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WHITE NATIONALISM and IT's CHALLENGE to the AMERICAN RIGHT a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of A WHITE NATIONALISM AND IT’S CHALLENGE TO THE AMERICAN RIGHT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Government By Christopher J. Schorr, M.A. Washington, DC July 31, 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Christopher J. Schorr All Rights Reserved ii WHITE NATIONALISM AND IT’S CHALLENGE TO THE AMERICAN RIGHT Christopher J. Schorr, M.A. Dissertation Advisor: Michael A. Bailey, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The American Right is undergoing a profound transformation. President Trump’s nomination and subsequent election in 2016 appear to have solidified the Republican Party’s grasp on the loyalties of America’s white working-class. The president accomplished this feat, in part, by shifting the GOP towards populist and nationalist positions on key issues; however, he also made liberal use of racially charged rhetoric commonly referred to as “white identity politics.” This same period also saw the emergence of a new, explicitly white nationalist, alternative rightwing movement. The “Alt Right” is vehemently opposed not only to the conventional targets of white racists – e.g., people of color and Jews – but also to conservatism and to the nation’s civic nationalist identity. Though distinct, both events reflect the polarization of the American political system around white identity. The key driver of this trend appears to be demographic change – whites’ declining share of the population – however, important unanswered questions remain: What unites conservatism and white nationalism on “the Right” and what is the function of conservatism in this context? During the 2016 Republican Primary Election, why was it that appeals to white identity found greater or lesser resonance in some communities and with some iii voters? What besides demographic change – which is slow, on-going, and inevitable – accounts for the renewed salience of white identity? The risks posed by white nationalism to American society and to the American political system are substantial. This dissertation provides researchers and citizens with a richer understanding of white nationalism and of conservatism in the hopes that the mainstreaming of the former (its victory over the latter) can be averted. INDEX WORDS: White nationalism, Conservatism, Ideology, Ethnocentrism, Identity, Social Institutions, Political Behavior iv DEDICATION To my wife Aja, I couldn’t have done it without you. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation was unexpected. I was well underway writing on another subject when I found myself mesmerized by the circus-like 2016 Republican Party Primary and horrified by a strange and disturbing new movement calling itself the “Alternative Right.” The silver lining for me was that events had conspired to turn my attention towards a far more interesting and relevant subject – a fact for which I am grateful, though not nearly as grateful as I am to the many people in my life that have helped to make this dissertation possible. I want to thank my dissertation committee for their support throughout this process. I especially want to thank my committee chair Mike Bailey for his mentorship and patience. I am grateful to Jon Ladd for his technical assistance, particularly regarding survey design. I am likewise grateful to Hans Noel for his insights that made this project stronger. I want thank George Shambaugh, who I consider an honorary committee member for his generous feedback and encouragement. I thank Clyde Wilcox, Mark Rom, Diana Kapiszewski, Stephen Wayne, and Jim Lengle, for the many research opportunities that helped fund my studies. Georgetown’s Department of Government likewise has my gratitude for generously funding my education and research. I am grateful as well for Maria Snyder’s assistance with grant applications. I could not thank Paula Evans enough for her years of advocacy and tireless assistance. My PhD cohort also deserve recognition as an exceptional group of people and good friends throughout this long process. The same can be said of earlier and later arriving friends vi and colleagues. A special thanks is owed to the many such people who attended my presentations and workshops, to Angela Jenkins and David Myles who made such events possible, and to Alex Podkul who guided these events and who provided especially valuable feedback. I owe a debt of gratitude to the Institute for Humane Studies and to the Charles Koch Foundation for their generous contributions to my research. I am also grateful to the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research for trusting me with their data. Lastly, I want to thank my family whose love and support sustains me, quite literally – as in feeding me – in the case of my wife Aja who worked while I pursued this dissertation. She is my greatest advocate and my success is also hers. I am grateful for support from my parents and in-laws. In pursuing a PhD, I followed in my father’s footsteps and it is difficult to imagine having done so without the benefit of his council. Finally, I thank my children Austin and Emma who support me simply by being who they are thereby filling my life with joy. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 Introduction . 1 1.1 Plan of the Dissertation . 5 2 Conservatism, White Nationalism, and the Paradox of Rightwing Politics . 8 2.1 Introduction . 8 2.2 Literature Review . 11 2.2.1 American Conservatism . 11 2.2.2 White Nationalism . 12 2.2.3 The Problem of Race in Conservative Politics . 16 2.2.4 Ingroup Prejudice and Identification . 21 2.3 Theory . 27 2.4 Data and Methods . 33 2.5 Findings . 39 2.5.1 American and White Tribes . 39 2.5.2 The General Character of Tribalism . 40 2.5.3 Conservatism: The Ally of the American Tribe . 42 2.5.4 Robustness: What is Conservative Identification? . 51 2.6 Minority Tribalism? . 59 2.7 Conclusion . 64 3 Nothing Left to Conserve: Rightwing Politics amid Social-institutional Decline . 67 3.1 Introduction . 67 3.2 The “White Working Class” . 73 3.3 Social-institutional Decline . 74 3.3.1 Social Dysfunction . 74 3.3.2 Social Capital . 77 3.4 The Appeal of Donald Trump . 79 3.5 Data and Methods . 81 3.6 Findings . 86 3.6.1 Communities . 86 3.6.2 Robustness . 95 3.6.3 Individuals . 98 3.7 Conclusion . 105 4 White-lash: How Talking About Race Polarizes Whites . 107 4.1 Introduction . 107 4.2 Literature Review . 110 4.2.1 White Identification . 110 viii 4.2.2 Racial Prejudice . 112 4.2.3 White Nationalism and the Alternative Right . 114 4.2.4 White Identity in Popular Media . 116 4.3 Theory . 120 4.4 Survey Experiment . 123 4.5 Methods . 126 4.6 Findings . 129 4.6.1 Prime 1 . 129 4.6.2 Prime 2 . 137 4.6.3 Prime 3 . 142 4.6.4 Support for President Trump . 147 4.7 Conclusion . 150 APPENDICES Appendix A: Supplemental Tables for Chapter 2 . 152 Appendix B: Supplemental Tables for Chapter 3 . 177 Robustness Checks: Rural Sorting . 181 Appendix C: Supplemental Tables for Chapter 4 . 198 Plausibility Probe: Online Search of White Identity Discourse . 198 Pre-treatment Questionnaire . 215 Survey Primes . 220 Post-treatment Questionnaire . 224 Data Sources . 297 References . 299 ix LIST OF FIGURES 2.1 White Ingroup and Outgroup Preference, by Ideology . 25 2.2 Feeling Thermometer “Warmth” Towards Whites and Blacks, 2016 . 26 2.3 Feeling Thermometer “Warmth” Towards Whites and Preference for Whites, 2016 . 27 2.4 White and American Tribalism: Ingroup Identification and Prejudice . 33 2.5 Mean Ethnocentrism and Agreement that “Minorities (Should) Adapt,” by White and American Identification . 40 2.6 Tribalism’s “General” Character: Identification and “Cross-tribal” Prejudice . 41 2.7 Mean Racial and National Prejudice, by Ideology . 43 2.8 Mean Importance of American and White Identities by Ideology, 2012 and 2016 . 44 2.9 95% CI Plot: American Identification Ordered Logit Regression Coefficients on White Identification by Ideology, 2012 and 2016 . 47 2.10 95% CI Plot: Prejudice Regression Coefficients (OLS and Ordered Logit) on Ingroup Identification by Ideology, 2012 and 2016 . 48 2.11 Group Evaluation Coefficients on American and White Identification: Self-identified “Conservative” Respondents, 2016 . 50 2.12 95% CI Plot: American Identification Regression Coefficients on Principal Components by White Identification, 2012 . 60 2.13 95% CI Plot: American Identification Regression Coefficients on Principal Components by White Identification, 2016 . 60 2.14 Mean Racial Identification by American Identification, 2012 and 2016 . 61 2.15 Mean Racial Prejudice by Racial and American Identification, 2012 and 2016 . 62 2.16 Mean National Prejudice by Racial and American Identification, 2016 . 62 3.1 Social Capital and Social Dysfunction in GOP Primary Counties . 94 4.1 Online Articles Critical of White Identity and Trends in White Identification, 2000-2016 . 120 4.2 “Critical” and “Anti-Critical” Discourse in Online Articles, 2000-2016 . 125 4.3 Interaction Effects: Prime 1 and Ideology on Concern for Whites’ Group Position . 131 4.4 Interaction Effects: Prime 1 and Ideology / White Identification on Measures of Identification Ingroup . 133 4.5 Interaction Effects: Prime 1 and Conservatism / White Identification on Measures of Ingroup Prejudice . 136 4.6 Interaction Effects: Prime 2 and Ideology / White Identification on Measures of Ingroup Identification . 138 4.7 Interaction Effects: Prime 2 and Ideology / White Identification on Measures of Ingroup Prejudice . 141 4.8 Interaction Effects: Prime 3 and Ideology / White Identification on Measures x of Ingroup Identification . 143 4.9 P1 and P3 Interactions with Ideology / White Identification on Measures of Ingroup Identification . 143 4.10 Interaction Effects: Prime 3 and Ideology / White Identification on Measures of Ingroup Prejudice . 145 4.11 Interaction Effects: Trump Support.
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