NPA Considers Charging De Klerk for Apartheid Killings

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

NPA Considers Charging De Klerk for Apartheid Killings Legalbrief | your legal news hub Monday 27 September 2021 NPA considers charging De Klerk for apartheid killings As the furore over FW de Klerk’s apartheid denialism continues to get play in the wider media, a Mail & Guardian report says the NPA is considering a request to charge the former President for his role in allegedly authorising the murder of anti-apartheid activists in 1985. De Klerk, who served as the apartheid regime’s last President, is among those who may be charged for complicity in the murder of Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto and Sicelo Mhlauli, known as the Cradock Four. In January 2018 the case was among 20 related to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that the Hawks and the NPA had listed for re-opening for investigation, notes the M&G. It says the case is now with the NDPP for consideration. Former TRC commissioner Yasmin Sooka, who along with the victims’ families and NGOs, has been lobbying for the cases to be re-opened since 2003, said: ‘There is a discussion with the NDPP. We have been putting a lot of pressure … to try and ensure that there are no further delays as people (who were involved in the killings) are dying. One of the things we have suggested is that the NPA get the Calata matter and the Pebco Three matter on the roll. These cases go right to the top. Whether there is an inquest first, or whether the matter goes straight to a trial, is the discussion that is with the NPA.’ The NPA reportedly declined to comment. The Cradock Four were murdered by Security Branch operatives after being abducted at a roadblock, allegedly on the instruction of the State Security Council (SSC), which recommended that they be ‘permanently removed from society’. The Mail & Guardian report says a 1994 inquest found that the state had been behind their killing, which was carried out by Security Branch members and that the decision to act against the Eastern Cape activists had been taken by the SSC. De Klerk was, according to documentation presented to the TRC, at the SSC meeting at which the operation to remove the four men from society was discussed. The operation to assassinate the Pebco Three — Sipho Hashe, Champion Galela and Qaqawuli Godolozi – in 1985, was planned at the same level. Sooka reportedly told the M&G they believed that De Klerk had ‘command responsibility’ for the actions of troops and police members who carried out murders and other crimes against activists. In his two submissions to the TRC on behalf of the apartheid government and the National Party, and in responses to further questions from it, De Klerk accepted overall responsibility for what happened under his leadership, but denied authorising any killings. The FW de Klerk did not respond to calls and e-mails from the M&G. See AfricaAnalyses.
Recommended publications
  • Cradock Four
    Saif Pardawala 12/7/2012 TRC Cradock Four Amnesty Hearings Abstract: The Amnesty Hearing of the Truth and Reconciliation show the connection between the South African Apartheid state and the mysterious disappearances of four Cradock political activists. The testimonies of members of the security police highlight the lengths the apartheid state was willing to go to suppress opposition. The fall of Apartheid and the numerous examples of state mandated human rights abuses against its opponents raised a number of critical questions for South Africans at the time. Among the many issues to be addressed, was the need to create an institution for the restoration of the justice that had been denied to the many victims of apartheid’s crimes. Much like the numerous truth commissions established in Eastern Europe and Latin America after the formation of democracy in those regions, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was founded with the aims of establishing a restorative, rather than punitive justice. The goal of the TRC was not to prosecute and impose punishment on the perpetrators of the state’s suppression of its opposition, but rather to bring closure to the many victims and their families in the form of full disclosure of the truth. The amnesty hearings undertaken by the TRC represent these aims, by offering full amnesty to those who came forward and confessed their crimes. In the case of Johan van Zyl, Eric Taylor, Gerhardus Lotz, Nicholas van Rensburg, Harold Snyman and Hermanus du Plessis; the amnesty hearings offer more than just a testimony of their crimes. The amnesty hearings of the murderers of a group of anti-apartheid activists known as the Cradock Four show the extent of violence the apartheid state was willing to use on its own citizens to quiet any opposition and maintain its authority.
    [Show full text]
  • 3. Cradock Four Issued Notice of Motion And
    91 91 hereto marked "LC33". In this document the Deputy Director of Community Communications made certain recommendations which were then sent for approval to senior officials in the Education and Training Department. 207 This memo deals with the reappointment of Goniwe. It does not disclose who the author was, but it was sent in the name of the Deputy Director of Community Communications of the Department of Education and Training to the Department of Education Personnel Service. Curiously at paragraph 5.2 it says, "we as an education department are not a political instrumenf'. This memorandum disclosed the following: 207 .1 Goniwe's reappointment was discussed at a GBS meeting chaired by Adriaan Vlok on 6 June 1985. An appointment was recommended on 13 June 1985. The person who recommended this re-appointment is not disclosed. An assurance was given to the Cradock community that Goniwe would be re-appointed and Goniwe expressed an interest in being reappointed. 207 .2 The problem statement in this note was that Goniwe was a full-time Rural Organiser for the UDF and was able to devote his attention to political activities. It was necessary to re-channel his energy into activities which will not allow him to exercise his political activities on a large scale. 207.3 The proposed solution was to reappoint him as a teacher at a school that was in a chaotic condition which will force him to devote all his time to the school and his work. The benefit, it was recorded, would be that 92 92 the community would see his reappointment as a correction of a previous injustice of him being requested to transfer to Graaff Reinet.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • DOWNLOAD the APP 94 95 Overview of Nelson Mandela Bay
    AuthenticAuthentic ExperiencesExperiences addo river safaris addo full day tours addo half day tours Test-drive our technology! Our revamped AutoPavilion features: • A kids’ experiential zone with driving simulators, colouring-in stations, ttoouurr,, ssaaffaarrii && aaddvveennttuurree ssppeecciiaalliissttss interactive displays and more • The newest addition to our much-loved Beetle family, Foxy Lady Disco Queen • The only Volkswagen XL1 hybrid concept car in South Africa • Visit the gift shop and take home your addo eco quad biking beach safari’s, sandboarding sledding and ferry rides piece of our Volkswagen brand Opening hours: Weekdays 08h30 - 16h00 and every first Saturday of the month 10h00 - 13h00. Closed all other weekends and public holidays. Open for all ages…Beetle fans especially welcome! fresh & salt water fishing river conservation & hiking birdwatching & photography www.crisscrossadventures.co.za CrisscrossAddo [email protected] +27 (0)83 330 0480 Crisscross Adventures - Addo CrissCross_Adventures 3 CONTENTS HALLO FROM NELSON MANDELA BAY 8 - 15 Warm Welcome 8 NMBT’s Visitor Information Centre’s 9 Tribute to Nelson Mandela 10 Important Information 12 – 14 Practical Safety Tips 15 HISTORICAL ATTRACTIONS 16 - 23 Port Elizabeth 16 - 20 Despatch 21 Uitenhage 22 - 23 WONDERFUL WILDLIFe and NATURE 24 - 33 Game Viewing 4, 24 - 29 Adventure Activities 2, 30 – 31, 37 The Great Outdoors 32 - 33 BEACHES, WATERSPORT and SPORTS 34 - 43 Beautiful Beaches 34 - 35 Wind & Watersport 36 – 39, 95 Dolphin Capital 40 Sports Scene
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Between States of Emergency
    BETWEEN STATES OF EMERGENCY PHOTOGRAPH © PAUL VELASCO WE SALUTE THEM The apartheid regime responded to soaring opposition in the and to unban anti-apartheid organisations. mid-1980s by imposing on South Africa a series of States of The 1985 Emergency was imposed less than two years after the United Emergency – in effect martial law. Democratic Front was launched, drawing scores of organisations under Ultimately the Emergency regulations prohibited photographers and one huge umbrella. Intending to stifle opposition to apartheid, the journalists from even being present when police acted against Emergency was first declared in 36 magisterial districts and less than a protesters and other activists. Those who dared to expose the daily year later, extended to the entire country. nationwide brutality by security forces risked being jailed. Many Thousands of men, women and children were detained without trial, photographers, journalists and activists nevertheless felt duty-bound some for years. Activists were killed, tortured and made to disappear. to show the world just how the iron fist of apartheid dealt with The country was on a knife’s edge and while the state wanted to keep opposition. the world ignorant of its crimes against humanity, many dedicated The Nelson Mandela Foundation conceived this exhibition, Between journalists shone the spotlight on its actions. States of Emergency, to honour the photographers who took a stand On 28 August 1985, when thousands of activists embarked on a march against the atrocities of the apartheid regime. Their work contributed to the prison to demand Mandela’s release, the regime reacted swiftly to increased international pressure against the South African and brutally.
    [Show full text]
  • The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa
    A Theological Examination of Reconciliation Within a Political Context: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa by The Rev. Suzanne M. Warner Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Theology of the University of the South in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts May 2010 Sewanee Tennessee Approved: Date: 1 “A Theological Examination of Reconciliation Within a Political Context: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa” by The Rev. Suzanne Warner Thesis is under the direction of the Rev. Dr. Walter Brownridge and Dr. Cynthia Crysdale. ABSTRACT 1. During the past twenty years the world saw the development of the phenomenon of “Truth and Reconciliation Commissions” as an approach to resolve fractures within communities and nations, especially after periods of civil unrest, civil war, and other forms of violence and tension. Two basic questions emerge: What is reconciliation, and how does a society know that reconciliation has been accomplished? 2. Insights of theological ethics can provide a source for examination of the process of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC). Response to the questions may provide a view of the process to clarify the impact of the TRC on reconciliation in South Africa. 3. The TRC was a political creation, established through negotiations for an end to conflict that extended over decades. To provide insight into complex problems relating to reconciliation, Section II presents a history of the influences in South Africa relevant to apartheid and those conflicts. 4. Section III covers the formation and operation of the TRC, including participation of Christian leadership under Archbishop Desmond Tutu and others.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emphasis Given to the History of the South African Liberation Struggle in the Nation’S Universities
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title The Emphasis to the History of the South African Liberation Struggle in the Nation’s Universities Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7m469807 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 40(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Authors Houston, Gregory F. Twala, Chitja Majozi, Nkululeko Publication Date 2018 DOI 10.5070/F7402040943 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Houston, Twala and Majozi The Emphasis Given to the History of the South African Liberation Struggle in the Nation’s Universities Gregory F. Houston, Chitja Twala and Nkululeko Majozi Abstract This article analyses the emphasis given to the teaching of the South African liberation struggle history at the country’s universi- ties. Although this history has been analysed in books, chapters, journal articles, conference papers, theses and dissertations by South African scholars working in various disciplines, it is gener- ally underrepresented in the curricula of the country’s universities. This absence stems, at least in part, from the racial segregation that divided South African universities until the end of Apartheid in 1994. Today, the overwhelming majority of lecturers devote, on average, six or fewer of their annual class sessions to the subject, when most university modules run from seven to fourteen weeks. Despite the limited time given to topics on South African liberation struggle history, a majority of academics surveyed in history and political science departments believe that their institution’s under- graduate curriculum deals sufficiently with the history. Thus, aside from some notable exceptions, South African departments of his- tory and political science have failed to integrate this field within the broader study of national history.
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons Learned from the Apartheid Litigation
    \\jciprod01\productn\H\HLI\61-2\HLI201.txt unknown Seq: 1 31-JUL-20 10:27 Volume 61, Number 2, Summer 2020 Perspectives From a Practitioner: Lessons Learned From the Apartheid Litigation Susan H. Farbstein* Critics often contend that human rights litigation is not particularly useful in advancing human rights. Yet such critiques tend to miss the mark both because they demand too much of litigation—which is, of course, but one tool available to the human rights movement—and because they fail to understand the multiple goals, beyond court verdicts, of human rights plaintiffs and litigators. This article excavates those diverse goals, many of which have previously gone unexamined. It draws on insight gained from nearly a decade spent litigating a complex Alien Tort Statute suit that sought to hold corporations accountable for their role supporting and facilitating human rights violations in apartheid South Africa. This article also evaluates both successes and failures in the Apartheid case to explore the extent to which common critiques ring true. It would be foolhardy to claim that lawsuits alone can fundamentally improve respect for and protection of human rights. Still, this article concludes that litigation can be a powerful option for individuals or communities that have survived human rights abuse, particularly when deployed in tandem with other strategies, and that it played an important role for many stakeholders involved in the apartheid suit. In so doing, this article opens up fresh scholarly terrain and shares unique perspectives that may inform the work of other affected communities and human rights practitioners. Introduction For nearly a decade, I served as co-counsel on a case that sought to hold corporations accountable for their role in assisting and supporting the apartheid government to commit grievous human rights violations in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Celebration, Preservation and Promotion of Struggle Narratives with a Focus on South African Women of Indian Heritage
    HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 8 Original Research Celebration, preservation and promotion of struggle narratives with a focus on South African women of Indian heritage Authors: The relevance and value of oral history practices and principles and its impact on community 1 Kogie K. Archary history gives credence to its relationship with the liberation struggle. The liberation struggle Christina Landman2 heroines that formed the cohort of interviewees for this research were members of the South Affiliations: African Indian community. This interview- research process provides a platform that allows 1Private Researcher, Durban, the veteran South African female of Indian Heritage to reflect almost 50 years later and be a South Africa part of the celebration, preservation and promotion of struggle narratives. The women who 2Research Institute for were interviewed for this research shed light on celebrating political achievements, whilst Theology and Religion, remembering and recalling the educational, material and economic assistance from University of South Africa, international sources. Furthermore, these women referred to the preservation of South Africa’s Pretoria, South Africa unique heritage as, South Africa is united in its diversity. Promoting the values of the liberation Corresponding author: struggle by sharing her anecdotes, honouring the cadres, relating experiences, retelling tales Christina Landman, and sometimes possibly reliving military camp days completed the oral history interview [email protected] process and eventually added to the body of knowledge that already exists and partially filled the gaps that exist. Dates: Received: 12 May 2020 Contribution: From a multidisplinary religious perspective, this article contributes to the Accepted: 22 Aug.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    The Partisan’s Violence, Law and Apartheid: The Assassination of Matthew Goniwe and the Cradock Four Suren Pillay Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2011 © 2011 Suren Pillay All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Partisan’s Violence, Law and Apartheid: The Assassination of Matthew Goniwe and the Cradock Four Suren Pillay This dissertation is a study of an instance of political violence that took place during 1985 in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa, but which had a wider resonance across the country. It involved the killing of four prominent anti-apartheid activists, known as the Cradock Four, by a state security death squad. It is an instance of political violence that allows us to ask ontological questions about the relationship between law, rights and violence; colonial violence and the Cold War, as well as questions about the epistemologies that surround violence in relation to questions of justice. Revisiting this violence, as mediated through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, this study asks: how does this violence relate to the law itself, since apartheid was after all explicit in its claim to being the product of a legal regime? It argues that we need to think about how this violence against the Cradock Four, committed by a ‘death squad’—and therefore orphaned through denial by both law and an official political narrative—related to the constitution of a South African political community, a political community we also have to remind ourselves, which had a colonial genealogy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ubuntu and Common Humanity in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Ubuntu strategies in contemporary South African culture Stuit, H.H. Publication date 2013 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Stuit, H. H. (2013). Ubuntu strategies in contemporary South African culture. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:01 Oct 2021 Chapter 1 Ubuntu and Common Humanity in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission HannekeStuit_Ubuntu Strategies in Contemporary South African Cultures_v4.indd 44 03-12-12 23:29 Introduction When, in 1994, the apartheid regime was finally ousted after almost fifty years of complete control over South Africa, the new, democratically elected government decided on a course of action (set in motion by the interim government) that was intended to address the country’s divisive past and prevent the violence that domi- nated South African society from spiralling further out of control.
    [Show full text]