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Publications and Research John Jay College of Criminal Justice

2014

The adverse impact of racial microaggressions on college students' self-esteem

Kevin L. Nadal CUNY John Jay College

Yinglee Wong CUNY John Jay College

Katie E. Griffin CUNY John Jay College

Kristin Davidoff CUNY John Jay College

Julie Sriken CUNY John Jay College

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This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Adverse Impact of Racial Microaggressions on College Students’ Self-Esteem Kevin L. Nadal Yinglee Wong Katie E. Griffin Kristin Davidoff Julie Sriken

Racial microaggressions are subtle (often uninten­­ recognize the possibility of victimization and tional or unconscious) forms of racial discrimi­ injury to those who experience it (DeJesus- nation that negatively affect victims’ mental Torres, 2000; Foster, 2005; Sue, Capodilupo, health. Utilizing an undergraduate student et al., 2007). In recent years, there has been sample (N = 225), the current study examined a growing amount of literature focusing the relationship between racial microaggressions on the negative impacts of this type of and self-esteem. Results indicate that racial covert discrimination, otherwise known as microaggressions negatively predict a lower self- “microaggressions.” Racial microaggressions esteem, and that microaggressions that occur are “subtle statements and behaviors that in educational and workplace environments unconsciously communicate denigrating are particularly harmful to self-esteem. Finally, messages to people of color” (Nadal, 2011, findings reveal that individuals of various racial p. 470). The term was originally conceived and ethnic minority groups experience racial as “subtle, stunning, often automatic, and microaggressions differently. Implications for non-verbal exchanges which are ‘put downs’” student development and recommendations for (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Willis, further research involving racial microaggressions 1978, p. 66), initially describing covert racial and college students are discussed. discrimination only toward African Americans. Over the past several years, microaggression Since the civil rights movement, there has research has been extended to include other been a push for equality and the end of racial target groups, including other people of color, discrimination in the United States. While women, persons with disabilities, ethnic and many forms of racial discrimination (e.g., hate religious minority groups, and lesbian, gay, crimes, segregation, employment inequities) bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals have been outlawed at the federal, state, and (see Nadal, 2011, for a review). local levels (Foster, 2005), many researchers have Sue, Capodilupo, and colleagues (2007) noted that the legacy of overt discrimination identified three forms of micro­aggres­sions: is now found in subtle prejudiced behaviors microassaults, microinsults, and micro­ (Foster, 2005; Nadal, 2011; Sue, 2010; invalidations. A microassault is most similar Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007). to overt racial discrimination and consists of Unlike overt discrimination, there is no legal targeting a person of known or assumed racial recourse for victims of subtle discrimination differences with derogatory verbal or nonverbal (De Jesus-Torres, 2000; Foster, 2005), making behaviors such as name-calling, avoidant it challenging for members of society to behavior, and purposeful discriminatory

Kevin L. Nadal is Associate Professor of Psychology; Yinglee Wong and Katie E. Griffin are graduates of the Master’s program in Forensic Psychology; Kristin Davidoff is a doctoral student in Clinical Psychology; and Julie Sriken is a Master’s student in Forensic Psychology; each at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York.

July 2014 ◆ vol 55 no 5 461 Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Davidoff, & Sriken actions (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007). Watkins, LaBarrie, & Appio, 2010), and An example of a microassault includes the Multiracial people (Nadal, Wong, et al., 2011) controversy in 2007 in which radio host have all described the emotional turmoil Don Imus referred to the Rutgers University that people of color experience when they women’s basketball team as “nappy-headed encounter microaggressions, as well as the hoes.” While he claims he was intending to be negative impacts such incidents have on their comical, he was conscious of the words that mental health, psychological well-beings, and he chose. African Americans (and others) who self-esteem. Studies involving women (e.g., heard his “joke” responded with an array of Capodilupo et al., 2010) and LGBT people emotions including frustration, sadness, anger, (e.g., Nadal, Issa, et al., 2011) have found and resentment. Thus, while his intention may similar consequences of microaggressions with not have been to appear racist, his actions other marginalized groups. clearly offended and hurt many people. Microinsults are exchanges that communicate Microaggressions and College Students an insensitive disregard for a person’s racial heritage or identity (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., Microaggression studies focusing specifically 2007). For instance, telling an Asian American on college students suggest that racial micro­ college student that “all Asians are good at aggressions do indeed occur on college math and sciences” would be an example campuses, resulting in students of color to of a microinsult. While this is seemingly feel distressed, which may in turn have an a compliment, the underlying message is impact on their academic performance and that all Asian American people are “model mental health (McCabe, 2009; Solórzano, minorities” and do not have unique individual Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Sue, Lin, Torino, identities or experiences. Microinvalidations Capodilupo, & Rivera, 2009; Torres, Driscoll, are interactions that “negate, or nullify & Burrow, 2010). One study involving the psychological thoughts, feelings, or African American college students found experiential reality of a person of color” (Sue, that participants encountered a range of Capodilupo, et al., 2007). One instance may microaggressions in classroom settings and in include a student rolling her or his eyes at a other campus settings by White peers, faculty Latina classmate who criticizes the scarcity of members, administration, and staff (Watkins Latino studies courses at their college. While et al., 2010). Another study reported that the person may not be aware of her or his Latina/o college students experienced an array actions, a message that is communicated is that of racial microaggressions in the forms of the Latina student is “complaining too much” interpersonal microaggressions, institutional or is preoccupied with racial issues. microaggressions, and racial jokes (Yosso, There has been an array of qualitative Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Some research that has described the ways that authors describe microaggressions experienced racial microaggressions affect the lives of by international students attending U.S. various people of color. Previous literature institutions, which can be especially isolating on Asian Americans (Nadal, Escobar, Prado, for individuals who are away from their families David, & Haynes, 2012; Sue, Bucceri, et al., and other support systems (Kim & Kim, 2007), Latinas/os (Nadal, Mazzula, Rivera, & 2010). One qualitative study involving African Fujii-Doe, 2014; Rivera, Forquer, & Rangel, American male college students found that 2010), African Americans (Sue et al., 2008; racial microaggressions and racist stereotypes

462 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem negatively influenced one’s sense of self and of isolation on their college campuses, which perception of campus life at predominantly may then negatively influence their ability to White institutions (Harper et al., 2011), while perform well academically (Smith et al., 2011). one quantitative study revealed that African American male college students experienced Self-Esteem, People of Color, and College Students significantly high mundane, extreme, and environmental distress when they were victims Self-esteem has been the focus of many inquiries of racial microaggressions (Smith, Hung, & over the past few decades, subsequently Franklin, 2011). Finally, some authors describe generating a significant amount of interest in how racially themed parties can be especially many fields of research. It has been proposed microaggressive, leading to an unsafe and that self-esteem may act through certain harmful campus environment for students of biological pathways to mediate the impact color (Garcia, Johnston, & Garibay, 2011). of stress on the development of disease Franklin, Boyd-Franklin, and Kelly (2006) (O’Donnell, Brydon, Wright, & Steptoe, discuss how victims of microaggressions 2008). If this is indeed true, then perhaps express a sense of being invisible—they may self-esteem (or lack thereof) may have an feel their unique characteristics and identities impact on the development or maintenance of are not truly acknowledged when they are mental illness. The belief that the self is worthy, seen only as fitting preconceived stereotypes competent, and capable may foster a positive or as being extraordinary exceptions to internal sense of self, which in turn may stereotypes. Experiencing invisibility and augment the individual’s ability to overcome feeling invalidated may have deleterious difficult life events and stressors. For instance, effects on self-esteem (Franklin et al., 2006). one study found self-esteem to be a protective Furthermore, according to concept of the factor against suicide risk behaviors (Sharaf, “looking glass self” (Cooley, 1902), the Thompson, & Walsh, 2009). Meanwhile, development of a person’s self-concept is not higher levels of self-esteem were associated merely an individual process, but it is also a with lower levels of hopelessness and suicidal social process where a person internalizes a self- ideation, suggesting that the protective nature concept that reflects the view that important of self-esteem may act as a buffer against others have of the person (Yeung & Martin, negative psychological experiences in more 2003). Thus, if a person perceives that others than one way (Chioqueta & Stiles, 2007). may view her or him as an inferior, a criminal, While people of all backgrounds may be a perpetual foreigner, or any other stereotype, prone to develop a lower self-esteem, people it is possible that she or he may internalize from less privileged social statuses (e.g., people these impressions, which may then negatively of color, women, LGBT people, etc.) are often influence her or his sense of self. This concept the victims of discrimination, which may has often been referred to as stereotype threat or result in elevated levels of psychological stress “a situational threat—a threat in the air—that, (Aneshensel, 2009; Meyer, 2003). For people in general form, can affect the members of any of color specifically, many studies have found group about whom a negative stereotype exist” that there is an inverse relationship between (Steele, 1997, p. 614). For example, when discrimination and self-esteem, indicating African American male college students are that the more discrimination is experienced, negatively stereotyped as intellectually inferior the less self-esteem a person possesses (Harris- or criminally deviant, they may feel a sense Britt, Valrie, Kurtz-Costes, & Rowley, 2007;

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Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2010; associated with higher levels of mental health Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2006). However, (Umaña‑Taylor & Updegraff, 2006). Therefore, one limitation to these studies is that they while people who encounter discrimination focus on overt racism and do not explicitly may be more vulnerable to depression and measure microaggressions, resulting in a lack other mental health issues, those who have of information about the relationship between higher self-esteem may also be less likely to subtle discrimination and self-esteem. develop such psychological problems and For college students in particular, some more highly capable of functioning well in studies suggest that distress based on margin­ their everyday lives. alized identities may have a negative impact on the lives of students of color, particularly on Purpose of the Study their self-esteem. For instance, Latina/o and Given these factors, it is crucial for student African American students reported feelings of affairs professionals to foster healthy self- self-doubt when faced with microaggressions esteems in their students to promote optimal in their academic environment (Solórzano academic performance and mental health. et al., 2000; Yosso et al., 2009), while Black Moreover, because racial microaggressions have men and Latina women reported a sense been found to have an injurious impact on the of not belonging after being targeted by lives of people of color of general, it is critical exclusionary microaggressions (McCabe, for researchers to further understand the 2009). A study with Filipino American harmful influence of racial microaggressions graduate students found that experiences specifically toward students of color in the with racial microaggressions, overt racism, academy. Finally, because most studies on and systemic racism often led to feelings of racial discrimination focus primarily on marginalization and disconnect from their overt discrimination, it is vital to examine institutions; furthermore, students reported how individuals’ encounters with racial feeling isolated and misunderstood because microaggressions, or subtle forms of racial of their ethnicity (Nadal, Pituc, Johnston, discrimination, may influence self-esteem, & Esparrago, 2010). Given all of these, which in turn be a risk or protective factor to it clear that students of color encounter the educational outcomes and psychological discrimination, alienation, invisibility, and welfares of students of color. invalidation and that the cumulative nature of these experiences may all be harmful to their Research Questions development and self-concept. Finally, while previous research has Due to the dearth of empirical literature supported that the stress of experiencing examining racial microaggressions, as well discrimination may lead to mental health as the lack of literature focusing specifically disparities such as depression or anxiety (e.g., on subtle discrimination and self-esteem, Romero & Roberts, 2003; Seaton et al., the current study utilized a quantitative 2010), it is possible that self-esteem may act method to identify the relationship between as a protective factor between discrimination racial microaggressions and self-esteem. and mental health. For example, one study The current research study addressed two with Latino adolescents found that despite exploratory questions: the amount of racial discrimination experi­ 1. Are racial microaggressions a predictor enced, increased levels of self-esteem were of lower self-esteem?

464 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem

2. Are specific types of racial Recruitment microaggressions predictors of lower After receiving approval from the researchers’ self-esteem? Institutional Review Board, participants 3. Do individuals of diverse racial groups were recruited in two ways: (a) through a experience racial microaggressions Psychology 101 undergraduate pool and differently? (b) through online listservs with college student organizations. Undergraduate students Method enrolled in introductory psychology classes from a large public Hispanic-serving institution Participants in a northeastern metropolitan area were given A total of 225 participants were recruited research credit for their participation, which for this study. Only current undergraduate would be a portion of their overall grade. students were included in the study, and The majority of participants were recruited all others were excluded from this analysis. from this method. An additional sample There were 161 females (71.6%) and 64 was recruited by sending emails to various males (28.4%). Participants ranged in age organizations and listservs (including college from 17 to 40 (M = 19.73, SD = 3.242). In student organizations and multicultural all, 87 participants were Latinas/os (38.7%), fraternities and sororities). Also, a snowball followed by 44 Blacks/African Americans sampling method was used, in that participants (19.6%), 43 Whites/European Americans were encouraged to advertise the study to (19.1%), 19 Multiracial persons (8.4%), 23 their support networks and appropriate Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders (10.2%), organizations that met the eligibility criteria. and 9 who did not identify with any of these categories (4%). White participants were Measures included in this study because of previous Demographic Questionnaire. Participants literature that has supported that White people completed an open-ended demographic do experience some microaggressions in their form that was originally described in Nadal lives, although likely not as frequently as do (2011), which allowed them to identify their people of color (Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2010; gender, age, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007). religion, occupation, highest educational Of the participants, 163 were born within level completed, place of birth, and years the United States (72.4%) and 62 were born spent in the United States. A team of 3 outside of the United States (27.6%). A researchers coded responses independently into majority of the participants self-identified appropriate categories (e.g., participants who as heterosexual (n = 190, 84.4%), while 12 listed their race as Hispanic, Latin, or Puerto identified as gay/lesbian (5.3%), 6 as bisexual Rican were coded into the Latino category, (2.7%), and 17 as “other” or unreported while participants who listed race as Asian, (7.6%). The majority of the sample (n = 219, Pacific Islander, or Filipino were coded into or 97.3%) identified as living in a northeastern the Asian category). Participants were allowed state (e.g., New York, Massachusetts), while to self-identify with categories using their own the remaining 5 lived in the West Coast or words because forcing individuals to “choose a midwestern regions. Most of the participants box” has been argued to be a microaggression (n = 189) had a high school diploma (72.1%), in itself (Johnston & Nadal, 2010; Nadal, and 36 had an associate’s degree (13.7%). 2011). So while we recognize the limitations

July 2014 ◆ vol 55 no 5 465 Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Davidoff, & Sriken to this process (e.g., we allow them to choose Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (SES). The their own category before we assign them a SES is a 10-item scale consisting of statements category anyway), we believe that this is a regarding an individual’s general feeling of culturally sensitive way of collecting effective worth and value toward oneself. Participants quantitative data because participants are less are asked to report on a Likert-type scale likely to feel excluded while completing the ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly survey (and perhaps even feel empowered in disagree) the extent to which they agree with having the freedom to self-identify). each statement. Example statements include Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale “I feel that I have a number of good qualities” (REMS). The REMS is a 45-item scale con­ and “I feel I do not have much to be proud sisting of statements regarding experiences of.” Certain items were reverse scored so that with racial and ethnic microaggressions for all items, higher scores indicated lower self- (Nadal, 2011). Participants reported if they esteem. Rosenberg (1965) reported reliabilities had experienced each microaggression in ranging from .85 to .88 for college samples. the past 6 months (0 = no, 1 = yes). Certain items were reverse scored so that for all Procedure items, higher scores indicated a greater The measures in this study were administered amount of experiences with microaggressions. online through the website www.S​ urveyMonkey​ The REMS (Cronbach’s α = .928) has six .com. First, participants were presented with subscales: Subscale 1: Assumptions of Inferi­ an informed consent form and indicated their ority (α = .894), Subscale 2: Second-Class understanding of the form and consent to Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality participate by continuing on to the next page (α = .883), Subscale 3: Microinvalidations of the survey. Next, participants filled out a (α = .888), Subscale 4: Exoticization/ demographic questionnaire, followed by the Assump­tions of Similarity (α = .852), Sub­ REMS and the SES. Each research session scale 5: Environmental Microaggressions lasted 30 minutes, and participants were (α = .850), and Subscale 6: Workplace/School presented with a debriefing statement after Microaggressions (α = .850). Example items completing their session. include “Someone assumed that I would not be educated because of my race” (Subscale (1); Results “I observed people of my race in prominent positions at my workplace or school” (Subscale To first examine the relationship between (5); “Someone assumed that my work would racial microaggressions and self-esteem, a be inferior to people of other racial groups” correlation was run between the REMS average (Subscale (6); and “My opinion was overlooked score and the SES average score. Results in a group discussion because of my race” indicate that there was a significant negative (Subscale (6). The REMS has been reported correlation between REMS average and SES to have a moderate positive correlation with average scores (r = –.142, n = 225, p = .05, the Racism and Life Experiences Scale–Brief two-tailed). Two of the six REMS subscales Version (r = .464, n = 376, p < .001, two- were negatively correlated with SES average tailed) and a strong positive correlation scores; these include a significant negative with the Daily Life Experiences–Frequency correlation between SES average and Subscale Scale (r = .746, n = 253, p < .001, two- 2: Second-Class Citizen and Assumptions tailed; Nadal, 2011). of Criminality (r = –.144, n = 225, p = .05,

466 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem two-tailed) and Subscale 6: Workplace/School and criminality microaggressions than did Microaggressions (r = –.163, n = 252, p = .01, White, Asian, and Latina/o participants. two-tailed). While these scores are statistically Subscale 4: Exoticization/Assumptions of significant, they are also weak, with r scores Similarity yielded significant differences, F(5, ranging from –.144 to –.163. 218) = 7.29, p < .001, η2 = .12, particularly ANOVAs were conducted to determine between Black and Latino/a participants if race influenced differences in REMS (p < .001) and White and Latino/a participants average scores. Results indicate that there (p < .001). Further analyses reveal that Latinas/ were significant differences between groups os experience significantly more exoticization in REMS average scores, F(5, 218) = 3.76, microaggressions than do Black and White p < .003, η2 = .06. Significant differences were participants, but not more than Multiracial or found between White and Black participants Asian American participants. Meanwhile, there (p = .01), White and Asian participants were significant differences between groups in (p = .02), White and Latino/a participants Subscale 5: Environmental Microaggressions (p = .001), and White and Multiracial partici­ average scores, F(5, 218) = 2.30, p < .05, pants (p = .02). In reviewing mean scores of η2 = .28, particularly between Black and all of these groups, it was found that White Asian participants (p = .002), Asian and participants experience significantly less White participants (p < .001), Latino/a and frequent racial microaggressions than Black, White participants (p = .004), and White Asian, Latina/o, and Multiracial participants. and Multiracial participants (p = .008). In terms of differences in REMS subscales, When reviewing mean scores, we discovered four of the six subscales yielded significant that Asian participants report more environ­ differences between groups. There were mental microaggressions than do Black and significant differences between groups in White participants, while White partici­pants Subscale 1: Assumptions of Inferiority average experienced significantly fewer environ­ scores, F(5, 218) = 6.883, p < .001, η2 = .12. mental microaggressions than Latina/o Employing the Bonferroni-corrected post and Multi­racial participants. Finally, we hoc t test with an alpha level of p < .001, discovered there were no significant differences significant differences were found between between groups regarding Subscale 3: Micro­ Black and White participants (p = .001) and invalidations or Subscale 6: Workplace/School Latino/a and White participants (p = .001). Microaggressions average scores. In reviewing mean scores, we found that both To examine whether or not racial micro­ Black and Latina/o participants report more aggressions predict self-esteem, a regression inferiority microaggressions than White parti­ was conducted with REMS as the independent ci­pants. Furthermore, there were significant variable and the SES as the dependent variable. differences on Subscale 2: Second-Class Using the enter method, results indicate that Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality REMS average is a predictor of self-esteem: average scores, F(5, 218) = 6.216, p < .001, F(1, 221) = 4.72, p < .05. However, while this η2 = .11, specifically between Black and was a significant finding, this accounted for Asian participants (p = .001), Black and only 1.6% of this variance. Finally, to explore Latino/a participants (p < .001), and Black whether specific types of microaggressions and White participants (p < .001). When affected self-esteem, a stepwise method of analyzing mean scores, we found that Black regression was utilized examining all six REMS participants reported more second-class citizen subscales as predictor variables and self-esteem

July 2014 ◆ vol 55 no 5 467 Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Davidoff, & Sriken as an outcome variable. A significant model reported differences in the amounts of racial emerged for Subscale 6: Workplace/School microaggr­ essions they experienced. Black, Microaggressions, F(1, 221) = 6.06, p < .01, Latina/o, and Multiracial participants experi­ which accounted for 2.7% of the variance. enced significantly more microaggressions than did White participants, and there were no Discussion differences in microaggressions among Black, Latina/o, Multiracial, and Asian American The current study aimed to investigate the participants. Thus, this study suggests that relationship between racial microaggressions while it is possible that White people may and self-esteem, with a sample of under­ experience microaggressions in their everyday graduate college students. Results indicate lives, the amounts of microaggressions that that there is a significant negative correlation they experience are significantly less than between the two constructs, suggesting that the people of color. Similarly, there were not any more racial microaggressions one experiences, substantial differences in the total amount the lower one’s reported self-esteem. However, of microaggressions that are experienced given that the correlation was weak, it is by individuals of various racial minority likely that there are other mediating variables groups, suggesting that African Americans, that may contribute to the relationship Latinas/os, Asian Americans, and Multiracial between the two. Furthermore, results from people experience a similar total amount of the study demonstrated that self-esteem was microaggressions in their everyday lives. negatively correlated with two of the six REMS Furthermore, differences in subscale subscales, suggesting that people are more scores emerged between the various racial likely to exhibit lower self-esteem when they groups, indicating that people of color may concurrently experience (a) microaggressions experience, and be differentially affected by, where they were treated like second-class a spectrum of racial microaggressions. Black citizens or criminals and (b) microaggressions and Latina/o participants reported significantly that occur in school and workplace settings. more experiences where they were treated as Results also showed that when individuals inferiors than Asian and White participants. encounter a greater amount of racial micro­ This finding supports previous qualitative aggressions, the total accumulation of these microaggression literature that supports that experiences may have a negative impact on African Americans and Latinas/os are often their self-esteem. Specifically, it was found treated as intellectual inferiors or are assumed that microaggressions in educational or to be of lower social classes (Rivera et al., 2010; workplace environments have a negative Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008). Black participants influence on self-esteem; in other words, when reported more experiences of being treated as individuals encounter microaggressions in a second-class citizen or criminal than Asian, work and educational settings, they will likely Latina/o, and White participants, which has experience lower self-esteem. This suggests also been found in qualitative research (Sue, that while all microaggressions are harmful, Nadal, et al., 2008; Watkins et al., 2010). microaggressions that occur in educational While the qualitative literature finds that Asian settings (i.e., by professors or other students) or Americans and Latinas/os also experience work settings (i.e., by employers or coworkers) microaggressions where they are treated as may particularly hurt individuals’ self-worth. second-class citizens (Nadal et al., 2012; Rivera Participants of various racial groups et al., 2010; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007), perhaps

468 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem

African Americans reported higher scores on with students can also help to normalize their this subscale because they also encounter experiences, which can promote healthier microaggressions where they are assumed to be senses of self while preventing students from criminals. Latina/o participants reported more feeling isolated or alone. experiences of being exoticized than Black Furthermore, aligning with the afore­ and White participants, which aligns with mentioned “looking glass self” (Yeung & previous qualitative research that reveals that Martin, 2003) and “stereotype threat” (Steele, Latinas/os often are exoticized because of their 1997), it is vital for student affairs professionals race, ethnicity, immigration status, language, to be aware that the microaggressions that they and accents (Rivera et al., 2010). Finally, commit toward students of color (whether Asian American participants experienced conscious, intentional, or not) may have a more environmental microaggressions than harmful impact on the ways that student did Black, Latina/o, and White participants, views themselves, which in turn may affect supporting previous qualitative literature their self-esteem, mental health, and academic that suggests that Asian Americans often feel achievement. For example, if students are invisible because of the absence of their race stereotyped to be intellectually inferior or exotic, in the media, government, and other systems they may internalize feelings of “otherness,” (Nadal et al., 2012; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). which may negatively influence their ability to contribute to the campus community, Implications for College perform well academically, or feel included in Student Development an environment where they feel like they are the “only one.” As a result, administrators and Because this study involved undergraduate student affairs practitioners must ensure that college students, there are many implications they combat stereotypes that are placed on that can be made for the field of college their students of color, while providing positive student development. First, because it was affirmations to promote their self-concepts and found that microaggressions that take place self-worth. Because it is the role of student affairs in educational or workplace environments professionals to educate “the whole student” and may have a negative impact on the self-esteem be mindful of their development both inside of these participants, it would be crucial for and outside of the classroom environment, student affairs practitioners to be aware of the such interventions are required to ensure that types of microaggressions that their students all students are being served and provided with experience in the classroom and in their work equal opportunities for success. Moreover, environments to prevent detrimental impacts because aforementioned literature has indicated to their students’ self-efficacy. Second, because that self-esteem is often a protective factor college is a time when many students learn to for suicide and other psychological disorders develop their self-concepts and identities, it (Chioqueta & Stiles, 2007; Sharaf et al., 2009; may be important for practitioners to guide Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2006), it is even their students in developing effective coping more vital for student affairs practitioners to strategies when encountering microaggr­ es­ ensure that their students maintain higher levels sions. In doing so, students may be more able of self-worth, particularly given the increasing to protect themselves from developing lower prevalence of suicide among various racial and self-esteem when these types of experiences ethnic minority groups (see Leong & Leach, occur. Discussions about microaggressions 2007, for a review).

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Moreover, in utilizing the findings from cross-racial engagement and result in a number this study, student affairs professionals may of educational, social, and personal gains create a more inclusive campus climate by for students during and after their college demonstrating multicultural competence. The careers (see Harper & Hurtado, 2007, for a term cultural competence was first introduced review). Thus, it is necessary for institutions to the field of student affairs by Pope and to create safe spaces and programs for students Reynolds (1997) and described three different to engage in such interactions to promote elements: cultural knowledge, awareness, more inclusion and harmony. Specific to this and skills. Presently, cultural competence in study, it may be important for institutions to student affairs tends to concentrate less on the integrate teachings about microaggressions students and campus programs and instead into various levels of the academy. For instance, on “the student affairs professionals who perhaps first year experience programs or interact with those students and who design, mandatory educational programs involving fund, and implement those initiatives” (Pope, microaggressions in residence life can serve Mueller, & Reynolds, 2009, p. 645). Thus, it as opportunities for students to learn about is necessary for student affairs practitioners to microaggressions, as well as the harmful impact be culturally competent when working directly these interactions may have on self-esteem with students, as well for administrators who and other variables. Thus, students may be aim to create institutions that support cultural more cautious in avoiding such behaviors and diversity initiatives. For example, practitioners may be better equipped in addressing such may display their multicultural knowledge conflicts when they do occur. In addition, by fully recognizing that microaggressions perhaps faculty, staff, and administrators do exist, cause distress for their students, and may undergo some diversity trainings (e.g., manifest in different forms for individuals upon first hire or as continuing education of diverse groups. They may exhibit their initiatives) in which they learn about the multicultural awareness by recognizing that negative impact of microaggressions, as well microaggressions may occur in various types as effective ways of handling them when they of relationships (e.g., between administrators are presented in any element of student life. In and students, supervisors and supervisees, taking steps like these, the institution would etc.) and may be influenced by an individual’s be demonstrating a commitment to combating own biases, worldviews, and experiences. microaggressions, while protecting the self- They may show their multicultural skills by esteems and social, personal, and psychological demonstrating their comfort in dealing with development of students. microaggressions when students experience Furthermore, because the study found them, by addressing microaggressions when that different types of microaggressions occur they occur, and by empowering students to with individuals of varying racial groups, develop coping mechanisms to handle racial student affairs professionals must be cognizant microaggressions in their everyday lives. of the spectrum of microaggressions that are Concurrently, to have a direct impact on experienced by diverse students, while also campus climate as a whole, practitioners need being aware of how intersectional identities to competently address microaggressions on (e.g., gender, sexual orientation, social class, institutional levels. For example, there are ability, and religion) may affect their students’ numerous studies that describe the benefits everyday lives. The intersectionality framework associated with campus climates that facilitate advocates for the understanding of individuals’

470 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem worldviews based on their multiple identities barriers to success was faculty (de los Santos (see Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009) and can be & Cuamea, 2010); respondents shared that it applied to working with students of various was particularly difficult to recruit and retain social identities. For example, in a study “diverse faculty who understand and are examining Black college students and social willing to address the needs of underserved comfort with Whites, results indicate that students” (p. 101). Thus, while students may social comfort was a predictor of academic not feel like “minorities” because there are concerns for Black men (but not for women) others who are of the same racial or ethnic and a predictor of psychological well-being for backgrounds as they are, perhaps they may still Black women (but not for men; Cole & Yip, feel discouraged because their faculty members 2008). Perhaps the types of microaggressions are not encouraging or culturally competent. experienced by students of color may differ As a result, it would crucial to increase the based on gender, sexual orientation, and other number of faculty and administrators of color identities, which in turn may have a negative at minority-serving institutions, for students influence on self-esteem and other outcome of color to gain the self-esteem they need to variables. Moreover, individuals who belong achieve optimal academic success. Students to multiple oppressed groups (e.g., women of of color need have access to role models color, LGBT people of color, people of color of color (e.g., professors, deans, etc.) who with disabilities) may be prone to a greater can demonstrate that it is possible to be a amount of microaggressions, which may successful, while maintaining a healthy identity then negatively affect their self-worth. Thus, and sense of self. Concurrently, these students student affairs professionals must take extra of color also need White allies (in these same care to ensure that students with multiple roles) to acknowledge that microaggressions do oppressed identities are able to cope with occur, even in minority-serving institutions, microaggressions to protect their self-esteem and to provide the support all students need and promote their optimal mental health. to succeed in their college careers and beyond. Finally, given that the majority of the participants were recruited from a Hispanic- Limitations and serving institution (HSI), there are many Future Directions implications for college student development. First, regardless of attending school in an There are some limitations to the current environment in which a majority of students study. First, because a majority of participants come from historic racial and ethnic minority reported living in the Northeast and in an groups, students of color may still experience urban environment and attended a minority- microaggressions that negatively influence serving institution, the sample may not be their self-esteem and mental health. Perhaps generalizable to all college students across the one explanation for microaggressions in such continental United States or to students in an environment is the dearth of culturally a predominantly White institution. Second competent faculty, staff, or administrators because both the REMS and SES are self- to work with a majority student of color report instruments that involve individuals’ population. For instance, one study surveyed perceptions of racial microaggressions the presidents, chancellors, and chief executive and self-esteem, these measures may not officers of a large number of HSIs in the accurate reflections of participants’ true lived United States, finding that one of the major experiences. Finally, because participants

July 2014 ◆ vol 55 no 5 471 Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Davidoff, & Sriken completed the online survey with all of the be interested in examining the relationship measures in the same order, there is the between racial microaggressions, or subtle potential of a priming effect of the first measure forms of discrimination on mental health (REMS) on the second measure (SES). (e.g., depressive symptoms, anxiety, trauma, There is a myriad of future research direc­ self-injurious behaviors, substance abuse, and tions that may emerge from this study. First, even suicidal ideation). Furthermore, because because this is one of the first known studies there were major differences found between to quantitatively examine the relationship the various racial minority groups, future between racial microaggressions and self- research may be interested in investigating esteem, future studies can investigate how each group separately. Perhaps within groups, racial microaggressions negatively influence there are differences based on ethnicity, other aspects of college students’ experiences gender, or social class that may affect the and identity development. Second, it may types of racial microaggressions that people of be helpful to understand which outcome color experience, as well as a diverse amount variables may mediate the relationship between of ways that college students cope with racial microaggressions and self-esteem. For microaggressions when they occur. Results example, perhaps factors such as racial identity, from any of these potential studies would ethnic identity, and social support may serve be instrumental for practitioners to better as protective factors that may prevent racial understand how microaggressions may manifest microaggressions from harming individuals’ in college students’ lives, which may then lead self-esteems (which may then harm their to campus programs and trainings to promote mental health). Furthermore, because of students’ self-esteem and academic success. the previous literature that has found that self-esteem may serve as a protective factor Correspondence concerning this article should be between overt racial discrimination and mental addressed to Kevin Nadal, John Jay College of Criminal health symptoms (O’Donnell et al., 2008; Justice, City University of New York, 524 W. 59th St., Sharaf et al., 2009), future researchers may New York, NY 10019; [email protected]

472 Journal of College Student Development Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem

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