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Global Dimensions of Racism in the Modern World: Comparative and Transnational Perspectives

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Global Dimensions of Racism in the Modern World: Comparative and Transnational Perspectives Global Dimensions of Racism in the Modern World: Comparative and Transnational Perspectives. Heidelberg: Manfred Berg; Simon Wendt; Curt Engelhorn Chair of American History at the University of Heidelberg; Heidelberg Center for American Studies, 12.07.2007-14.07.2007. Reviewed by Simon Wendt Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (August, 2007) The conference “Global Dimensions of Racism dressing some of the most vital research ques‐ in the Modern World: Comparative and Transna‐ tions, Berg frst mentioned the problem of defini‐ tional Perspectives” was a joint project of the Curt tions. Few scholars questioned the constructed Engelhorn Chair of American History at the Uni‐ nature of race, he said, but there was disagree‐ versity of Heidelberg and the Heidelberg Center ment as to whether the term racism ought to be for American Studies. It was made possible by the used only for ideologies and practices that empha‐ generous support of the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung size putative biological differences and hierar‐ and the Schurman Association for the Promotion chies between humans, or whether it should also of American History at the University of Heidel‐ cover exclusionary concepts based on cultural dif‐ berg. ference. A related question was how race, class The conference aimed to examine how racial prejudice, and religious stigmatization interact. ideologies and practices created, shaped, and le‐ The origins and diffusion of notions of race and gitimized systems of domination in the modern racism across the globe were one of the most im‐ world. Emphasizing the global nature of racism, portant research questions the conference ought the conference brought together scholars from to address, Berg said. various disciplines and regional specializations to The conference’s frst panel focused on explore this phenomenon from comparative and Racism and Slavery. Michael Zeuske (University of transnational perspectives. In his welcome re‐ Cologne) talked about slavery, post-emancipation, marks, Manfred Berg (University of Heidelberg) and the construction of race in Cuba in the nine‐ briefly discussed the historiographical signifi‐ teenth century. Zeuske stated that the shift toward cance of the conference and sketched out a tenta‐ the use of African slaves in the Atlantic world be‐ tive research agenda for a global approach to the tween 1650 and 1850 did not necessarily require history of race and racism. Historians, he said, deliberate racialization. In Cuba, this changed in had so far shied away from writing a major syn‐ the early nineteenth century, when Cuban intel‐ thesis on the topic, partly because they tended to lectual Francisco de Arango y Parreno formulated focus on their particular area of expertise. Berg theories of biological differences between “races” stressed that the conference was unlikely to pro‐ to justify the legal exclusion and social subjuga‐ duce a truly global narrative, since it deliberately tion of blacks on the Island. According to Zeuske, sought to foster a pluralistic approach that would racial differences continued to play an important produce disagreements and controversies. Ad‐ role among free slaves in post-emancipation H-Net Reviews Cuba. Zeuske argued that Cuban nationalism, de‐ useful for studying race, since it acknowledges spite propagated color-blindness, also contained that ideas, objects, and institutions can be under‐ racial ideas. In his paper on historiographical de‐ stood in local terms and can be appropriated in bates on slavery and race, Peter Kolchin (Univer‐ different ways. In the global processes of appro‐ sity of Delaware) warned against seeing race as priation, he said, politics and science played a cru‐ the primary characteristic of slavery in North cial role. While political ideas of equality fostered America. While race certainly mattered, not all the emergence of racial ideologies to justify differ‐ slave systems were based on race. In addition, ence, scientific discourses became the basis for generalizations about the racial nature of slavery systematic thinking about race. Dikötter stressed would obscure differences with regard to change that the racial belief systems that these discourses over time and regional variations. Jennifer Mor‐ produced were not only extremely fexible and gan (New York University) discussed the interrela‐ malleable, but they also frequently overlapped tionship between colonial numeracy, gender, and and interacted with other belief systems, such as racial thinking in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. religion or class. According to Morgan, the slave trade and the The second panel focused on racism and colo‐ arithmetical calculations it entailed reflected and nialism in Asia and Eastern Europe. Wolfgang contributed to a racist discourse that commodi‐ Seifert (University of Heidelberg) explored the fied and dehumanized African women, men, and role of race in Japan’s assimilation policy in occu‐ children. In seventeenth century England, being pied Korea between 1910 and 1945. Many histori‐ subjected to being counted to gather demographic ans, he said, equated Japan’s pre-1945 history data was considered invasive and degrading, sug‐ with that of Nazi Germany. Yet fascist Japan, while gesting that numeracy was part of a “political committing numerous atrocities, never planned arithmetic” that contained racist elements. genocide nor did it develop a racist ideology to The keynote address was delivered by Frank justify such crimes. According to Seifert, Korea Dikötter (University of London/University of Hong represents an important case study to probe the Kong), who provided historical insights into the contradictions inherent in Japan’s assimilation “Racialization of the Globe.” Dikötter said that policies. Although notions of racial superiority ex‐ people commonly rely on three approaches to ex‐ isted in Japan, Japanese authorities stressed the plain the persistence of racial systems. The “com‐ similarities between Korea and Japan in terms of mon sense approach” reflects the continued belief ethnic origin and culture. Japan not only consid‐ that races actually exist, a belief that has been ered assimilation of Koreans into Japanese society widely discredited, although some scientific stud‐ feasible but also desirable. In the end, however, ies contribute to its persistence. The “imposition assimilation turned out to be a veiled attempt to model” argues that Western notions of racism produce loyal Korean subjects, many of whom were exported to and imposed on non-western re‐ were discriminated against in both occupied Ko‐ gions of the world. Proponents of the “diffusion rea and Japan. Heinz-Dietrich Löwe (University of model,” on the other hand, believe that Western Heidelberg) focused on the Russian Empire’s poli‐ capitalism eventually replicates racial belief sys‐ cy of assimilation toward ethnic minorities. Löwe tems around the globe. According to Dikötter, the argued that discrimination toward those minori‐ last two approaches sufer from serious shortcom‐ ties was a result of class animosities, not racism. ings, since they are Euro-centrist, deny agency to In the case of Jews, for example, anti-Semitism non-European societies, and propagate a unilater‐ metamorphosed into an anti-Western ideology al understanding of racism. Dikötter argued that that defiled Russian Jews as representatives of the an “appropriation model” would be much more country’s unpopular modernization, not as an in‐ 2 H-Net Reviews ferior race. Bolshevik authorities later perpetuat‐ racism in Australia in the age of the “War on Ter‐ ed such class-based arguments, portraying Jews as ror,” arguing that incidents of anti-Arab violence representatives of the petty bourgeoisie. Even in this country represented only the latest chapter during the era of the Soviet Union, Löwe said, no in the “civilizing mission” of Western nations. Vio‐ articulated racial ideologies developed in the lence against “Indigenous Others” in the “War on country. Terror” may no longer be justified by articulated The third panel provided insights into racial ideologies, Moses said, but official rhetoric transnational racial ideologies in North America, replicated the traditional civilizing mission dis‐ Germany, and Australia. Claudia Bruns (Universi‐ course and similarly imposed Western norms on ty of Hildesheim) talked about the interrelations them. between North American racism and German The fourth panel explored the differences and anti-Semitism, using German intellectual Wilhelm interrelationships between race, caste, and class. Marr as a case study to explore the transfer of Harald Fischer-Tiné (Jacobs University of Bremen) racial ideas across the Atlantic. Bruns criticized explored what he called European convicts’ the common dichotomization between anti-black “racial dividend” in Indian jails in the second half racism and anti-Semitism. The case of Marr, who of the nineteenth century. Fischer-Tiné argued is considered the founding father of German anti- that European convicts clearly benefited from the Semitism, demonstrated how these two racial be‐ racial hierarchies that British colonial authorities lief systems could intersect, overlap, and influ‐ had established in India. Although the penal sys‐ ence each other. Considered a radical democrat tem could at times be extremely brutal for these who had participated in the Revolution of 1848, “white subalterns,” they tended to be more privi‐ Marr turned into a rabid anti-Semite after a ten- leged than native prisoners, who received less year stay in the United States and Central Ameri‐ food, were
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