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Orthography of Early Chinese Writing: Evidence from Newly Excavated Manuscripts
IMRE GALAMBOS ORTHOGRAPHY OF EARLY CHINESE WRITING: EVIDENCE FROM NEWLY EXCAVATED MANUSCRIPTS BUDAPEST MONOGRAPHS IN EAST ASIAN STUDIES SERIES EDITOR: IMRE HAMAR IMRE GALAMBOS ORTHOGRAPHY OF EARLY CHINESE WRITING: EVIDENCE FROM NEWLY EXCAVATED MANUSCRIPTS DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES, EÖTVÖS LORÁND UNIVERSITY BUDAPEST 2006 The present volume was published with the support of the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation. © Imre Galambos, 2006 ISBN 963 463 811 2 ISSN 1787-7482 Responsible for the edition: Imre Hamar Megjelent a Balassi Kiadó gondozásában (???) A nyomdai munkálatokat (???)a Dabas-Jegyzet Kft. végezte Felelős vezető Marosi Györgyné ügyvezető igazgató CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................................. vii Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1 CHAPTER ONE FORMER UNDERSTANDINGS ..................................................................................... 11 1.1 Traditional views ........................................................................................... 12 1.1.1 Ganlu Zishu ........................................................................................ 13 1.1.2 Hanjian .............................................................................................. 15 1.2 Modern views ................................................................................................ 20 1.2.1 Noel Barnard ..................................................................................... -
THE STRUCTURE of the NAXI PICTOGRAPHIC SCRIPT’ CHAPTER 3 in a DICTIONARY of NAXI PICTOGRAPHS by FANG GUOYU1 Jacob Cawthorne University of Melbourne
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area Volume 33.1 — April 2010 TRANSLATION OF ‘THE STRUCTURE OF THE NAXI PICTOGRAPHIC SCRIPT’ CHAPTER 3 IN A DICTIONARY OF NAXI PICTOGRAPHS BY FANG GUOYU1 Jacob Cawthorne University of Melbourne Abstract: The aim of this translation is to make accessible in English one of the most important chapters of the influential work A Dictionary of Naxi Pictographs, by Fang Guoyu, to a wider audience.2 Through his work, Fang became a chief protagonist in bringing the attention and interest of the Chinese government and intelligentsia upon the Naxi people, the Dongba religion and the script during the mid to late 20th century. Although more contemporary research has superseded Fang’s efforts, his work is still widely used by both Chinese and Western academics as the basis for their research on the script. The core purpose of this chapter is to analyse the structure of the Naxi pictographic script. Fang achieves this by classifying the pictographs into ten categories in accordance with theoretical principles adapted from the liu shu (六书), or six categories of Chinese characters. A discussion of the key features of each category is made and accompanied by examples to further illustrate the distinctive features of each category. A summation on the relevance of the script to the study of writing systems in general is completed at the end of the chapter. In addition, Fang also analyses the Naxi phonographic script as a script in its own right, and its relationship with the Naxi pictographic script. Keywords: Naxi, pictographs, Dongba, Geba, Tibeto-Burman language, writing system. -
The Six Principles of Chinese Writing and Their Application to Design As Design Idea
ISSN 1923-1555[Print] Studies in Literature and Language ISSN 1923-1563[Online] Vol. 8, No. 3, 2014, pp. 84-88 www.cscanada.net DOI: 10.3968/4968 www.cscanada.org The Six Principles of Chinese Writing and Their Application to Design As Design Idea ZHOU Zhen[a],* [a]Academy of Fine Arts, Shandong Normal University, Jinan, China. The Six Principles are the principles of Chinese *Corresponding author. characters’ formation and application which was Received 12 February 2014; accepted 26 May 2014 developed during the formation of Chinese characters. Published online 25 June 2014 As an open set with new characters constantly being developed, the total number of Chinese characters from Abstract past to present reaches a tremendous sum. The Chinese Given the impact that nationality and locality have on the dictionary published by the People’s Republic of China in essential elements of design, it is a demanding task for 1989 covered about 56,000 characters. It is really amazing Chinese designers to set up new Chinese design styles. that such huge and complicated character-formation can In my opinion, the Six Principles of Chinese Writing (六 be generalized by only six principles. = 書原理), which are the principles of Chinese characters’ In my opinion, the Six Principles comprise a set of formation and application, is a set of design idea that can design thoughts based on using graphics to indicate be applied to modern design. In this paper, I present my meanings. From this standpoint, the Six Principles can research on the new design idea of design based on the be regarded as an effective design method which can be Six Principles of Chinese writing with mark design as applied to modern design, especially in the field of visual examples. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
The Chinese Script T � * 'L
Norman, Jerry, Chinese, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. 1 3.1 Th e beginnings of Chinese writing 59 3 FISH HORSE ELEPHANT cow (yu) (m ii) (xiimg) (niu) " The Chinese script t � * 'l Figure 3.1. Pictographs in early Chinese writing 3.1 The beginnings of Chinese writing1 The Chinese script appears as a fully developed writing system in the late Shang .dynasty (fourteenth to eleventh centuries BC). From this period we have copious examples of the script inscribed or written on bones and tortoise shells, for the most part in the form of short divinatory texts. From the same period there also Figure 3.2. The graph fo r quiin'dog' exist a number of inscriptions on bronze vessels of various sorts. The former type of graphic record is referred to as the oracle bone script while the latter is com of this sort of graph are shown in Figure 3.1. The more truly representational a monly known· as the bronze script. The script of this period is already a fully graph is, the more difficult and time-consuming it is to depict. There is a natural developed writing system, capable of recording the contemporary Chinese lan tendency for such graphs to become progressively simplified and stylized as a guage in a complete and unambiguous manner. The maturity of this early script writing system matures and becomes more widely used. As a result, pictographs has suggested to many scholars that it must have passed through a fairly long gradually tend to lose their obvious pictorial quality. The graph for qui'in 'dog' period of development before reaching this stage, but the few examples of writing shown in Figure 3.2 can serve as a good illustration of this sort of development. -
Japanization in the Field of Classical Chinese Dictionaries
Title Japanization in the Field of Classical Chinese Dictionaries Author(s) Ikeda, Shoju Citation Journal of the Graduate School of Letters, 6, 15-25 Issue Date 2011-03 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/44945 Type bulletin (article) File Information JGSL6-2.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP Journal of the Graduate School of Letters,Hokkaido University Vol.6;pp.15-25,March 2011 15 Japanization in the Field of Classical Chinese Dictionaries Shoju IKEDA Abstract:How did dictionaries arranged by radical undergo Japanization?In the following I shall take up for consideration the Tenrei bansh썚omeigi,Shinsenjiky썚o,and Ruiju my썚ogi sh썚oand consider this question by examining in particular their relationship with the original version of the Chinese Yupian,compiled in 543 by Gu Yewang of the Liang.There is much that needs to be said about early Japanese dictionaries.In this paper I have focused on their relationship with the Yupian and have discussed questions such as its position as a source among Buddhist monks and its connections with questions pertaining to radicals,in particular the manner in which the arrangement of characters under individual radicals in the Yupian was modified. (Received on December 7,2010) 1.Dictionaries Arranged According to the Shape,Sound and Meaning of Chinese Characters and the Compilation of Early Dictionaries in Japan When considered in light of extant dictionaries,it would seem that dictionaries arranged by radical or classifier(shape)appeared first,followed by dictionaries arranged by meaning,and that dictionaries arranged by pronunciation(sound)came some time later. -
1 Chinese Writing: Ancient Autochthonous Perspective Fran蔞ise Bott廨o CRLAO-CNRS-EHESS Paris in Order to Compare What Could
1 Chinese writing: ancient autochthonous perspective Françoise Bottéro CRLAO-CNRS-EHESS Paris In order to compare what could also be compared between ancient writing systems and enrich our problematics, I would like to provide another possible perspective. Instead of signs structure or origins of writing, I would like to discuss some more theoretic or analytic points such as, for example, the kinds of reflections made by the ancient people on their own writing system. Indeed, It could be worth comparing how and when ancient scribes/scholars started asking questions about their writing system : How they conceived the origins of their writing system, what kind of reflections and theories they elaborated on their script, how they classified and analysed the written signs, what kind of lexical lists they provided, when did they start using a special terminology, etc. This could help us understand constraints imposed by the so called logographic writing system as opposed to phonetic writing systems, and the ways ancient scribes/lexicographs used to handle them. 1. The origins of writing in ancient China The oldest mention to the origins of writing in China goes back to the 3rd century BC. The great philosopher Xu2nzi3 荀子 (335-238) and his disciple Ha2n Fe1i 韓非 (280-233) present Ca1ng Jie2 倉頡 as someone specialised in writing and eventually as the inventor of writing. The Heroic invention of writing progressively developed, and around the 1rst century AD, Ca1ng Jie2 had become the scribe of the Mythical “Yellow Emperor” Hua2ngdi4 who drew his inspiration to invent writing from the marks left by the birds and the beasts on the soil. -
The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history. -
History, Background, Context
42 History, Background, Context The history of the Qing dynasty is of course the history of hundreds upon hundreds of millions of people. The volume, density, and complexity of the information contained in this history--"history" in the sense of the totality of what really happened and why--even if it were available would be beyond the capacity of any single individual to comprehend. Thus what follows is "history" in another sense--a selective recreation of the past in written form--in this case a sketch of basic facts about major episodes and events drawn from secondary sources which hopefully will provide a little historical background and allow the reader to place Pi Xirui and Jingxue lishi within a historical context. While the history of the Qing dynasty proper begins in 1644, history is continuous. The Jurchen (who would later call themselves Manchus), a northeastern tribal people, had fought together with the Chinese against the Japanese in the 1590s when the Japanese invaded Korea. However in 1609, after a decade of increasing military strength, their position towards the Chinese changed, becoming one of antagonism. Nurhaci1 努爾哈赤 (1559-1626), a leader who had united the Jurchen tribes, proclaimed himself to be their chieftain or Khan in 1616 and also proclaimed the 1See: ECCP, p.594-9, for his biography. 43 founding of a new dynasty, the Jin 金 (also Hou Jin 後金 or Later Jin), signifying that it was a continuation of the earlier Jurchen dynasty which ruled from 1115-1234. In 1618, Nurhaci led an army of 10,000 with the intent of invading China. -
Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik Versus the So-Called Tributary System
realpolitik versus tributary system armin selbitschka Early Chinese Diplomacy: Realpolitik versus the So-called Tributary System SETTING THE STAGE: THE TRIBUTARY SYSTEM AND EARLY CHINESE DIPLOMACY hen dealing with early-imperial diplomacy in China, it is still next W to impossible to escape the concept of the so-called “tributary system,” a term coined in 1941 by John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng in their article “On the Ch’ing Tributary System.”1 One year later, John Fairbank elaborated on the subject in the much shorter paper “Tribu- tary Trade and China’s Relations with the West.”2 Although only the second work touches briefly upon China’s early dealings with foreign entities, both studies proved to be highly influential for Yü Ying-shih’s Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations published twenty-six years later.3 In particular the phrasing of the latter two titles suffices to demonstrate the three au- thors’ main points: foreigners were primarily motivated by economic I am grateful to Michael Loewe, Hans van Ess, Maria Khayutina, Kathrin Messing, John Kiesch nick, Howard L. Goodman, and two anonymous Asia Major reviewers for valuable suggestions to improve earlier drafts of this paper. Any remaining mistakes are, of course, my own responsibility. 1 J. K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch’ing Tributary System,” H JAS 6.2 (1941), pp. 135–246. 2 J. K. Fairbank in FEQ 1.2 (1942), pp. 129–49. 3 Yü Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-barbarian Economic Relations (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U. -
INTRODUCTION There Have Been Three Major Episodes of The
INTRODUCTION There have been three major episodes of the controversy on Confucian religiosity throughout Chinese intellectual history. The first episode started in the late 16th century with the Jesuit attempt to convert the Chinese population, and ended with the bitter twist of the Rites Controversy in the mid-18th century. Instead of seeing the sect of Literati as some form of paganism, the early Jesuits, Matteo Ricci in particular, tried to explore the compatibilities between Confucianism and Christianity from a pragmatic perspective. For them, Confucianism was nothing short of a preparation for the coming of Christianity to the Chinese land. It is through this historical encounter that Confucianism as a body of philosophy, beliefs, and rituals was systematically construed in Western societies. While the social and political conditions of the time did not allow the Jesuits to make much of headway, their effort to conciliate Confucianism with Christianity had set a long-lasting tone for modern imaginations about Confucianism and about religion in both Eastern and Western academic fields. The second surge of the controversy on Confucian religiosity took place during the late 19th and early 20th centuries when China was tremendously traumatized by social and political turmoil. Many Chinese intellectuals—traditionalists and iconoclasts alike— endeavored to capitalize on Confucianism for their political causes. While Kang Youwei and his followers tried to dress Confucianism up as a state religion to counter the influence of Christianity, the May Fourth intellectuals vehemently opposed any attempt of this kind. For the former, Confucianism is the gravity for the inspiration of Chinese national spirit just as Christianity is for Western societies; for the latter, Confucianism 1 belongs to the past and has to be swept into the realm of academics. -
{PDF EPUB} Poetry and Prose of the Han Wei and Six Dynasties by Panda Books Han Dynasty
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Poetry and Prose of the Han Wei and Six Dynasties by Panda Books Han Dynasty. The Han Dynasty ruled China from 206 B.C. to 220 A.D. and was the second imperial dynasty of China. Though tainted by deadly dramas within the royal court, it is also known for its promotion of Confucianism as the state religion and opening the Silk Road trade route to Europe, permanently altering the course of Chinese history. Han Dynasty art and inventions like paper still influence the world today. Emperor Gaozu And The Start of the Han Empire. Following a mass revolt in the Qin Empire in 210 B.C. and brief control by warlord Xiang Yu, Liu Bang seized the title of emperor of the Han Dynasty in 202 B.C. He established the Han capital of Chang’an along the Wei River in one of the few surviving palaces of the Qin Dynasty and took the name Emperor Gaozu. The period of time where Chang’an served as the capital of the empire is known as the Western Han. It would last until around 23 A.D. Gaozu immediately recognized a number of kingdoms in Ancient China but systematically replaced many of the kings with members of his own Liu family before his death in 195 B.C. The idea was to prevent rebellions, but the Liu family kings often tested the stamina of the empire in favor of their own ambitions. Empress Lu Zhi. Following Gaozu’s death, the Empress Lu Zhi made an attempt to take control by murdering a few of Gaozu’s sons.