The Mechanics of Modernity in Europe and East Asia This book provides a new answer to the old question of the 'rise of the west.' Why, from the eighteenth century onwards, did some countries embark on a path of sustained economic growth while others stagnated? For instance, Euro­ pean powers such as Great Britain and Germany emerged, whilst the likes of China failed to fulfil their potential. Ringmar concludes that, for sustained development to be possible, change must be institutionalised. The implications of this are brought to bear on issues facing the developing world today - with particular emphasis on Asia. Erik Ringmar teaches in the government department at the London School of Economics. He is the author of How We Survived Capitalism and Remained Almost Human (Anthem Books, 2005). 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Engerman and Jacob Metzer 26 An Economic History of Film Edited by John Sedgwick and Mike Pokorny 2 7 The Foreign Exchange Market of London Development since 1900 John Atkin 28 Rethinking Economic Change in India Labour and livelihood Tirthankar Roy 29 The Mechanics of Modernity in Europe and East Asia The institutional origins of social change and stagnation Erik Ringrnar The Mechanics of Modernity in Europe and East Asia The institutional origins of social change and stagnation Erik Ringmar First published 2005 by Routledge Published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an infonna business Copyright © 2005 Erik Ringmar Typeset in Goudy by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear The Open Access version of this book, available at www.tandfebooks.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN 978-0-415-34254-4 (hbk) Contents Acknowledgements ix PART I The logic 1 1 The nature and origin of modem society 3 2 The failure and success of East Asia 10 3 The self~transforming machine 18 PART II Reflection 27 4 The discovery of distance 29 5 The face in the mirror 40 6 Institutions that reflect 49 PARTIII Entrepreneurship 61 7 Origins of the entrepreneurial outlook 63 8 The age of the demiurge 73 9 Institutions that get things done 84 viii Contents PARTIV Pluralism 95 10 A world in pieces 97 11 The polite alternative 109 12 Institutions dealing with conflicts 118 PARTV European paths to modernity 127 13 Institutions and revolutions 129 PART VI China 137 14 Reflection 139 15 Entrepreneurship 152 16 Pluralism 162 17 Europe and China compared 171 PART VII Reform and revolution in Japan and China 181 18 Foreign challenges, Japanese responses 183 19 Japan and China in a modem world 193 PART VIII The future of modern society 205 20 The new politics of modernisation 207 Notes 216 Bibliography 238 Index 258 Acknowledgements The best ideas in this book were originally developed in conversations with Professor V. M. Sergeev ofMGIMO, Moscow. Part I The logic 1 The nature and origin of modern society For most of their existence there was nothing particularly unique about Euro­ pean societies. In medieval Europe, everybody, next to everybody, was a peasant, poor and illiterate with a life expectancy at birth of perhaps 35 years. The few tools that existed in peasant society required a heavy input of man­ power; productivity was low and the occasional surplus was quickly gobbled up by a small, oppressive, elite. What passed for science was, even among the edu­ cated, hopelessly confused with superstition and most aspects of life were heavily influenced by custom and by an all-pervasive Church. Medieval society was not static to be sure, but changes when they occurred were ad hoe and coin­ cidental; stability was the social norm if not always a social reality. Then something happened that in a comparatively short time made Euro­ pean societies radically different both from previous versions of themselves and from other societies. Agriculture became more productive; people moved to cities to work in factories where production took place according to increasingly sophisticated techniques; people's life expectancy and level of education went up and science made rapid and amazing progress. Instead of being slaves to nature, the Europeans became nature's masters, and instead of living side by side with other cultures, they set off to conquer the world. No longer ad hoe and coincidental, change became continuous and progressive. This restless, ruthless, expanding and ever-changing world is the modem, W estem, world. This is modernity as we still know it. Compare East Asia. Countries such as China and Japan were always at least as 'sophisticated' and 'advanced' as the countries of Europe. In the sixteenth century the first European visitors to this part of the world acknowledged as much and were profoundly impressed with the power and wealth of East Asian rulers and with the good manners and discipline of their subjects.1 And yet history took quite a different tum in this part of the world. When the West began changing rapidly, especially in the nineteenth century, East Asia seemed to remain much as before. This 'failure' to emulate European examples was immediately noticed by observers as diverse as John Stuart Mill and G. W. F. Hegel. Looking at their own part of the world, the Europeans saw change every­ where; looking at the East, they saw nothing but 'stagnation' and 'the despotism of custom.' 4 The logic Although we today are unlikely to endorse these particular conclusions, the puzzle itself remains. The differences between East Asia and Europe did indeed increase dramatically in the course of the nineteenth century. The most obvious indicator of this sudden gap is perhaps the new style of European imperialism. When sustained contacts with East Asia first were established in the sixteenth century, the European presence was limited. Foreigners were banned from Japanese soil between 1639 and 1868 and in China they were strictly controlled by the authorities. In the nineteenth century, however, the Europeans returned with far more ambitious plans and with the troops and gunboats to back them up. And while neither China nor Japan ever formally was colonised, from this time onward elites in both countries began struggling hard to somehow 'catch up' with the technically proficient barbarians.2 This contrast between Europe and East Asia gives rise to a number of ques­ tions. The most obvious ones concern why and how. Why was Europe suddenly able to develop so rapidly and how did the transformation happen? Which con­ junction of factors made it possible for this particular part of the world to break so radically with its past and to become so different from other societies? And why did the transformation not first take place in China or Japan which by all accounts were at least as well positioned for a similar take-off? Put slightly dif­ ferently, these historical questions concern the nature and origin of what has come to be called a 'modem' society. The question is what it is that makes a society modem and why some societies have been able to modernise more quickly and more effortlessly than others.3 The aim of this book is to answer these questions.