Intellectuals

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Intellectuals CHAPTER 8 INTELLECTUALS The Redefinition of their Roles in a Neocolonial and Post-Enlightenment Era Are intellectuals an autonomous and independent social group, or does every social group have its own particular specialized category of intellectuals? The problem is a complex one, because of the forms to date by the real historical process of formation of the different categories of intellectuals. Gramsci, Selections from the prison Notebooks. The job of the honest intellectual is to help out people who need help; to be part of the people who are struggling for rights and justice. That’s what you should be doing. But of course, you don’t expect to be rewarded for that. Chomsky interviewed by Leistyna, Presence of Mind THIRD WORLD AND WESTERN INTELLECTUALS AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT MOVEMENT It is unquestionable that intellectuals play an important role in society. Through their scholarly work, they influence how people think and act. While some through their progressive and radical ideas challenge the status quo, others through their conservative thoughts and ideas contribute to maintain it. My goal in this chapter is to analyse what role Third World intellectuals and allies play or should play in the fight against the neocolonization of the Third World. Given that the West has the monopoly of the “other world” through conquest, exploitation, colonization, and slavery, Western intellectuals and scientists for the most part have had access to resources that have enabled them to produce high quality work. Western intellectuals such as David Hume, John Locke, Adam Smith, Marquis de Condorcet, Baron de Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Voltaire are prime examples. For instance, United States’, France’s, and Haiti’s legal system has been greatly influenced by ideas that Baron De Montesquieu (1975) and Jean Jacques Rousseau (1968) articulated in their respective books, The Spirit of the Laws and The Social Contract. Moreover, Western intellectuals, such as Voltaire, Hume, and Condorcet have profoundly impacted the world, especially during and after the Enlightenment movement that took place in Europe, particularly in France. As Steven Seidman (1994) observes, “If the Enlighteners were not creators of the scientific revolution, they were its great popularizers and propagandists. Through their writing and speeches, they proved indispensable in spreading the word of science to educated Europeans” (p. 21). 89 CHAPTER 8 Through their scientific vision of the world articulated in their scholarly work these intellectuals challenged the Greco-Roman Christian tradition, which has strongly influenced and shaped major institutions in society, such as school, family, and even the state. To paraphrase Walter Rodney (1972) during the colonization era, Greco-Roman Christian was wrongly used by the European colonialist power to enslave and dominate the “other.” Using the catholic religion as the symbol of salvation and purification, Christopher Columbus, the messenger of Queen Elizabeth of Spain, duped, exploited, and murdered millions of Indigenous people in Central, South America, and in the Caribbean. While his murderous legacy continues to cause economic, political, and psychological damages to the descendents of people he wiped out, ironically Christopher Columbus has been glorified as the brave discoverer of the so-called new world, which he exploited and destroyed. Moreover, within the Greco-Roman Christian Church in France, the clergy used religion to lie to people, monopolize power and wealth, and maintain social and economic inequalities. As the powerful ambassador of the church, the clergy was able to influence the political power structure and the state apparatus of European countries such as France. The clergy was not alone in using religion for its own imperial interest. Colonial European countries such as France, Great Britain, and Portugal used religion as a weapon to justify and maintain colonization in Africa, as Rodney (1972) made clear in his classic book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Worst of all, religion has been used by the Roman Catholic Church as an ideological weapon to brainwash people’s minds, including students, so that they would accept the status quo. In my view, the Catholic Church was and still is in a powerful position to do so because it is believed to be the source and the depository of canonical truth. However, with the advent of the enlightenment movement, an old world was about to end, and the path for a new world was on its way to be paved. The church was no longer seen as the legitimate and reliable source of truth. Its power was challenged, weakened, and even destroyed by the fresh, new, and revolutionary ideas that stemmed from and were propagated by the philosophers and scientists of the enlightenment movement. It was no longer a question of believing blindly in the clergy, for people came to the realization that science, rather than merely religious faith, should guide their actions. Asymetrical power relations that the Church supported and maintained between the powerful and the powerless were questioned and threatened by revolutionary ideas and actions of Voltaire, Montesqueu, and Condorcet. Thus, the Enlighteners with their novel ideas opened a new horizon and shed some light on the world that was shadowed by the concentrated power of the Roman Catholic Church. It is undeniable that authoritative figures of the enlightenment movement fought against the injustice and aristocracy, which were reigned within the Catholic Church. They also stood up for a better world informed and led by reason and genial ideas of liberty, equality, and fraternity. While Montesquieu and Rousseau greatly contributed to and impacted the legal system worldwide, Voltaire and Condorcet produced an impressive body of social ideas which opened and continues opening people’s eyes on the social injustice perpetuated by the dominant class in society. 90 .
Recommended publications
  • Revolution and Modern Political Thought FALL 2014, Government 150W 06
    Revolution and Modern Political Thought FALL 2014, Government 150W 06 Professor Ross Carroll E mail: [email protected] Class time: TR 3:30- 4:50pm Office: Blow Hall 151 Classroom: Morton Hall 4 Office Hours: Wed, 9am-12 and by appointment Course Description The concept of revolution stands at the center of our understanding of modern politics. Journalists and political scientists routinely use the term ‘revolution’ to capture phenomenon as disparate as the Arab Spring and the Tea Party movement, while the roster of celebrated revolutionaries has included communist guerrillas (Che Guevara) and conservative US Presidents (Reagan). Yet the casualness with which the language of revolution is employed conceals the fact that few concepts in the history of political thought have had their meaning as heavily disputed. Focusing primarily on the American and French revolutions of the late eighteenth century we will trace the troubled conceptual career of revolution, posing the following questions as we go: What distinguishes a revolution from a mere rebellion, revolt or other tumultuous event? What sources of authority or legitimacy have modern revolutionaries drawn upon? Are revolutions inextricably associated with political violence and if so how can that violence be tempered? Are attempts to remodel society in accordance with some rational scheme necessarily doomed to fail? Accompanying us in our engagement with these questions will be a group of eighteenth and nineteenth century political theorists and polemicists who came to grips with the phenomenon of revolution, its promises and its dangers, like few others before or since: John Locke, Thomas Paine, Edmund Burke, Abbé Sieyès, the Marquis de Condorcet, Benjamin Constant, Mary Wollstonecraft, Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx and Hannah Arendt The course concludes with a set of reflections on contemporary attempts to revive and reinterpret the eighteenth century revolutionary tradition in contemporary American and world politics.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau
    THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress - spread their ideas through books, essays, letters pamphlets http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas -Mme.
    [Show full text]
  • CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1
    The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, p. 197-209. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1 In the discussions of ideas that constitute our daily intellectual environment there are certain words that reek of cordite and certain writers who give us a sense of peace. The term ‘secular’ is in the first category, and Condorcet in the second. A person who speaks of secular or non-religious education or schools, or of educational ‘neutrality’, immediately lays himself or herself open to being regarded either as a supporter of the ‘independent school’, that is private, clerical, religious, ‘right-wing’ and, needless to say, reactionary, or as a champion of public, secular, positivist, ‘left-wing’ and, needless to say, anti-clerical education. Simplistic images are powerful, and ingrained mental habits so reassuring. And yet the divisions are not always where one would like them to be. I may be that one of the first people to notice the caricatural exaggeration of this Manichaean representation of the school was in fact Condorcet, at a time when the present-day French noun denoting the principle of non-religious education did not yet exist. Rather than bludgeon the reader with an encyclopedic account of the educational writings and thought of Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, it seemed more useful to accompany this writer, insufficiently known in spite of media excitement over the bicentenary of the French Revolution, along the path that led him to discover the secular ideal.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Life of Edmund Burke
    INTRODUCTION 1 Empire and Revolution Th is is a book about the vicissitudes of empire and revolution as confronted by one of the leading political intellects of the eighteenth century. Th e confrontation was complicated in a number of distinct ways. In the fi rst place the term “revolution” had a range of meanings. At its simplest it could denominate a change in the system of government. Yet it could also cover resistance to an established political order lead- ing to the creation of a new regime. Finally it could refer to the subversion of govern- ment along with the various liberties it was supposed to protect. Over the course of his life, Edmund Burke defended revolution in the fi rst two senses although he ardently set himself against the third. But while he supported the rights of legitimate rebellion, he also consistently upheld the authority of empire. However, the picture here was again a complex one. Burke cherished the rights of British imperial sover- eignty, yet he vehemently opposed the standing policies of the Empire. Underlying this apparent ambivalence was a commitment to the rights of conquest accompanied by a repudiation of the “spirit of conquest.” Th is referred to the attitude of usur- pation that Burke believed had characterised European governments in the gothic past. Although governments of the kind had their origins in expropriation, they had gradually accommodated the “spirit of liberty.” Nonetheless, modern liberty for Burke was a precarious achievement. It was capable of relapsing into the spirit of domination, not least in its interactions with the extra- European world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Philosophes (The Enlightenment
    GS/World History, Jan 7 •Entry Task: On a piece of paper, please make a chart like the one on the board. Then read, “Coffeehouse Culture” •Announcements: • We are going to briefly look at your song lyrics (with your permission) after each description. If you’d rather perform, let me know • Parent/Guardian Survey PHI LOSOPHE ENLI GHTENMENT PHI LOSOPHER Madame Goffrin’s SALON – a gathering, focused on conversation “ Dare to know! Have courage to use your own reason!” I mmanuel K ant (1784 ) WHO’ S WHO of t he E nl i ght enment PRECURSORS T homas H obbes: L eviathan PRECURSORS (F ranci s B acon), N ewt on and L ocke NEWTON R at i onal V i ew of the Universe L OCK E R el i gi ous T ol erat i on L OCK E R at i onal V i ew of G over nment NATURAL RI GHTS Life L i ber t y P r oper t y THE PHI LOSOPHES FRA N CE PRUSSI A USA Vol t ai r e K ant Jef f er son D i der ot SCOTL A N D F r ankl i n M ont esqui eu Pai ne R ousseau Smi t h WOM EN’ S RI GHTS •From England •Wrote “The Vindication of the Rights of Woman” in 1792 VOLTAI RE F rench P hi l osophe, A ut hor, & P l aywri ght NOTABLE WORKS • L etters on England • Philosophical D ictionary • E l ement s of N ewt on’ s Philosophy V oltaire writing hi s book on N ewton’s phi l osophy W ho i s the woma n? CHÂTELET F rench M athemati ci an, P hysi ci st, and A uthor “a great man whose onl y f aul t was being a woman.” -- V ol t ai re A DV OCATE of R el i gi ous T ol erat i on CRITIC of Christianity (“ Reveal ed” Rel i gi on) N atural Religion DI DEROT F rench A uthor and Editor T he E ncyclopédi e was a col l abor at i ve ef f or t t o compi l e and di st r i but e a wi de var i et y of knowl edge f r om an “ enl i ght ened” per spect i ve.
    [Show full text]
  • Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty
    Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Author: Rebecca Clark Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103616 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2012 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Department of Political Science MONTESQUIEU ON THE HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL LIBERTY A dissertation by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2012 © Copyright by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK 2012 Abstract Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Rebecca R. Clark Dissertation Advisor: Christopher Kelly Montesquieu famously presents climate and terrain as enabling servitude in hot, fertile climes and on the exposed steppes of central Asia. He also traces England’s exemplary constitution, with its balanced constitution, independent judiciary, and gentle criminal practices, to the unique conditions of early medieval northern Europe. The English “found” their government “in the forests” of Germany. There, the marginal, variegated terrain favored the dispersion of political power, and a pastoral way of life until well into the Middle Ages. In pursuing a primitive honor unrelated to political liberty as such, the barbaric Franks accidentally established the rudiments of the most “well-tempered” government. His turn to these causes accidental to human purposes in Parts 3-6 begins with his analysis of the problem of unintended consequences in the history of political reform in Parts 1-2. While the idea of balancing political powers in order to prevent any one individual or group from dominating the rest has ancient roots, he shows that it has taken many centuries to understand just what needs to be balanced, and to learn to balance against one threat without inviting another.
    [Show full text]
  • The Misunderstood Philosophy of Thomas Paine
    THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of History Jason Kinsel December, 2015 THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE Jason Kinsel Thesis Approved: Accepted: ______________________________ _____________________________ Advisor Dean of the College Dr. Walter Hixson Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Faculty Reader Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Martino-Trutor Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Department Chair Date Dr. Martin Wainwright ii ABSTRACT The name Thomas Paine is often associated with his political pamphlet Common Sense. The importance of “Common Sense” in regards to the American Revolution has been researched and debated by historians, political scientists, and literary scholars. While they acknowledge that Paine’s ideas and writing style helped to popularize the idea of separation from Great Britain in 1776, a thorough analysis of the entirety of Paine’s philosophy has yet to be completed. Modern scholars have had great difficulty with categorizing works such as, The Rights of Man, Agrarian Justice, and Paine’s Dissertation on First Principles of Government. Ultimately, these scholars feel most comfortable with associating Paine with the English philosopher John Locke. This thesis will show that Paine developed a unique political philosophy that is not only different from Locke’s in style, but fundamentally opposed to the system of government designed by Locke in his Second Treatise of Government. Furthermore, I will provide evidence that Paine’s contemporary’s in the American Colonies and Great Britain vehemently denied that Paine’s ideas resembled those of Locke in any way.
    [Show full text]
  • Smith, Rousseau and Kant: Moral and Political Philosophy Prof. C. Wilson CUNY GC Fall 2016 6:30-8:30 Tuesdays Rm
    Smith, Rousseau and Kant: Moral and Political Philosophy Prof. C. Wilson CUNY GC Fall 2016 6:30-8:30 Tuesdays Rm. 7314 [email protected] or else [email protected] (this one has less spam, so I check it more frequently). Phone: 301-747-5975 (from 21 August) Office hours: Tuesday 4:30-6:30 and other times by arrangement. Description This is a seminar in 18th century Enlightenment moral and political philosophy. The main foci will be: (1) Adam Smith’s attempt to understand morality from a psychological and social perspective; (2) the anthropological approach to human nature and human culture and Rousseau’s civilisation critique; and (3) Kant’s resistance to both movements, as seen in his return to metaphysical foundations for morality, his belief in an inherent teleology to nature; and his commitment to a European ‘civilising’ mission. Finally, for comparison between the German ‘moderate’ Enlightenment and the Franco-Scottish ‘radical’ Enlightenment, we will look at just two representatives of the latter, the Marquis de Condorcet and Charles Fourier. Readings Here are the main primary texts we will use: Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments ed. Patrick Hanley, London, Penguin, 2009. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings, ed. Victor Gourevitch, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997. Immanuel Kant, Anthropology, History and Education, ed. G. Zoeller and R.B. Louden, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011. As we will read substantial portions of these texts, you are encouraged to purchase them outright and bring them to the seminar. They should be available used. If you find them for free on the Internet, be sure to print them out, as I ask you not to bring laptops, phones, iPads, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution's Influence on Women's Rights
    The French Revolution’s Influence on Women’s Rights Kelsey Flower When looking back on the French Revolution, many think of the natural human rights men gained with the adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in August of 1798. However, most people disregard the progress in women’s rights that also occurred during the revolution. As Shirley Elson Roessler, author of the book Out of the Shadows, says, “The topic of women’s participation in the French Revolution has generally received little attention from historians, who have displayed a tendency to minimize the role of women in the major events of those years, or else to ignore it all together.”1 While it is true that women did not gain explicit rights during this time, the women of the French Revolution and the activities they participated in did influence feminism and women’s rights from that point forward. The French women’s March on Versailles, their political clubs and pamphlets, and their prominent women political figures all contributed to changing the way women were viewed in society. Although these views and rights were taken away again during Napoleon’s rule, they set the precedent for women’s rights in the future. During the Ancien Régime, the political and social system in France before the revolution occurred,2 both single and married women had few rights. Until they were married, women were controlled by their fathers and after marriage this control shifted to the husband. Women had no power over their property or even over their own person.
    [Show full text]
  • Montesquieu on Commerce, Conquest, War, and Peace
    MONTESQUIEU ON COMMERCE, CONQUEST, WAR, AND PEACE Robert Howse* I. INTRODUCTION:COMMERCE AS THE AGENT OF PEACE:MONTESQUIEU AND THE IDEOLOGY OF LIBERALISM n the history of liberalism, Montesquieu, who died two hundred and Ififty years ago, is an iconic figure. Montesquieu is cited as the source of the idea of checks and balances, or separation of powers, and thus as an intellectual inspiration of the American founding.1 Among liberal internationalists, Montesquieu is known above all for the notion that international trade leads to peace among nation-states. When liberal international relations theorists such as Michael Doyle attribute this posi- tion to Montesquieu,2 they cite Book XX of the Spirit of the Laws,3 in which Montesquieu claims: “The natural effect of commerce is to bring peace. Two nations that negotiate between themselves become recipro- cally dependent, if one has an interest in buying and the other in selling. And all unions are based on mutual needs.”4 On its own, Montesquieu’s claim raises many issues. Montesquieu’s point is that trade based on mutual dependency discourages war. Here, Montesquieu abstracts entirely from the relative power of the states in question, a concern that is pervasive in his concrete analyses of relation- ships among political communities. For example, later on in the same section of the Spirit of the Laws he mentions that trade relations between Carthage and Marseille led to jealousy and a security conflict: There were, in the early times, great wars between Carthage and Mar- seille concerning the fishery. After the peace, they competed in eco- nomic commerce.
    [Show full text]
  • THE FRENCH PHILOSOPHES and THEIR ENLIGHTENING MEDIEVAL PAST by John Frederick Logan
    THE FRENCH PHILOSOPHES AND THEIR ENLIGHTENING MEDIEVAL PAST by John Frederick Logan The Enlightenment's scorn for the Middle Ages is well known. "Centuries of ignorance," "barbarous times," "miserable age"-such descriptions of medie- val life and culture seem to justify the assumption that a contempt for the Middle Ages was a uniform and central characteristic of the French Enlight- enment. B. A. Brou, for example, sees the medieval period as an epitome of everything despised by the philosophes: the men of the Enlightenment, he asserted, "rejected authority, tradition, and the past. Thus there was disdain for the Middle Ages."' Summarizing the philosophes' view of the medieval period, the French critic Edmond EstBve similarly declared that Bayle . .scarcely knew the M~ddleAges and did not like them. HISdisciples and successors knew this period no better and detested ~t even more. The historians spoke of it because, nonetheless, one could not cross out five or six centuries of our past-whatever distaste one might have. But they affected reluctance in all sorts of ways before approaching the subjecL2 Such interpretations of the attitude towards medieval history prevalent among the philosophes are quite understandable: the colorful, often-quot- ed comments of Voltaire on the decadence and ignorance of the past come immediately to mind. Furthermore, the task of the modern interpreter of Enlightenment historiography becomes much lighter if he can neatly and quickly dispense with the philosophes' view of the Middle Ages; a uniformly negative attitude toward the medieval period provides a most useful contrast to the sympathetic approach of many nineteenth century historians.
    [Show full text]
  • A Reconsideration of Montesquieu's Liberal
    ABSTRACT A RECONSIDERATION OF MONTESQUIEU’S LIBERAL PACIFISM James Boesen, PhD Department of Political Science Northern Illinois University, 2017 Andrea Radasanu, Director Liberal international relations scholars have posited that liberalism promotes peaceful relations amongst states. These scholars utilize the writings of Montesquieu, most notably Spirit of the Laws, as the philosophic foundation for their liberal peace theory. My dissertation challenges this conventional understanding of Montesquieu. I contend that Montesquieu’s liberalism does not bind nations together in peace but instead pushes liberal states to engage in expansionary and imperial behavior. Mores rooted in commerce and liberty inclines liberal state to be in contention with other states and push its interests across the globe. This will lead the liberal states to push their liberalism into countries which opposes these liberal mores, leading to the forced imposition of the liberal order on previous illiberal people. Furthermore, I challenge the notion that the liberal peace theory is even a theory of peace. It suffers from the same expansionary behavior and insensitivity to local contexts that we find in Montesquieu’s liberalism. Although Montesquieu and liberal peace scholars have strong oppositions to the project of empire they still advocate for a liberal ideology that inevitably leads to said empire. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DE KALB, ILLINOIS DECEMBER 2017 A RECONSIDERATION OF MONTESQUIEU’S LIBERAL PACIFISM BY JAMES BOESEN ©2017 James Boesen A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITITCAL SCIENCE Doctoral Director: Andrea Radasanu DEDICATION To my brother Brad Boesen for inspiring in me a love of politics and my mentor Dr.
    [Show full text]