The Taiwan Voter
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Interim Report of the LWVO Primary Election Systems Study Committee
PRIMARY ELECTIONS SYSTEMS: A NATIONAL PERSPECTIVE -- Interim Report of the LWVO Primary Election Systems Study Committee ABSTRACT: This series of interviews with several academic researchers and voting advocates across the U. S. weighs the merits of Ohio’s current primary election system in non-presidential primaries. It reflects the conflict between those who regard primaries as an internal nomination process by the several political parties and those who regard them as vehicles whereby all voters reduce their candidate choices to the most viable, competitive few. Ohio’s semi-open partisan primary system met with admiration from many respondents who compared it to the alternatives. Only a few recommended that Ohio consider a top-two system or another alternative which would do away with primaries altogether. Interviewees unanimously cautioned would-be reformers, also, against the likelihood of unspecified, unintended consequences which could accompany any change. Several secondary changes might also improve Ohio’s primary election system, according to most. Mandatory Board of Election distribution of an inclusive Voter Guide and turning Election Day into a holiday were most frequently mentioned. Many other useful suggestions emerged, including even several not on the questionnaire. Some even argued for expanded, constructive involvement of political parties. Leagues of Women Voters in ten or twelve states are studying or already involved in advocacy for primary election reforms. This report documents responses from several state Leagues, although several of the most involved state Leagues did not respond to the survey. In general, Leagues tended to take a realistic rather than an abstract academic view of reforms, especially those that were still studying the issue. -
Integration of International Financial Regulatory Standards for the Chinese Economic Area: the Challenge for China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Lawrence L.C
Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business Volume 20 Issue 1 Fall Fall 1999 Integration of International Financial Regulatory Standards for the Chinese Economic Area: The Challenge for China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Lawrence L.C. Lee Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njilb Part of the International Law Commons, International Trade Commons, Law and Economics Commons, and the Securities Law Commons Recommended Citation Lawrence L.C. Lee, Integration of International Financial Regulatory Standards for the Chinese Economic Area: The hC allenge for China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, 20 Nw. J. Int'l L. & Bus. 1 (1999-2000) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. ARTICLES Integration of International Financial Regulatory Standards for the Chinese Economic Area: The Challenge for China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Lawrence L. C. Lee* I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 2 II. ORIGINS OF THE CURRENT FINANCIAL AND BANKING SYSTEMS IN THE CHINESE ECONOMIC AREA ............................................................ 11 * Lawrence L. C. Lee is Assistant Professor at Ming Chung University School of Law (Taiwan) and Research Fellow at Columbia University School of Law. S.J.D. 1998, Univer- sity of Wisconsin-Madison Law School; LL.M. 1996, American University Washington College of Law; LL.M. 1993, Boston University School of Law; and LL.B. 1991, Soochow University School of Law (Taiwan). Portions of this article were presented at the 1999 Con- ference of American Association of Chinese Studies and the 1997 University of Wisconsin Law School Symposium in Legal Regulation of Cross-Straits Commercial Activities among Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China. -
Business Groups in South Korea and Taiwan
Institute of Governmental Affairs University of California, Davis Business Groups in South Korea and Taiwan: A Comparison and Database by Robert C. Feenstra Revised, October 1997 Program on Pacific Rim Business and Development 2 Business Groups in South Korea and Taiwan: A Comparison and Database by Robert C. Feenstra Dept. of Economics, University of California, Davis and National Bureau of Economic Research Revised, October 1997 Abstract This paper describes a database of business groups in South Korea and Taiwan. The most detailed data are available for 1989 in South Korea and 1994 for Taiwan, though additional information is provided for the groups in both countries in 1983 and 1986. The detailed data includes a transactions matrix for each major business group, which specifies the sales to other member firms within the group, as well as total sales and other information for each firm. Thus, the detailed data can be used to construct measures of the vertical integration for each business group, and can also be used to analyze their sales across different sectors of the economy. These results are reported in the paper, along with documentation of the variables included in the database. The database for each country can be ordered for $50 from: Shelagh Matthews Mackay, Institute of Governmental Affairs, University of California, Davis, CA 95616, or downloaded from www.internationaldata.org (choose “Asia”). Note: This database has been assembled over the past decade at the Pacific Rim Business and Development Program, Institute of Governmental Affairs, under the direction of Gary Hamilton and Robert Feenstra. It would not have been possible without the help of the staff there and many research assistants. -
Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics*
56 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 1/2017 Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics* EMILIA ZANKINA** Abstract The growing success of populist parties from across the political spectrum in Europe calls for an examination of the link between populist parties and voters and the new (if new indeed) cleavages that such parties exploit. Scholars have pointed to the erosion of traditional cleavages as one rea- son for the success of populist parties. Such analysis fits well with the established democracies of Europe but has little application in the East European context. Traditional cleavages have taken root in few places in Eastern Europe before communist takeover and became even less relevant follow- ing four and a half decades of communist rule. With the fall of communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the only meaningful division within society was that of anti-communists and supporters of the old regime. Similarly, concepts of Left and Right had (and to a great extend continue to have) lit- tle relevance in the East European context where the Left came to be dominated by former commu- nist parties and the Right engulfed an ideologically incoherent opposition. The stronger the former communists were (such as in Bulgaria and Romania) the more fragmented the Right was, as it was the only available space for political competition. The present paper aims to examine voter support for populist parties in Bulgaria and analyze on the cleavages that those parties exploit or create. Thus, the paper examines the impact of populist parties on the political landscape in terms of the changes that those parties result in in voter behavior and cleavage formation. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’S Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’s Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World A Report to the Center for International Media Assistance By Sarah Cook October 22, 2013 The Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA), at the National Endowment for Democracy, works to strengthen the support, raise the visibility, and improve the effectiveness of independent media development throughout the world. The Center provides information, builds networks, conducts research, and highlights the indispensable role independent media play in the creation and development of sustainable democracies. An important aspect of CIMA’s work is to research ways to attract additional U.S. private sector interest in and support for international media development. CIMA convenes working groups, discussions, and panels on a variety of topics in the field of media development and assistance. The center also issues reports and recommendations based on working group discussions and other investigations. These reports aim to provide policymakers, as well as donors and practitioners, with ideas for bolstering the effectiveness of media assistance. Don Podesta Interim Senior Director Center for International Media Assistance National Endowment for Democracy 1025 F Street, N.W., 8th Floor Washington, DC 20004 Phone: (202) 378-9700 Fax: (202) 378-9407 Email: [email protected] URL: http://cima.ned.org Design and Layout by Valerie Popper About the Author Sarah Cook Sarah Cook is a senior research analyst for East Asia at Freedom House. She manages the editorial team producing the China Media Bulletin, a biweekly news digest of media freedom developments related to the People’s Republic of China. -
Unlocking Teie: Secrets of Domestk Political Hegemow
UNLOCKING TEIE: SECRETS OF DOMESTK POLITICAL HEGEMOW. P OLïïICAL SPACE AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION IN TAIWAN AND SOUTH KOREA, 1987-2000 Michael Edward Huenefeld B.A. (Won), University of British Columbia, 1998 THESIS SUBMlTi'ED IN PARTIAL OF THE REQUlREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science OMichael Edward Huenefeld 2000 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY August 2000 Ali rights resewed- This work may not be ceproduceci in whole or part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. This thesis argues tbat, under certain conditions, economic liberalization can strengthen the plitical position of consewative coalitions in transitional democracies. A large body of titerature on the effect of market-opening reforms and democratization posits that economic libedization, by generating social change, cceates new opportunicies for political refonn. This viewpoint, while not unchallenged, appears to be predorninant within academic circles. Through an empirical analysis of two case studies, Taiwan and South Korea, this study contributes a new perspective to the debate over the political effect of economic liberalization. The luialysis of these two countries focuses especially on the impact of market-opening refonn on the electoral- ideological area of pditical lik, an area (termed "political space" by this thesis) to which most existing literaîure seerns to attach only secondary importance (as it focuses ptimarily on institutional dynamics). Taiwan began its democratization process in 1987 with the lifting of marumarualIaw, while the fit rneasures to liberalize the island's economy were implernented in the 1980s. However, as economic and institutional cefonn progressed throughout the 1990s. conservative political elements (represented rnainly by the Kuominrang) have managed to mniatain their dominance over Taiwan's political space. -
Electoral Affairs Commission Report
i ABBREVIATIONS Amendment Regulation to Electoral Affairs Commission (Electoral Procedure) Cap 541F (District Councils) (Amendment) Regulation 2007 Amendment Regulation to Particulars Relating to Candidates on Ballot Papers Cap 541M (Legislative Council) (Amendment) Regulation 2007 Amendment Regulation to Electoral Affairs Commission (Financial Assistance for Cap 541N Legislative Council Elections) (Application and Payment Procedure) (Amendment) Regulation 2007 APIs announcements in public interest APRO, APROs Assistant Presiding Officer, Assistant Presiding Officers ARO, AROs Assistant Returning Officer, Assistant Returning Officers Cap, Caps Chapter of the Laws of Hong Kong, Chapters of the Laws of Hong Kong CAS Civil Aid Service CC Complaints Centre CCC Central Command Centre CCm Complaints Committee CE Chief Executive CEO Chief Electoral Officer CMAB Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau (the former Constitutional and Affairs Bureau) D of J Department of Justice DC, DCs District Council, District Councils DCCA, DCCAs DC constituency area, DC constituency areas DCO District Councils Ordinance (Cap 547) ii DO, DOs District Officer, District Officers DPRO, DPROs Deputy Presiding Officer, Deputy Presiding Officers EAC or the Commission Electoral Affairs Commission EAC (EP) (DC) Reg Electoral Affairs Commission (Electoral Procedure) (District Councils) Regulation (Cap 541F) EAC (FA) (APP) Reg Electoral Affairs Commission (Financial Assistance for Legislative Council Elections and District Council Elections) (Application and Payment -
Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco
Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 ISSN 2283-5792 Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Saloua Zerhouni, Mohammed V University in Rabat This project has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no 612782. Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Table of Contents Introduction 3 Methodology 1. Youth Participation in Context 5 2. Modes of Political Participation and Expression 7 2.1 Informed about and Interested in Politics 2.2 Weak Participation through Organizations 2.3 Growing Interest in Electoral Participation 2.4 A Preference for “Unconventional” Ways of Participation 3. Explaining Youth Non-Participation 13 3.1 The Centrality of Monarchical Power 3.2 Mistrust in Institutions 3.3 Political Exclusion and State Control over Spaces of Participation Conclusion 16 References 18 2 Working Paper No. 36 - May 2017 Explaining Youth Participation and Non-Participation in Morocco Saloua Zerhouni1 Abstract Based on both recent statistics from a national survey and qualitative interviews, the paper analyses the level and modalities of youth participation in Morocco’s public sphere. While individual characteristics such as education, gender, political interest and political knowledge are important for understanding the phenomenon of participation and non-participation, it is argued that contextual factors of youth participation matter. Our data demonstrate weak interest and engagement in the arena of traditional, formal politics. This sphere has become so discredited over the years that participation through political parties and elections is now being perceived by a majority of young people as meaningless. -
Philosophy & Social Criticism
Philosophy & Social Criticism http://psc.sagepub.com/ Apathy: the democratic disease Jeffrey E. Green Philosophy Social Criticism 2004 30: 745 DOI: 10.1177/0191453704045763 The online version of this article can be found at: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/30/5-6/745 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Philosophy & Social Criticism can be found at: Email Alerts: http://psc.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://psc.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> Version of Record - Dec 6, 2004 What is This? Downloaded from psc.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PENNSYLVANIA on May 6, 2013 12 045763 (to/d) 2/9/04 11:38 am Page 745 Jeffrey E. Green Apathy: the democratic disease Abstract This essay turns to ancient sources in order to rethink the relation- ship between political apathy and democracy. If modern democratic theorists place political apathy entirely outside of democracy – either as a destructive limit upon the full realization of a democratic polity, or, more sanguinely, as a pragmatic necessity which tempers democracy so that it may function in a workable yet watered-down form – the ancients conceived of political apathy as a peculiarly democratic phenomenon that was likely to flourish in tandem with the expansion of egalitarian institutional structures and moral ideas. Evidence for the ancient recognition of political apathy as a uniquely demo- cratic kind of affliction centers on, but is not limited to, three main sources. In literature, the Homeric epic, and specifically the story of Achilles, present apathy for politics and commitment to human equality as synonymous forces.