Suketsune,6 able to meet with them in Tokyo. Since then I have been 【図3】. Plays about the Soga brothers were staged at the encouraged to write this short article. start of every year in Edo, and Kanya did indeed appear in the Soga plays in Kansei 6 (1794) and Kansei 7 (1795). I write to introduce another previously unknown Unfortunately, however, he did not take the roles of either design by Utagawa Toyokuni I from the series Yakusha of Suketsune’s bodyguards on these occasions. Instead he Butai no Sugata-e. Th is was not included in Suzuki Jūzō’s played the Soga brothers’ retainer Oniō Shinzaemon in list of designs in this set, which was published in『名品揃物 Kansei 6, and their other retainer Soga no Dōzaburō in 浮世絵6 豊国・国貞』 (1992年刊,) and to my knowledge it has Kansei 7. not been recorded anywhere else1【図 1】. This particular Despite this, it is revealing to look at the ehon banzuke impression measures 24.8 x 36.1 cms, and there are traces for the play Butai no hana wakayagi Soga (舞台花若栄曽 of mica still remaining around the head2【図 2】. 我,) staged in the 1st month of Kansei 6. On one page we can clearly see Kanya in the role of Oniō Shinzaemon The design is subtitled Kinojiya (喜の字屋) which is standing in the bottom-left, with one arm raised and the acting house of Morita Kanya VIII. The crest seen holding a wooden sword. What is fascinating, however, on the upper half of the costume is the oxalis, or wood- is that standing opposite him on the bottom-right is the sorrel leaf (katabami, 酢漿草) that also indentifi es Kanya’s actor Ichikawa Kinji as Izu no Jirō,【図 4】. Not only is acting family. Th ere does not seem to be any other design Kinji wearing the same kind of costume and wig, (albeit showing Morita Kanya in this series. As Suzuki Jūzō has with his pate covered with hair,) but he is also holding a written, the criteria for the selection of actors for this series closed fan in exactly the same way as Toyokuni’s portrait appears to be problematic, because while some actors such of Kanya. Furthermore, Kinji’s pose in the ehon banzuke is as Sōjūrō, Kikunojō, Hanshirō, Yaozō and Komazō are remarkably similar to Kanya’s pose in Toyokuni’s design. depicted in at least four designs, other veteran actors such Could Toyokuni have seen this ehon banzuke before he as Kōshirō IV and the great Ebizō are only represented by designed his print, and could the depiction of Kinji have one design each.3 Th ough not of the highest rank, Morita infl uenced his own composition? Th e connection between Kanya was nevertheless both an actor and a former theatre Toyokuni’s design and this particular production is very manager who was of significant standing in the acting tantalising, but in this case, both the ehon banzuke and world.4 His apparent omission from the selection was the yakuwari banzuke confirm that Kanya did not play therefore surprising. Fortunately we now have at least one the role of Izu no Jirō, a younger brother of Suketsune. design of him to add to the total. However, this does raise interesting questions about the A similar situation exists with regard to the choice of relationship between ehon banzuke and single-sheet prints theatre for the series. Th e vast majority of designs feature and about the extent to which they might have infl uenced plays produced at the Miyako-za and the Kawarasaki-za, one another. 7 two of the three main theatres operating at that time. Th e I am again grateful to Iwata Kazuo for pointing number of designs linked to productions at the Kiri-za is out another role played by Kanya that may be the one extremely small.5 Throughout this period Kanya worked depicted in this design. In the 5th month of Kansei 6, exclusively at the Kiri-za, and so we can add one more Kanya took the role of the samurai Shida no Saemon in design to the small group of works associated with that the play Katakiuchi noriai banashi (敵討乗合話). If we look theatre. at the tsuji banzuke for this production, Kanya is shown

97 at the bottom-right standing with a fan in his hand【図 Kataoka Nizaemon VII. See the『歌舞伎年表 5』 p.189. 5】. As in Toyokuni’s design, the fan is held by its paper 5: Suzuki Jûzô, ibid. 6: See Matsuda Seifû (松田青風,)『歌舞伎 のかつら』 fi rst published 昭和34年 end rather than by its ribs. In this particular scene, his 刊, p.1. The full name of this particular wig is 本毛八枚鬢シッチュウ付の生締. costume is similar to Toyokuni’s design, although he 7: In his article in Ukiyo-e Geijutsu no. 161, Iwata Kazuo indicated the close wears trailing nagabakama over his kimono. Crouching similarity of Toyokuni’s portrait of Hikosaburô as Chôemon and Hanshirô below and glancing up at him is Kōshirō as Tsukimoto as Ohan with their depiction in the ehon banzuke for the same play. Not only details of costume were the same, but the particular pose struck by the Mushanosuke, who is shown clutching his sword sheath two characters was also very close. If the ehon banzuke was put on sale on in a way that also resembles Toyokuni’s design. We know opening day, again, could Toyokuni have seen this before producing his own that the tsuji banzuke served the function of posters design, or were the artists working closely together at the same time? 8: One other example, of course, is the character Yura Hyôgonosuke published before the play’s opening and pasted around Nobutada in the play Shinrei yaguchi no watashi performed in the 8th month town to advertise forthcoming productions. As such, of Kansei 6. Sharaku designed a yellow-ground hosoban of Kanya in this role precise details of costume and pose might have been but it looks very different from Toyokuni’s portrait. diff erent from the actual performance. Nevertheless, it is possible that they still exerted some infl uence on artists of single-sheet prints. When we examine the ehon banzuke for this production, which may better represent what happened on stage, there is no depiction of Kanya holding a fan. Rather, he is shown in the top right of the page holding a lantern, as he seemingly confronts and glares at Matsusuke in the role of Sasaki Ganryū,【図 6】. Toyokuni and his publisher Izumiya Ichibē are thought to have begun publishing the series Yakusha Butai no Sugata-e in the 1st month of Kansei 6, and the series is thought to have continued till the 5th month of Kansei 7. Kanya appeared at the Kiri-za throughout Kansei 6, and he continued to perform there until the 7th month of the following year. After that he did not appear at any Edo theatre for a long time. Th e style of Toyokuni’s signature on this print and, in particular, the way in which he writes the character ga (画,) suggests a date between the 1st month of Kansei 6 and the 1st month of Kansei 7. Considering this narrow date range, the number of high-ranking samurai roles that Kanya played must be very limited.8 But unfortunately, until some new corroborating evidence is discovered, a positive identifi cation of the role and play for this design must remain uncertain. As many of the prints in this series form diptychs and triptychs, hopefully other designs by Toyokuni will surface in the future that may help in making a fi rm identifi cation of this print.

1: Watanabe Akira has written in ‘Actor Prints by Toyokuni I from the late Kansei to the Kyôwa Eras’ (Bulletin of the Ukiyo-e Ôta Memorial Museum of Art, Ukiyo-e Research, No.1, p.146, note 9, 2011/3.) that Shindô Shigeru previously reported seeing a design thought to be of Morita Kanya from this series. It seems possible that what he saw was the same impression, and this is the fi rst time it is introduced publically. 2: Some impressions from this series bear the traces of a very thin mica ground, while most others have either a white or a grey ground. However, until further research is carried out, it is not clear why such variation should exist. 3: Suzuki Jûzô,『 浮世絵大系9 豊国』(1976年刊）p.81. st 4: In the actors’ critique『役者人相鏡』 published in the 1 month of Kansei 7, Kanya is classifi ed as a jitsuaku (実悪) actor, and given the fairly high rank of「上上吉」 , the same as for Sakata HangorõⅢ and higher than that of

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