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The Commentary of Father Monserrate, S.J., on His Journey to the Court Of 'A.-Sui'' COMMENTARY OF FATHER MONSERRATE. THE COMMENTARY OF FATHER MONSERRATE, SJ. On his Journey to the Court of Akbar Translated from the Original Latin by J. S. Hoyland, iM.a., Hislop College, Nagpur, and annotated by S. N. Banerjee, m.a., Professor of History, Mahindra College, Patiala. 1922 HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON BOMBAY MADRAS CALCUTTA CUTTACK: Printed at the Orissa Mission Press. mUTie tX IH2I4 PREFACE This Translation and Annotation of Father Monserrate's Commentary on the first Jesuit Mission to Akbar owes everything to the careful editing of the Latin text carried through by Father H. Hosten, S.J., and published in the Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Vol. Ill, pp. 513-704). Father Hosten's marginal notes and "apparatus criticus " have also proved of great value, and have been freely drawn upon. The annotator wishes to take this opportunity of expressing his thanks to Mr. H. Beveridge for his notes in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, which have been frequently consulted, and to Mr. S. Kumar, Superintendent of the Imperial Library, Calcutta, for help given in finding references. The reader's indulgence is craved for faults of translation and proof-correcting, some of which have come to notice too late for correction. It should be mentioned that in preparing the translation proper names have, in almost every case, been left in the form in which Father Monserrate wrote them. Exceptions are certain familiar and frequently recurring names, e.g., Rudolf and Muham- mad, which appear somewhat strange in their Latin form. Father Monserrate, by the way, is by no means consistent in his spelling of proper names, the same name often appearing in various guises on a single page of the Commentary. S. N. BANERJEE, JOHN S. HOYLAND, Hislop College, Nagpur. Aug. 25th, 1922. CONTENTS. Page. Editors' Introduction ... ... i —xiv Author's Introduction ... ... xv— xix ABBREVIATIONS ... ... ... XX— xxi Text of Commentary ... ... i — 220 Appendix (Father Monserrate's account of Jenghiz Khan, Timur, etc.) ... ... i — xlii Index ... ... ... xliii— xlvii Editors' Introduction. Akbar and Asoka. Akbar's reign covered nearly half a century, from 1556 to 1605. In the long line of Indian sovereigns, the towering personalities of Asoka and Akbar stand high above the rest. They may be compared, and with profit. Akbar's greed for conquest and glory and his lack of sincerity form a marked contrast to Asoka's paternal rule, genuine self-control and spiritual ambition. The interest that each took in religious matters brings out the fundamental difference in their character. Having conceived an aversion for the illiberal sectarian- ism of the Mullahs, Akbar's analytical mind set itself to dissecting the various religious systems, with a view to discover the truth, and finally evolved an eclecticism, a 'hodgepodge of philosophy,' drawn mainly from Hinduism, Jainism and Zoroastrianism. Asoka, on the other hand, unhesitatingly and faithfully adopted the teachings of Gautama Buddha, and successfully wove them into politics. Akbar's wars were those of a true descendant of Timur, and had all the gruesome associa- tions which this fact implies. Asoka's true conquest was the spread of the Law of Dhamma. The Great Moghal represented the reaction against the fanaticism of the orthodox Musalman divines—a reaction that was quick- ened and accentuated by theological discussions. The Maurya Emperor impersonates a revulsion, immediately caused by the Kalinga War, against the extreme Mach- iavellianism of the Arthashastra. The comparison can be pushed further. The old notion that Akbar was a near appro.xim- ation to Plato's philosopher-king has been dissipated by modern researches. His character with its mixtuie of ambition and cunning has now been laid bare. He has been rightly compared to 'a pike in a pond preying upon his weaker neighbours.' He was so ' close and jl EDITORS INTRODUCTION self-contained with twists of words and deeds, so diver- gent one from the other, and at most times so contra- dictory, that even by much seeking one could not find a clue to his thoughts/ Akbar's Eclecticism. Three Missions from Goa were despatched at the request of the Emperor to his court, of which the last two are beyond the scope of this book. To the Jesuit missionaries Akbar was at first an encouragement, then an enigma, and ultimately, a bitter disappointment. They entertained high hopes and held many heated discussions, but the Emperor was never converted. An excerpt from the Jesuit reports to the authorities at " Goa forms interesting reading in this connection : The Emperor is not a Mahommedan, but is doubtful as to all forms of faith, and holds firmly that there is no divinely accredited form of faith, because he finds in all something to offend his reason and intelligence. Nevertheless he at times admits that no faith commends itself so much to him as that of the Gospel, and that when a man goes so far as to believe this to be the true faith and better than others, he is near to adopting it. At the court some say he is a heathen and adores the sun. Others that he is a Christian. Others that he intends to found a new sect. Among the people also there are various opinions regarding the Emperor, some holding him to be a Christian, others a heathen, others a Mahom- medan. The more intelligent, however, consider him to be neither Christian, nor heathen, nor Mahommedan, and hold this to be truest ; or they think him to be a Mahommedan who outwardly conforms to all religions in order to obtain popularity." The fact is that Akbar was a keen and appreciative student of Comparative Religion. He invited to his court not only Christian missionaries, but Parsee and Jain teachers as well. By nature a curious and super- stitious eclectic, he always eagerly enquired after some EDITORS INTRODUCTION Ul new cult, but was perfectly aware of how far he could gratify his curiosity without interfering with the safety of his tenure of the throne. He was no doubt a seeker after truth, but the search was circumscribed bj', and secondary to, dynastic and political interests. He could not have became a Christian without provoking a gener- al rebellion of his subjects, Hindu and Mahommedan, and demolishing the fabric of the Empire, the result of years of patient and painful effort. It is very doubtful how far he was sincere when he suggested that he might arrange to be baptised by travelling to Goa on the pretext of a pilgrimage to Mecca. Secondly, an eclectic like Akbar, who found " in all religions something to offend his reason and intelhg- ence," was reluctant to pin himself down to any one of the existing creeds, and was eager, in the true spirit of an autocrat, to establish and lead a new religion drawn from all. Thirdly, it is legitimate to guess that the Emperor would not have allowed himself to be converted by missionaries who appeared to him as intolerant and uncompromising as Makhdum-ul-Mulk and Abdun-Nabi, and whose co-religionists were guilty of the horrors of the Inquisition at Goa, of which he must have heard. It is no refutation of this to say that Akbar was "far too sensible to attribute the Inquisition to the Christian religion." Fourthly, the Emperor found the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and of the Incarnation a stumbling-block in the way of conversion. Fifthly, he was ' seeking a sign like that of the fire- ordeal, but no sign was given him.' Lastly, he was unable to give up his polygamous habits, for no importance need be attached to the bazaar gossip of the time that he once intended to distribute his wives among the grandees. The above may be considered to have been Akbar's first four objections to conversion ; and presumably the had great weight with him. But it is doubtful whether : IV EDITORS INTRODUCTION he ever seriously considered embracing the Christian faith. The Jesuit missionaries seem to have overestim- ated his favourable disposition towards their religion. Our present knowledge permits us to conclude that he invited the missionaries out of intellectual inquisitive- ness. In a letter, dated Ajmir, the 30th October, 16 16, Sir Thomas Roe notes this trait in his character ^'Akbar Shah was by nature just, inquisitive after novelties and curious of new opinions." The Din-i-Ilahi, promulgated in 1582, gives very little evidence of his reputed penchant for the Christian faith. Zoroastrianism and Jainism had the most obvious influence on him. There were Parsee mobeds and Jain teachers at his court. His reverence for fire indicates his leaning towards the faith of Zarathustra. This once led him to order a poor lamp-lighter to be hurled down from the roof of the palace for showing what he considered to be disrespect for fire. Dastur Meherji Rana wielded much the same influence as Father Aquaviva, if not greater. Akbar and his Jain Teachers. The names of six Jain instructors of Akbar have been handed down to us ; —Hiravijaya Suri, Santi- chandra, Vijayasena Suri, Bhanuchandra Upadhyaya, Siddhichandra, and Jinchandra. From 1578 onwards to the end of the reign there always resided one or two Jain teachers at the court. Of the above-named teachers, the first may be called the Father Aquaviva of the Jains. He was invited in the usual manner, and the free-thinking Secretary, Abul Fazl, was placed in charge of the guest. The Emperor received instructions in the Dharvia from Suri till his departure from Fateh- pur in 1584. Santichandra stayed till 1587; he wrote a turgid encomium {Kriparasa-Kosa) on Akbar.
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