Ismail HANIYEH

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Sanction catalogue 170.106.35.76 27.09.2021 06:44:17 Ismail HANIYEH List Type Individual Gender Male List name SDN (OFAC) Programs (1) SDGT Names (9) Last name/Name HANIYEH First name/Name Ismail Full name/Name Ismail HANIYEH Type Name Last name/Name HANIYEH First name/Name Ismail Abdel Salam Ahmed Full name/Name Ismail Abdel Salam Ahmed HANIYEH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYYAH First name/Name Ismail Full name/Name Ismail HANIYYAH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYAH First name/Name Ismael Full name/Name Ismael HANIYAH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYEH First name/Name Ismayil Full name/Name Ismayil HANIYEH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIEH First name/Name Ismail Full name/Name Ismail HANIEH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYA First name/Name Ismail Full name/Name Ismail HANIYA Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYAH First name/Name Ismail Full name/Name Ismail HANIYAH Type Alias Quality Strong Last name/Name HANIYA First name/Name Ismael Full name/Name Ismael HANIYA Type Alias Quality Strong Birth data (2) Birthdate 1962 Place Shati refugee camp, Gaza Strip Country Palestinian territories Updated: 27.09.2021. 05:15 The Sanction catalog includes Latvian, United Nations, European Union, United Kingdom and Oﬃce of Foreign Assets Control subjects included in sanction list. © Lursoft IT 1997-2021 Lursoft is the re-user of information from the Enterprise Register of Latvia. The user is obliged to observe the Copyright law, Personal Data Processing Law requirements and Terms of Use of the Lursoft system. The user is forbidden to use any automatic systems or equipment (robots) in order to access the system without a written approval from Lursoft. The information in the databases is of informative nature and it has no legal power. Lursoft does not bear any responsibility for actions or decisions that are based on the service provided..

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Critical Policy Brief Number 4/2021
Critical Policy Brief Number 4/2021 The challenges that forced the Fatah movement to postpone the general elections Ala’a Lahlouh and Waleed Ladadweh Strategic Analysis Unit July 2021 Alaa Lahluh: Researcher at the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, holds a master’s degree in contemporary Arab studies from Birzeit University, graduated in 2003. He has many research activities in the areas of democratic transformation, accountability and integrity in the security sector and the Palestinian national movement and participated in preparing the Palestine Report on the Arab Security Scale and a report on The State of Reform in the Arab World "The Arab Democracy Barometer" ". Among his publications is "Youth Participation in the Local Authorities Elections 2017", Bethlehem, Student Forum, December 2019, under publication, and “The Problem of Distributing Military Ranks to Workers in the Palestinian Security Forces”, The Civil Forum for Enhancing Good Governance in the Security Sector, November 2019, and “The Migration of Palestinian Christians: Risks and Threats", Ramallah, Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, 2019, under publication. Walid Ladadweh: Master of Arts in Sociology and Head of the Survey Research Unit at the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (Ramallah, Palestine) and a member of the Advisory Council for Palestinian Statistics from 2005-2008. He completed his master’s studies at Birzeit University in Palestine in 2003. He also completed several training courses in the field of research, the last of which was training courses at the University of Michigan in the United States on survey research techniques in 2010. He supervised more than 70 opinion polls in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and has vast experience in providing proposals, writing reports, preparing, and presenting educational materials, managing field work, and analyzing data using various analysis programs.
[Show full text]
Reviving the Stalled Reconstruction of Gaza
Policy Briefing August 2017 Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Still in ruins: Reviving the stalled reconstruction of Gaza Sultan Barakat and Firas Masri1 INTRODUCTION Israelis and Palestinians seems out of reach, the humanitarian problems posed by the Three years have passed since the conclusion substandard living conditions in Gaza require of the latest military assault on the Gaza Strip. the attention of international actors associated Most of the Palestinian enclave still lies in ruin. with the peace process. If the living conditions Many Gazans continue to lack permanent in Gaza do not improve in the near future, the housing, living in shelters and other forms of region will inevitably experience another round temporary accommodation.
[Show full text]
Con Qué Derechos Estamos Seguras Palestina Tiene Nombre De Mujer
8 Mundubat es una ONGD 7 comprometida con el El presente volumen trata Nº 8 Nº7 cambio social. Entiende la de la realidad del pueblo Cooperación y la Educación palestino desde el punto Palestina tiene nombre de mujer para el Desarrollo como de vista de las mujeres. herramientas válidas par Una realidad marcada por Isaías Barreñada. Politólogo. Experto en mundo árabe. el impulso de procesos el conflicto que se vive por orientados hacia ese Juani Rishmawi. Coordinadora de Proyectos en español H.W.C. necesario cambio, tanto en más de 40 años y que tiene el escenario global como en su comienzo con la ocupación Lidon Soriano. CC. de la Educación Física y el Deporte. Universidad Camilo José Cela. Madrid. Miembro de Komite Internazionalistak el local. Así entendida, y colonización por parte de nuestra solidaridad está Israel de los territorios Teresa Aranguren. Periodista y escritora interesada en reflexionar palestinos. Este libro está Leila Al-Safadi. Jefa de redacción del diario Baniyas en el Golán. sobre todos los aspectos que dividido en dos partes: una configuran el mundo en que Khawla Al Azraq. Directora de Psychosocial Counselling Center for Women. primera de reflexiones vivimos: la política y la sociopolíticas, y una segunda Khitam Saafin. Ramala. Union of Palestinian Women Committees (UPWC). economía, la guerra y la paz, lo público y lo privado, compuesta de testimonios. Lana Khalid. Comunidad de Jayyous, región de Qalquilya. la diversidad de culturas, Estos últimos nos presentan María Rishamawi. Estudiante de Derecho. Universidad de Alcalá (Madrid) las relaciones de género... cómo viven, cómo luchan El presente libro es el octavo y cómo se organizan Smad W.T.
[Show full text]
The Palestinians: Overview, 2021 Aid, and U.S. Policy Issues
Updated September 9, 2021 The Palestinians: Overview, Aid, and U.S. Policy Issues The Palestinians and their ongoing disputes and interactions million (roughly 44%) are refugees (registered in the West with Israel raise significant issues for U.S. policy (see “U.S. Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria) whose claims to Policy Issues and Aid” below). After a serious rupture in land in present-day Israel constitute a major issue of Israeli- U.S.-Palestinian relations during the Trump Administration, Palestinian dispute. The U.N. Relief and Works Agency for the Biden Administration has started reengaging with the Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is mandated Palestinian people and their leaders, and resuming some by the U.N. General Assembly to provide protection and economic development and humanitarian aid—with hopes essential services to these registered Palestinian refugees, of preserving the viability of a negotiated two-state including health care, education, and housing assistance. solution. In the aftermath of the May 2021 conflict International attention to the Palestinians’ situation involving Israel and Gaza, U.S. officials have announced additional aid (also see below) and other efforts to help with increased after Israel’s military gained control over the West Bank and Gaza in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Direct recovery and engage with the West Bank-based Palestinian U.S. engagement with Palestinians in the West Bank and Authority (PA), but near-term prospects for diplomatic progress toward Israeli-Palestinian peace reportedly remain Gaza dates from the establishment of the PA in 1994. For the past several years, other regional political and security dim.
[Show full text]
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 17, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world— including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance within the Palestinian Authority (PA). Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development amid concern for preventing the funds from benefitting Palestinian rejectionists who advocate violence against Israelis. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. Following Hamas’s takeover of Gaza in June 2007, the United States and the other members of the international Quartet (the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia) have sought to bolster the West Bank-based PA, led by President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.
[Show full text]
Palestine Before the Elections
Poll No. 97 | April 2021 Poll No. 97 April 2021 Palestine before the elections 1 Poll No. 97 | April 2021 Barghouthi ahead of Abu Mazen in presidential race while Fatah ahead of Hamas in PLC race Ramallah – Results of the most recent public opinion poll conducted by the Jerusalem Media and Communication Center (JMCC) in cooperation with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung showed imprisoned Marwan Barghouthi holds an advantage over President Abu Mazen if presidential elections are held as long as runners in the elections are limited to these two candidates, alongside Ismail Haniyeh. The results of the poll, which was held between April 3 and 13, showed that 33.5% of respondents would vote for Marwan Barghouthi while 24.5% would vote for Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen), 10.5% would vote for Ismail Haniyeh and 31.5% said they still had no answer. Meanwhile, 60.2% said they supported the idea of Marwan Barghouthi running for president, while 19.3% said they did not support the idea. Importance of holding elections The majority of respondents, 79.2%, said it was important to hold legislative elections in Palestine as opposed to 14.3% who said it was not important. Nonetheless, the biggest majority, 44.4% said they believed the declared elections would be postponed, as opposed to 38.6% who said they expected them to be held on time. Regarding the integrity of the upcoming elections, 28.4% responded they believed they would be fair while 35.2% said they would be somewhat fair and 27.1% said they did not think they would be fair at all.
[Show full text]
Last Call for Gaza? Proposing an Alternative to Israeli-Palestinian “Conflict Management” by Dror Shalom
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3527 Last Call for Gaza? Proposing an Alternative to Israeli-Palestinian “Conflict Management” by Dror Shalom Aug 30, 2021 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dror Shalom Brig. Gen. Dror Shalom, IDF, is a visiting military fellow with The Washington Institute. From 2016 to 2020, he served as head of the Research and Analysis Division for Israeli Defense Intelligence. Brief Analysis With Iran looming ever larger as Israel’s top security priority, the window for breaking the dangerous cycle of ceasefire and conflagration with the Palestinians may be closing—unless all of the actors are willing to throw their weight behind a fresh “4x4” strategy. hen Israel and Hamas announced a provisional ceasefire in May after two weeks of fighting, the news fell W on the same day that Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif publicly extolled the progress being made in the ongoing nuclear negotiations with the West. The symbolism of this simultaneous announcement was not lost on veterans of Israeli Defense Intelligence, where I headed the Research and Analysis Division until last year. Whenever personnel in this division are asked to define the threat to Israel as concisely as possible, they are prone to saying “It’s all about Iran.” In the department’s lengthier strategic assessments, however, this simplified answer has long included a crucial caveat—that Israeli national security interests make it impossible to define Iran as the sole top-priority issue while marginalizing the Palestinian issue. In this sense, the latest Gaza confrontation constituted a wake-up call—perhaps the last one—for those who wish to focus even more intently on Iranian threats while pushing the Palestinian issue off the agenda.
[Show full text]
A “New Hamas” Through Its New Documents
A “NEW HAMAS” THROUGH ITS NEW DOCUMENTS 1 KHALED HROUB Since Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections in January 2006, its political positions as presented in the Western media hark back to its 1988 charter, with almost no reference to its considerable evolution under the impact of political developments. The present article analyzes (with long verbatim extracts) three recent key Hamas documents: its fall 2005 electoral platform, its draft program for a coalition government, and its cabinet platform as presented on 27 March 2006. Analysis of the documents reveals not only a strong programmatic and, indeed, state building emphasis, but also considerable nuance in its positions with regard to resistance and a two-state solution. The article pays particular attention to the sectarian content of the documents, finding a progressive de-emphasis on religion in the three. SINCE ITS EMERGENCE in the late 1980s, perhaps the most important turning point in Hamas’s political life has been its unexpected victory in the January 2006 Palestinian Council (PC) elections in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Overnight, it was transformed from an opposition movement that had no part in the “national” governing structure to a party called upon to govern. Inevitably, the realities and challenges brought about by this new circumstance could only accelerate a shift in the movement’s thinking and practice, a shift already signaled by its very decision to participate in the elections. From its establishment, Hamas had steadfastly refused to run in any national elections, either for PC or for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority (PA).
[Show full text]
Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice
Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper Number 25, March 2019 Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice Mia Swart PALESTINIAN RECONCILIATION AND THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE Mia Swart The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2019 Brookings Institution THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Table of Contents I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ..........................................................................................................3 III. Background on the Rift Between Fatah and Hamas ...............................................7 IV. The Concept
[Show full text]
The Importance of What Was Not in Hamas's New Political Document
The Importance of What Was Not In Hamas's New Political Document Jerome M. Segal [Published in Arabic in Al Quds June 2, 2017] Hamas's new political document, with its ambiguous statement that "Hamas considers the establishment of a fully sovereign and independent Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as its capital along the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with the return of the refugees. to be a formula of national consensus" has generated a flood of conflicting interpretations. In many ways it resembles statements that came from the PLO in the years prior to the historic compromise of 1988. Such statements can be read it in multiple ways. Efforts to say what they "really" mean, brings to mind the story of the three blind men, each trying to describe an elephant. The first, feeling the elephant's trunk says it is like a garden hose. The second, feeling its tail, says it is more like a snake. And the third, feeling its legs, says it is much like a tree. In truth, no one knows the real meaning of the Hamas document, not even those conflicting parties who participated in drafting the compromise document. Its real meaning will emerge only in the future, through the interaction between Hamas and the document's multiple audiences: Palestinian, Israeli, American, Iranian and Arab states. There is however, an enormously important issue that has thus far not been commented upon, an element that was left out of the document, yet was the most important step Hamas has taken to position itself as capable of living with an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement.
[Show full text]
Poll املركز الفلسطيين للبحوث السياسية واملسحية Palestinian Center for POLICY and SURVEY RESEARCH
Poll املركز الفلسطيين للبحوث السياسية واملسحية Palestinian Center for POLICY and SURVEY RESEARCH s Survey Research Unit 15 June 2021 The Palestinian Center for Policy and Press Release Survey Research (PSR) is an independent Public Opinion Poll No (80) nonprofit institution and think tank of policy analysis and academic research. PSR was A semi-consensus that Hamas has won the May 2021 founded with the goal of advancing scholarship and knowledge on immediate issues of concern confrontation with Israel triggers a paradigm shift in public to Palestinians in three areas: domestic politics attitudes against the PA and its leadership and in favor of Hamas and government, strategic analysis and foreign and armed struggle; moreover, a two-third majority rejects the PA policy, and public opinion polls and survey research. The center engages in several decision to postpone the elections, 70% demand forcing activities. It conducts academic and policy legislative and presidential elections on Israel, and the majority analysis studies. It organizes socio-political says Hamas, not Fatah under Abbas, deserve to represent and surveys and public opinion polls on current Palestinian political and social attitudes. It lead the Palestinian people sponsors study groups and task forces on issues 9-12 June 2021 of critical importance to the Palestinians. Finally, it organizes conferences, public lectures, and briefings on current public policy issues. PSR is dedicated to promoting objective These are the results of the latest poll conducted by the Palestinian Center and nonpartisan research and analysis and to for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip encouraging a better understanding of between 9-12 June 2021.
[Show full text]
Lausanne Debate in Historic Visit Turkish President Decries Greece’S Muslim Minority Being Blocked from Electing Their Chief Muftis, in Treaty Violation
Economy>> Turkey>> Sports >> Turkish tachograph poised for ripe Turkey’s Hidrellez spring festival Putin: Russian athletes may EU-based market added to UNESCO list compete individually YEARS WEATHER / ANKARA Friday, December 8, 2017 Friday Partly Cloudy 4 °C A new Intifada? Anadolu Agency Photo By Mostafa Alkharouf Mostafa By Photo Anadolu Agency ‘Trump sets region ablaze’: Erdogan US president’s declaration aims to stir up the region, not bring peace, says Turkey’s president ANKARA - U.S. President stance is it?” Recep Tayyip Donald Trump’s decision Erdogan said on Thursday, to recognize Jerusalem as at Esenboga Airport in Israel’s capital has set the the capital Ankara, before region ablaze, said Turkey’s leaving for a visit to Greece. president. Political leaders should work “Taking such a step throws to bring peace, not stir things particularly this region into a up, he added. ring of fire. What would you Calling Jerusalem “also a like to do [with this step], sanctuary for Christians,” Mr. Trump? What kind of Erdogan added that... MORE DETAILS Anadolu Agency Photo By Ali Jadallah By Photo Anadolu Agency 30 years of resistance Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh calls for new Intifada after US president’s Since 1987, Palestinians have taken part in at least three announcement recognizing Jerusalem an Israel’s capital major uprisings against Israeli occupation ANKARA - The first protests transformed into an Palestinian people to take to the streets the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv despite Palestinian Intifada erupted organized campaign of civil ANKARA - Hamas on Thursday called in late 1987 when an Israeli disobedience -- and armed for a new Palestinian Intifada in the on Friday to launch a new Intifada with a widespread international opposition.
[Show full text]