Topography of Byzantine Constantinople
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Χρονολόγηση Γεωγραφικός Εντοπισμός Great Palace In
IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Westbrook Nigel (21/12/2007) Για παραπομπή : Westbrook Nigel , "Great Palace in Constantinople", 2007, Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Κωνσταντινούπολη URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=12205> Great Palace in Constantinople Περίληψη : The Great Palace of the byzantine emperors was the first imperial palace in Constantinople. It was founded as such, supposedly by Constantine the Great, in his newly founded capital. It remained the primary imperial palace in Constantinople up to and beyond the reign of emperor Constantine VII (913-959), in whose Book of Ceremonies its halls are named. Χρονολόγηση 4th-10th c. Γεωγραφικός εντοπισμός Constantinople, Istanbul 1. Introduction The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors in Constantinople was the ceremonial heart of the Byzantine Empire for a millennium, and occupied a site that is now recognized as a World Heritage precinct [Fig. 1].1 The Great Palace has a high cultural and historical significance, exerting a significant influence on both Western European and Levantine palatine architecture, and forming a link between Imperial Roman and medieval palaces. It is, nonetheless, only partially understood. Its remains are largely buried under later structures, notably the Sultan Ahmet Mosque, and can only be interpreted through texts and old representations. 2. The Upper Palace, including the Daphne Palace The oldest portion of the Great Palace, the Palace of Daphne, built by Constantine the Great and his successors in the 4th and 5th centuries, was a complex that is thought to have occupied the site upon which the Sultan Ahmet, or Blue, Mosque now stands. Its immediate context comprised: the Hippodrome and adjacent palaces; the Baths of Zeuxippos; the Imperial forum or Augustaion, where Justinian I erected his equestrian statue on a monumental column in the 6th century; the churches of St. -
Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium'
H-War Brown on Harris, 'Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium' Review published on Thursday, November 19, 2020 Jonathan Harris. Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017. ix + 288 pp. $29.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4742-5464-9. Reviewed by Amelia Brown (University of Queensland) Published on H-War (November, 2020) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=53285 Jonathan Harris’s Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium is a good general introduction to the history of this important medieval city. It is aimed at students but is also suitable for the general reader who wants to know more about Constantinople’s history, monuments, and significance. Eight chapters illuminate the city thematically from its fourth-century refoundation through its twelfth-century heyday. Another four chapters cover “The Latin interlude” and the city after the Crusader sack of 1204 up to “today” in a briefer way. There follow appendices (a time line and list of emperors), endnotes with primary and secondary citations in author-date format, a further reading list (books and online), a bibliography of primary and secondary sources, and an index. Twelve brief text boxes, four maps, and twenty small black-and-white illustrations are scattered unevenly throughout the book. This is a revised and expanded version of a 2007 first edition. Harris does not assume knowledge of Greek language, Byzantine history, or modern Istanbul but gives a coherent and accessible introduction to Constantinople. A summary of the chapters and a note on a few typographical errors are given in this review. -
The Role of the Icon in Byzantine Piety by LENNART RYDEN
The Role of the Icon in Byzantine Piety By LENNART RYDEN In February 754, the bishops of the Byzantine Empire met in the imperial palace at Hiereia, a peninsula on the Asiatic side of the Sea of Marmora, not far from Chalcedon. The council had been convened by the Emperor Constantine V (741-75), who wanted the bishops to examine the scriptures and express their opinion on the "deceitful painting of likenesses, which draws away the human mind from the service which is sublime and befits the Divinity to the grovelling and material service of creatures"1. As the phrasing shows, the assembled bishops were not expected to discuss whether the making of icons2 was justified or not. The emperor had already examined this question and found that there was no such justification. The purpose of the council was rather to remove unorthodox elements from the emperor's argument, to give it a theological finish and to put it into a historical context. The proceedings lasted six months. In August a horos (definition) was approved, which may be summarized as follows3. In order to separate man from God, Lucifer made man worship the crea- ture rather than the Creator (cf. Rom. i,25). God, who wanted to save man, sent him the Law and the prophets. When man failed to return to his former state, God at last sent His own Son and Logos. Christ saved man from idolatry and taught him to worship in spirit and truth (cf. John iv ,24). The Christian apostles and teachers passed on the true faith to later generations. -
Byzantium's Balkan Frontier
This page intentionally left blank Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier is the first narrative history in English of the northern Balkans in the tenth to twelfth centuries. Where pre- vious histories have been concerned principally with the medieval history of distinct and autonomous Balkan nations, this study regards Byzantine political authority as a unifying factor in the various lands which formed the empire’s frontier in the north and west. It takes as its central concern Byzantine relations with all Slavic and non-Slavic peoples – including the Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians and Hungarians – in and beyond the Balkan Peninsula, and explores in detail imperial responses, first to the migrations of nomadic peoples, and subsequently to the expansion of Latin Christendom. It also examines the changing conception of the frontier in Byzantine thought and literature through the middle Byzantine period. is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, Keble College, Oxford BYZANTIUM’S BALKAN FRONTIER A Political Study of the Northern Balkans, – PAUL STEPHENSON British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow Keble College, Oxford The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © Paul Stephenson 2004 First published in printed format 2000 ISBN 0-511-03402-4 eBook (Adobe Reader) ISBN 0-521-77017-3 hardback Contents List ofmaps and figurespagevi Prefacevii A note on citation and transliterationix List ofabbreviationsxi Introduction .Bulgaria and beyond:the Northern Balkans (c.–) .The Byzantine occupation ofBulgaria (–) .Northern nomads (–) .Southern Slavs (–) .The rise ofthe west,I:Normans and Crusaders (–) . -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
Arcadius 8; (Column
index INDEX 319 Arcadius 8; (column of) 184 Balat 213–14 Archaeological Museum 93ff Baldwin, Count of Flanders 15 Argonauts, myth of 259, 263, 276 Balıklı Kilisesi 197–98 Major references, in cases where many are listed, are given in bold. Numbers in italics Armenian, Armenians 25, 189, 192, Balkapanı Han 132 are picture references. 193, 241–42, 258, 278; (Cemetery) Baltalimanı 258 268; (Patriarchate) 192 Balyan family of architects 34, 161, 193; Arnavutköy 255 (burial place of) 268 A Alexander, emperor 67 Arsenal (see Tersane) Balyan, Karabet 34, 247 Abdülaziz, sultan 23, 72, 215, 251; Alexander the Great 7; (sculptures of) 96 Ashkenazi Synagogue 228 Balyan, Kirkor 34, 234 (burial place of) 117 Alexander Sarcophagus 94, 95 Astronomer, office of 42 Balyan, Nikoğos 34, 246, 247, 249, Abdülhamit I, sultan 23, 118; (burial Alexius I, emperor 13, 282 At Meydanı (see Hippodrome) 252, 255, 274, 275 place of) 43 Alexius II, emperor 14 Atatürk 24, 42, 146, 237, 248; Balyan, Sarkis 34, 83, 247, 258, 272, Abdülhamit II, sultan 23, 251, 252, Alexius III, emperor 14 (Cultural Centre) 242; (Museum) 243; 267 278; (burial place of) 117 Alexius IV, emperor 15 (statue of) 103 Bank, Ottoman 227 Abdülmecit I, sultan 71, 93, 161, 164, Alexius V, emperor 15 Atik Ali Pasha 171; (mosque of) 119 Barbarossa, pirate and admiral 152, 247; (burial place of) 162 Ali Pasha of Çorlu, külliye of 119–20 Atik Mustafa Paşa Camii 216 250, 250; (burial place of) 250; Abdülmecit II, last caliph 24 Ali Sufi, calligrapher 157, 158 Atik Sinan, architect 130, 155, 212; (ensign -
Costantino Da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1
EUGENIO RUSSO Costantino da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1 Abstract Constantine was a Christian. Of that there can be no doubt. The surviving signs of paganism visible in Constantine are rather the result of his education and culture. They in no way whatsoever constitute evidence for the continu- ing imperial worship of pagan divinities in the Constantinian period. Examination of the literary sources and ar- chaeological remains allows us to conclude that it is possible to recognize traces of the former Byzantium of Sep- timius Severus in the archaeological sites of the Strategion and a building beneath the Baths of Zeuxippos. In AD 324-330, the city on the Bosporus underwent a radical revolution: the city of Constantine went beyond the walls of the third century AD and it expanded to the west along the east-west axis. The previous city within the third- century walls was completely undermined in its north-south and east-west axes; there arose a new diagonal axis running northeast/southwest, which departed from the column of the Goths and arrived at the Augustaion, at the Hippodrome, and at the Palace (all Constantinian constructions, with St. Irene included). The centre of power (Palace-Hippodrome) was intimately linked to the Christian pole (St. Irene as the first cathedral and the pre- Justinianic St. Sophia that lay on the same axis and even closer to the Palace). According to the Chronicon Pas- chale, the church of St. Sophia was founded by Constantine in AD 326. The emperor deliberately abandoned the acropolis of Byzantium, and Byzantium was absorbed by the new city and obliterated by the new diagonal axis. -
The Jewish Presence in Cyprus Before Ad 70
SCRIPTA JUDAICA CRACOVIENSIA * Vol. 7 Kraków 2009 Zdzisław J. Kapera THE JEWISH PRESENCE IN CYPRUS BEFORE AD 70 In the time of Sergius Paulus (Acts 13, 7), Cyprus was inhabited by indigenous Cypriots, Greeks (from Greece and Egypt), Phoenicians, some Romans (few in comparison with other groups), and a large community of Jews. What is surprising is the almost total absence of Greek (or Aramaic) synagogue inscriptions, especially since we know from the Acts of the Apostles and other sources that a substantial group of people of Jewish origin was living on the island.1 G. Hill2 and T. B. Mitford3 suggested some decades ago that the first Jews settled in Cyprus in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. According to the Talmudic sources, they were very probably obliged to supply wine annually for the services in the Jerusalem Temple.4 However, today we are able to date the first Jewish settlers as early as the fourth century BC. Found in ancient Kition were three Phoenician inscriptions with evidently Jewish names: Haggai, son of Azariah, and Asaphyahu.5 Commercial contacts are later confirmed by finds of Hasmonaean coins in Nea Paphos.6 The first epigraphical proof is provided by a Greek inscription from Kourion of a late Hellenistic date, where a Jew named Onias is mentioned.7 The next attestation of Jews, also of the late Hellenistic or early Roman period, comes from a text dealing with permanent habitation of Jews in Amathus. According to Mitford the text seems to concern “the construction in cedar wood of the doorway of a synagogue” in that city.8 If the Jews built a synagogue, they had a community there. -
Iconoclasm: a Christian Dilemma
ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY By STEPHEN CHARLES STEACY •• Bachelor of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1969 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS December, 1978 ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY Thesis Approved: '. ~- Dean of the Graduate College 1019541 ii P~F~E This thesis is concerned with Iconoclasm, the religious upheaval which troubled the Byzantine conscience for over a century. There have been numerous theories adduced by his torians to account for this phenomenon. It is the purpose of this study to view the varying interpretations, analyze their shortcomings, and to put forth a different view of the controversy, one that more adequately expresses the deeply rooted religious nature of the movement, a movement not only of the eighth and ninth centuries but an idea which was nurtured in fertile soil of the Old Testament and Apostolic Christianity. The author wishes to express heartfelt appreciation to his thesis adviser, Dr. George Jewsbury, whose unflagging solicitude, support, and inspiration were instrumental in the preparation of this work. A note of thanks is given to Mrs. Karen Hoyer, whose typing expertise, in the final analysis, made the difference between success and failure. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY 1 II. THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL COURSES OF THE CONTROVERSY. • • . • . • • . • . 13 Genesis of the Cult of Icons .•.• 13 The Scriptures as the Foundation of Iconoclasm. 26 Precursors of ·the Iconoclast Movement . 30 Origen . 31 Eusebius . -
Byzanz Zwischen Orient Und Okzident 6 (Mainz 2017)
J. Riley Snyder Exploiting the Landscape: Quantifying the Material Resources Used in the Construction of the Long-distance Water Supply of Con stantinople For the new eastern capital city of Constantinople to meet ancient world. As will be discussed below, this comparison the needs of its growing populace in the 4th century, the confi rms that, in order to sustain its population, the Water urban infrastructure was bolstered by large projects, many Supply of Constantinople stretched much further into the rivalling the scale and intricacy of those undertaken during hinterland than that of any other water supply in the ancient the height of Imperial Rome. A prime example of this is the world. While a measure of distance tells of the successes of extensive channel network of the 4th and 5th centuries, built a highly organised administration and workforce as well as in the hinterland of Constantinople to supply fresh water to the city’s great investment in distant natural water sources, so the city from springs hundreds of kilometres away (fi g. 1). much more can be derived from the structure itself. Important questions pertaining to construction organisation derive from the fact that, within these two centuries, Con- stantinople was provided the necessary infrastructure of a History booming metropolis, including the completion of the longest water supply system of the Roman World. Constantinople was poorly situated for natural fresh water What were the material requirements for constructing sources such as wells, springs and streams creating a need for such a long water supply system? How do these require- water from the hinterland 2 . -
I Ntroduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-77257-0 - Byzantine Monuments of Istanbul John Freely and Ahmet S. Cakmak Excerpt More information _ I NTRODUCTION his is the story of the Byzantine monuments of Istanbul, the city known to Tthe Greeks as Constantinople, the ancient Byzantium. Constantinople was, for more than a thousand years, capital of the Byzantine Empire, which in its earlier period, from the fourth to the sixth century,was synonomous with the Roman Empire. During those centuries, the religion of the empire changed from pagan to Christian and its language from Latin to Greek, giving rise to the cul- ture that in later times was called Byzantine, from the ancient name of its capital. As the great churchman Gennadius was to say in the mid-fifteenth century,when the empire had come to an end,“Though I am a Hellene by speech yet I would never say that I was a Hellene, for I do not believe as Hellenes believe. I should like to take my name from my faith, and if anyone asks me what I am, I answer, ‘A Christian.’Though my father dwelt in Thessaly, I do not call myself a Thes- salian, but a Byzantine, for I am of Byzantium.”1 The surviving Byzantine monuments of Istanbul include more than a score of churches, most notably Hagia Sophia. Other extant monuments include the great land walls of the city and fragments of its sea walls; the remains of two or three palaces; a fortified port; three commemorative columns and the base of a fourth; two huge subterranean cisterns and several smaller ones; three enormous reservoirs; an aqueduct; a number of fragmentary ruins; and part of the Hippo- drome, the city’s oldest monument and the only one that can surely be assigned to ancient Byzantium. -
Houses, Streets and Shops in Byzantine Constantinople from the fifth to the Twelfth Centuries K.R
Journal of Medieval History 30 (2004) 83–107 www.elsevier.com/locate/jmedhist Houses, streets and shops in Byzantine Constantinople from the fifth to the twelfth centuries K.R. Dark à Research Centre for Late Antique and Byzantine Studies, The University of Reading, Humanities and Social Sciences Building, Whiteknights, Reading RG6 6AA, UK Abstract This paper presents an analysis and reinterpretation of current evidence for houses, streets and shops in fifth- to twelfth-century Byzantine Constantinople, focussing on archaeological evidence. Previously unidentified townhouses and residential blocks are located. These show greater similarities to Roman-period domestic architecture than might be expected. Changes in the architectural style may be related to social change in the seventh century. Berger’s reconstruction of the early Byzantine street plan is shown to be archaeologically untenable. This has implications for the identification of formal planning and the boundaries of urban districts in the Byzantine capital. The limited archaeological evidence for streets and shops is also discussed. # 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Byzantine; Constantinople; Houses; Shops; Streets; Archaeology; Cultural change 1. Introduction This paper aims to ask what archaeology can tell us about the houses, streets and shops of Byzantine Constantinople between the fifth and 12th centuries. Abundant textual sources exist for the political, ecclesiastical and intellectual history of the city, but these provide much less information about the everyday life of its inhabitants. One would suppose that archaeology ought to play a central role in elucidating these aspects of urban history, but this has not been the à E-mail address: [email protected] (K.R.