Tim11ridHerat

by Terry Allen

WIESBADEN 1983 DR. LUDWIG R EICH E RT VERLAG Cll'-Kurztitelauf11.d1me der lkt1tsd1rn Bil,/iothck

Allen, Terry: Timurid I lcr,1t hy Terry ,\//en. - \Vicsh.1clcn : Rc·icl1,·:t, llJS.l. (lkihdtc zurn Tubingcr Atl,ts des \'"rdcrcn Orients. Reihe II, Cei,rcswiss. ; Nr. 5G) ISBN 3-~822i'i-175-0 NE: Tiihingcr ,\tlas des Vorucrrn Orients I Bcihcftc, B

CO 1983 Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag \Viesb;idcn rhcit ist i111Sondcrforschungsbereich 19, Tiibingen, cnrstanden und wurde auf seine ;sung linter Vcrwcndung dcr il;m von der Deutschen Forsdrnngsgcmeinschafi zur Vcrfiigung gestelltcn Mittcl gcdr.uckr.. Cesamthcrstcllung: Hubert & Co., (;oningen · Printed in Cermany Contents

Preface ...... 7

Note on Transliteration, Transcr-i-ption, and Dates 10

Landsc:.1pe :.1nd History 11

Chronology of Development 17

Society and Economics . 36

The Timurids and Herat 46

Appendix: Sources ... -r- -- 56

'HanJlist of Toponyms and Mo11u111e11ts. 63

Bibliography 82

Figures 93

I I .. II "The whole habitable world has not such a town as Herat haJ become under Sultan Husayn l\firza, whose orJers and efforts had incrcascJ its splendor and beauty as ten to one, rather, as twenty to one."

Zahir al-Din Mu~ammad Babur, 1506 1

"From (the] Musella [sic] extensive ruins stretch away for a considerable distance to the [no,thwest], skirting the foot of the mountains-the remains of mosques, sepulchres, baths, and other public eJifices. The tombs, which are in great numbers, are held in much veneration by the Heratians. Some of them are of immense proportions; others arc only great heaps of stones, or rough masonry, at the top of which a long pole is fixeJ surmounted by a ragged piece of linen for a flag, a signal that some sainted rnollah is there interred." J.P. Ferrier, 1845 2

"The city itself is, I should imagine, one of the dirtiest in the world. Many of the small strec!s, which branch from the main ones, arc built over, and form low dark tunnels, containing every offensive thing. No drains having been contrived to carry off the rain whi~h falls within the walls, it collects and stagnates in ponds which arc dug in Jiffercnt parts of the city. The residents cast out the refuse of their houses into the streets, and dead cats and dogs are commonly seen lying upon heaps of the vilest filth. In a street which we were obliged to pass through to get at the bazaar lay for many days a. dead horse, surrounded by bloated dogs, and poisoning the neighbourhood with its w1- wholcsome effluvia. !v1orc could be said about the bestiality of the citizens, but, as it is not a choice theme, I will not enlarge upon it.''

Arthur Conolly, 1830 3

1 B;ibor, trans., p. 300 (slightly emended). 2 Ferrier, pp. 179-80. 3 A. Conolly, v. 2, pp.3-4. • Preface Ir has been nearly five centuries since rhe lasr descrndanrs of T1mLir fled rhe • oasis ciry of Heriir, in western Afghanistan. They ldr behinJ rhem a capital rhar had been rhe center of poliric1I, financial, inrellecrual, and culrural life in • rhe eastern Islamic world since rhe sulranare of TimC1r's son giih Rob began . When Biibor, rhe emperor-to-be of India, came ro Hcriir rhe Ozbek invasion of 1507 and rhe Timurid ahandonment of rhe city were only seven months in • the future. Soltiin Hosein, a great-great-grandson of TimCir, had died just six month before, after a reign of thirty-eight years. The Herat that Biibor saw • and praised was largely a Timurid creation. Siih Rob, Solriin Hosein, and several less famed Soltiins restored pub.lie buildings, exrended biiziirs, dug 11ew canals, built religious shrines-and schools, and covered vast tracts of land • with grandiose estates enclosing elegant palaces. Heriit's TimuriJ form domi­ nated its shape until a half century ago, despite the city's progressive disinte­ • gration. Only a pitifol remnant of Timurid Hcriit has survived the successive depreda­ • tions of every power that has controlled the city since 1507. The low point / J came in the early 19th century, as Conolly's observations vividly suggest. By •• 1838 only six to seven thousand citizens were left within the square mud ,. walls of a city ravaged by a--year's siege. Even in the 1960's the population of rhe district that includes Her;it was estim;Hed ar only 86,000; 4 its growth certainly has been stopped by the present IZusso-Afghan war. While Timurid Heriit is a lost ciry, it cin be reconstructed in considerable det;1il, since in • many, and the most important, cases the location of monuments and even their plans and histories can be established. The "Musalla" area that Ferrier referred to has long been known to architectural historians, and outside the • city some of Ferrier's "extensive ruins" can still be seen, since the mounds formed by the collapse of Timurid palaces, colleges, and tombs have been • only partly effaced by modernization of the city's plan. This modernization has not extended to the customs remarked by Conolly: in the newly bid out streets of the gahr-e Nou fNew City), I observed the fixtures to be the same, • down to the dead horse.

-,' • 4 Nancy l·btch Dupree, A11 /Iistorfr,,f G11idt' to A(gl1.111i:;/,111,f..:,ihul, 1971, unp3ginatl'J. \X'hile II Afghan census figures historically have bl'ell exaggerJteJ, 86,0UtJ is credible if it is taken to inclu,lc the populatioii of the entire oasis. ; __-, --- 8 l'rcf.1cc

The Tirnurid rt1111sarc supplemented, for the purpose of historic1I topngra­ phy, by Timurid histories, biographic1! collections, citalogucs of the cin·".; religious monuments, .111dlegal documents that describe Hcrat, directly or in passing, from a local and contemporary point of view. From these sources, combined with 19th and 20th century maps and photographs, and ·obser\'J­ tions from my own visits in J 976, 1977, and 1978, I have constructed ;1 Catalogue of Toponyms and Monuments that deals with detailed topographic and historical matters. 5 The catalogue and map, however, contain only inar­ ticulate facts. This memoir is intended to set forth those facts in a compre­ hensible form and show how they can be understood by reference to Herat's urban history and cultural context. I am pleased to acknowledge my gratitude to the many persons who have given me their assistance, advice, and time during the years I have worked on - this study, which first appeared as lllf doctoral thesis. 6 Without the unstint­ ing intellectual and material support of Prof. Oleg Grabar and Dr. William Trousdale I would never have seen Herat, much less completed my investiga­ tion of it. Dr. Lisa Golombek, Prof. Renata Holod, and Mr. James Knudstad, too, have contributed systematically to my trnining as well as to my interpre­ tation of Herat. Whatever success this work enjoys is a result of their concern and insight. / My field work in 1978-79 was supported by a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship ;ind c1n International Doctoral Research Fellowship (administered by the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies). For information on particular points and for their more general advice and · help, I thank Dr. Michelle de Angelis, Dr. Margaret Feary, Prof. Richard Frye, Prof. Heinz Gaube, Mr. Robert Hamilton, Ms. Beatrice Manz, Dr. Maria Subtelny, and Prof. Wheeler Thackston, Jr. Mr. A.S. Cook and Ms. Lesley Hall of the India Office Library and Records and Mrs. Christine Kelly of the Royal Geographie:i!I Society were both generous and ingenious in help­ ing me to find archival material in London. For their moral and personal support I thank Dr. Max Klimburg, Prof. Deborah Klimburg-Salter, Dean Elizabeth Pattullo, Dr. Ralph Pinder-Wilson, Ms. Margaret Scvcenko, and Dr. Jon Summers, as well as my other friends and travelling companions in Afghanistan. Despite the wise advice .rnd liberal assistance offered by these

5 A Cata!ogJ1e of tlJe Topo11yms ,md !v10111m1e11tso/ Timurid l/erat, Agh:i Kh:in Program fnr Islamic Architecture, Harvard University ~nd the /Vl:issJc!iusctts Institute of Technology, C1111bridgc,Mass., 1981. 1' "TimuriJ-Hcrat;" Harvard University, 198 i:------_-_------=----~--~

Prdace 9

kinJ persons, bLime for the errors ,rnJ vag:ui:.:s perpetratt:J here must rest • entirely with me. In the following pages I h:1Ve concerneJ rnyst:lf solely with Herat, srepping wiJely around most comparisons with other cities. I have become familiar • with Herat to the point that I feel uneasy about my understanJing of cities I cannot know nearly so well. Continually I have been maJc aware of how the • basic outlines of Herat's site, ancient plan: and water system have affected every aspect of its development. \Xlhere a dry list of water-tax assessments, • for example, can be induced to yielJ evidence on a dozen distinct issues, it is clear that the idiosync~atic influence of location must be adjusted for before comparisons can be made'. If I have succeeded, the reader will be able to • make that adjustment for Herat; I am too close to the trees for a good per- • spective on the forest . Gregory, Michigan • August 1981 • • • • • 4 •i

Note on Transliteration, Transcrfption and Dates

The system of transcription of Arabic and Persian names employed here is that of the Tubinger Atlas des .Vorderen Orients. For ri1y own transliteration, see Allen, Catalogue. Dates, where not specified, are according to the lunar hijrah calendar (A.H. or L. H.; S. H. denotes the solar hijrah calendar). ft is i111practical to g1ve Julian equivalents for all hijrah dates. ft will be sufficient for the reader to remember that the year 800 A.H. began on 24 September 1397, and the year 900 A.H. began on 2 October 1494, the Islamic century being three years shorter than its Julian equivalent. Toponyms are identified by numbers keyed to the Catalogue of Toponyms I and Monuments, to the handlist, and to the map. •I :- • Note on Transliteration, Transcription and Dates

The system of transcription of Arabic and Persian names employed here is that of the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. For my own transliteration, see Allen, Catalogue. Dates, where not specified, are according to the lunar hijrah calendar (A.H.

I or L.H.; S.H. denotes the solar hijrah calendar). It is impractical to give 1 Julian equivalents for all hijrah dates. It will be sufficient for the reader to I remember that the year 800 A.H. began on 24 September 1397, and the year 900 A.H. began on 2 October 1494, the Islamic century being three years shorter than its Julian equivalent. Toponyms are identified by numbers keyed to the Catalogue of Toponyms and Monuments, to the handlist, and to the map.

1 .j Landscape and History

Founded by Lohrasp, Enlarged by Gostasp, Bahman rebuilt it, Alexander completed it. 7

Heriit lies in a broad bay along the valley of the Hari-Riid {Heriit-River), which springs irom the Hendii-Kus in central Afghanistan and drops straight west past Heriit to turn north and die in the sands of the Qariit Qom Desert. Like most cities in Central Asia and in its province, tJ.oriisan, Heriit is the center of a large oasis watered by a river that runs nowhere. Its location is determined neither by the demands of water transport nor by the simple availability of water, but by the course of overland routes across Asia and the possibility of irrigating a large tract of land. The knot of the Hendii-Kus is one of the greatest barriers to travel in Asia. Its western extension, the Paropamisus Range through which the Hari-Riid flows, is practically impassable east of Herat. Thus Heriit lies on the first north-south route through the mountains of Afghanistan west of Kabul. Travellers bound from northern Iran and Torkestan for Qandahar and India must choose to pass through either Kabul or Heriit. (A more southerly route, through Sisti.in or Balucestan, has never been used heavily.) Herat not only lies on the most easterly route across the Paropamisus Range, it also is set within the most easterly expanse of the Hari Rud valley that is large enough and flat enough to be irrigated easily. This fact is crucial, for Heriit's climate demands that crops be watered by man, not by nature. Hot though not unbearably so in the summer and just cold enough in winter for an occasional snowfall, the veliiyat (district) of Heriit has a long growing season but little rain. Dry farming is practical only for garnering the occa­ sional windfall of grass that a wet year may bring. The oasis is watered instead by canals that take water irom the river and carry it progressively farther from the river bank, irrigating terraced fields that ultimately drain back into the river itself. The bay in which Herat is located is sufficiently broad and situated along a stretch of the river that falls quickly enough so that relatively

1 .\!irbind, v. 7, p. 515. 12 Landscape and History short canals m;iy be led relatively far from the river, thus watering the largest amount of land most efficiently. The location of these canals is the single most important factor in the topography of habitation in the oasis. The major canals follow their ancient courses. The Gui-ye Engil (Engil Canal), which winds around to the north of the city and supplies it with water, must be as old as Herat itself; the Gui-ye Nou, farther upslope, seems to have existed well before the historical record begins. 8 These canals water the two districts (bo/£,ks) that chiefly concern me here-Boluk-e Engil, closest to Herat's walls, and Boluk-e ljiyaban, between the Gui-ye Nou and the Gui­ ye Engil. Climate also determines the material from which Herat is built. The barren mountains produce little strong timber and there is no easily cut building stone near the city. Herat's buildings must be vaulted, and vaulted in brick; its low rainfall permits the construction of buildings in inexpensive mud brick as well as in baked _bri~k. Herat's ancient history is virtually unknown. 9 The jingle repeated above sums up its mythical past but sheds more light on its folklore than on its history. Herat must have existed as early as any city in Central Asia that depends on irrigation, and certainly preexisted Alexander the Great"s construction of Alexandria in Aria, with which it has been identified. Its oldest phases are marked by the traces of ancient walls similar to those of cities in Torkestan and southern Afghanistan. The oldest part of Herat is not the roughly square area enclosed by its famous and ancient mud walls, but a smaller, round area to the north, to which the square walls were later added. The citadel of this round city is preserved as a mound about 600 meters north of Herat's historic and present citadel, the Qal'e-ye Ebteyar ad-Din (or simply Qal'e, no. 54). This mound, known as the Kohandez-e MSRQ (no. 53) or Tal-e Bangiyan, has long been used as a graveyard, and part of it still stands to the same height as the city walls and the Qal'e-roughly 15 to 25 meters. Considering the nature of its reuse it is impossible to say whether the mound is more or less elevated above the surrounding land than it was anciently, but it must mark Herat's birthplace. The Kohandez-e MSRQ (the name is not vocalized in the sources) lay on the northwest side of the round city, apparently attached eccentrically to the outside of a circular wall approximately 850 meters across, outer ditch in-

• The known history of the Gui-ye Nou (for which see C,:,talogue, no. 29) shows that it existed before the Mongol invasion; that such an important water source is credited ro no historical figure suggests its high antiquiry. 9 See R. N. Frye, •·Har it," in El 2. L.mdscape and History 13 duded. The Qal'e was built on the southernmost section of this circular wall, probably when the square walls were laid out. While the circular wall has disappeared, its trace is plain from the road pattern and the irregular line of the north side of the· square walls: while the other three sides of the square walls have single, centered gates, the northern side has two, marking the eastern and western points at which the circular wall was joined by the square walls. In shape, the walls resemble those of Merv, to cite only one of many examples, and in conception they are not unlike the walls of old Qan­ dahar, which appear ~o be pre-Alexandrian. 10 The square walls and their gates were frequently repaired and assaulted, strengthened and undermined. By the Timurid age and probably long before, the walls had grown into an enormous embankment unmanageable for mili­ tary engineers, and a curtain wall was erected along the crest of the embank­ ment. Whatever the age of the square walls, the disposition of the square city with its axial streets fixed the outlines of Herat down to the present. At the five gates (darvazes in the Timurid period) the roads of the countryside and suburbs converged, forming bazars named after their corresponding gates. The bazars quartered the city, meeting in its heart at a covered intersection called the Cahar-Sii. From this point, the Bazar-e !jiis ran to the Darvaze-ye !jiis, in the center of the city"s east wall; the Bazar-e Firiiz-Abad ran to the Darvaze-ye Firiiz-Ab:id, to the south; the Bazar-e 'Eraq ran west to the Darvaze-ye 'Eraq; and the Bazar-e Malek extended north to the citadel, swinging west to the Darvaze-ye Malek, beyond which it became !jiyaban, "The Avenue," cutting north across the oasis toward Torkestan. A street without bazars ran east from the citadel to the Darvaze-ye Qepcaq, in the northeast corner of the city. The city plan preserves the traces of a grid-like arrangement of its minor streets, which must be an original feature. 11 Like­ wise, the concentration of official compounds and public buildings in the northeast quarter of the square city probably preserves an ancient pattern. Thus it is likely that the Masged-e Game', for example, stands on the site of whatever temple existed when the square city was founded, and that the Cahar Bag intramuros northwest of the mosque, now police barracks, occu­ pies the grounds of some ancient governmental compound. Herat's Islamic history begins in the first century of the Higra (seventh centu­ ry A. D.), but is sparse up to the sixth/twelfth century, when Herat was in-

0 ' Svend Helms, public lectures, K~bul, 19i8; a report on the 1978 season oi excavations should appear in Afghan Studies. 11 Heinz Gaube, Iranian Cities. p. 45. 14 Landscape and History

eluded in the Corid empire. The early Arab geographers record little useful information about the city except to confirm that the square walls, the imme­ diate suburbs, and certain canals and villages existed in the early Islamic period. 12 The Corids usually are associated with their summer capital Firuz­ kuh (on the upper Hari-Rud) and Gazni, the capital of their predecessors the Caznavids. But Herat and Balh were the largest cities in the Corid empire, and it is at Herat that the Corids built a dynastic mausoleum - to the north of the Masged-e Game', which they restored. In the early seventh/thirteenth century Herat briefly came under the control of the tJ:arezmsahs before the Mongols swept across tJ:orasan. Herat was besieged and sacked twice (in 618/1221 and 619/1222), and lay in ruins for twenty years before even the vital Gui-ye Engil was repaired. Shortly thereaf­ ter the first of the Kart Maleks, or kings, a descendant of the Corid royal house, established himself in Herat. 13 Despite the attentions of a local government and the advantages of relative peace, it was not until c.i. 700/ 1300 that the city began to return to prosperity. As the power of the .\[on­ gols and their il-tJ:,"inid successors in western Iran weakened Kartid power increased, until the Kart Maleks became virtually independent of the il-han_s. For a half century before Timur's conquest the Karts vied with both the Il­ hans and the Cagatayid tJ:ans of Transoxiana for effective control of tJ:ora­ san. The Karts repaired the damage the .\fongols had wrought and embellished the city with their own monuments. As a local dynasty they were closely identified with the city and its landmarks, and it is the later Kartid period that produced the first preserved historical account of Her.it, the Tiiri!:J mime-ye Hertit by Seif b. MoJ:iammad b. Ya'qub al-Haravi, through which Herat enters into the half-light of the Islamic historical tradition. The last Kart king, Ciyat ad-Din Pir 'Ali, avoided a direct confrontation with Timur while he repaired an outer wall around the northern suburbs of the city, 14 but in 782/1380 Timur's army descended on Herat and "encircled the perimeter of the city and its suburbs like the bezel around the stone of a ring, like the halo around the moon, and like flies on sugar." 15 The siege was short, and after Timur reduced the city he destroyed the wall enclosing the suburbs and took the iron gates of the Darvaze-ye Malek, the "King's Gate,"

12 Le Strange, L,mds of the E..istern Caliphate, pp. 407-10. 13 On the Karts see El 2, s.v. ~Kart," and C.it.ilogue, sect. 12; for the desolation of Her5t in the 7th/13th century see Seif, pp. 380-83, 532ff., and 595 ff. 14 The trace of this wall, as shown in Fig. 2, is an approximation based on a few known points (for details see C.ita/ogue, pp. 31-32); the wall was first built berween 738 and 752. 15 Hofez-e Abrii, CO; p. 62. Landscape and History 15 as trophies to his new town of Sahr-e Sabz. Giyat ad-Din and his son Pir Mo~ammad served as local administrators under Timur's son Amiransah­ who had been appointed governor of Herat even before the city was besieged­ until 791/1389, when Amiransah executed Pir Mo~ammad in Samar­ qand.16 Timur swept aside local dynasties from Bagdad to the borders of China, and the Herat oasis became merely one of the districts of his vast empire, although as capital of !::J:orasanit was one of the most important. Timur's capital was Samarqand, and it was only upon his death in 807 /1405 that his son Sah Rog, then governor of Her:it, established it as the capital of his own empire. Under Sah Rog (r. 799-85011397-1447) the Timurid empire was divided into semiautonomous provinces administered by members of the Timurid family, who were appointed by Sah Rob himself. While Timur's empire had been personal in character. Sah Rog's was more of a family affair. 17 It com­ prised most of Iran, Afghanistan, and Torkestan, including Transoxiana. The - Timurids never controlled A?;arbaigan for long, and it fell instead to the Qara-Qoyunlu and Aq-Qoyunlu Turkomans, who capitalized on the weak­ ness of Sah Rog's successors to seize more and more of western Iran. 18 In fact, after the death of Sah Rog and throughout the reign of his successor Abo'l-Qasem Babor {r. 852-861/1449-57), the Timurid empire was seldom united under the control of any one man, until in 863/1459 Abu Sa'id (who had ruled in Samarqand since 855/1451) took Herat and extended his empire from Transoxiana to include !::J:orasan and its southern dependencies. The empire split apart again after Abu Sa'id's death in 873/1469, and the last great Timurid ruler, Sol~an J-:Iosein,was never able to reunite it. In the words of Z:ahir ad-Din Babor, .. [Sol~an J-:Iosein's] country was !::J:orasan,with Baig tu the east, Bistam and Damg:in to the west, !::J:arezmto the north, [and] Qandahar and Sistan to the south." 19 It was during Sol~an J-:losein's 38-year reign (873-912/1469-1506) that Herat reached its apogee. It was the most refined city in Asia, the center of Persian and Turkish culture, and the capital of a prosperous province. Sol~an J-:losein's age saw Herat expand nearly to the practical limits of irrigation and, probably, population. But this most brilliant period in Herat's history ended in bad style: Sol~an J-:Iosein's sons could not cooperate to defend their newly inherited capital, and little more than a year after their father's death

16 Bartol' d, UB, p. 33. 17 See Manz, "Administration and the Delegation of Authority," for Timur's technique of administration. 18 Savory, "The Struggle for Supremacy in Persia airer the death of Timur," passim. 19 Babor, trans., p. 261, with transliteration adjusted. 16 Landscape and History

Herat fell to Seibani tJ:an, the Ozbek chief whom ~ahir ad-Din Babor regard­ ed as no more than a barbarian.2° Ozbek rule lasted only three years, until Sah Esma'il ?afavi defeated Seibani tJ:an and made his skull into a winecup. 21 From 915/1510 to 1716 the ?afa­ vids held Herat with only minor interruptions. In 1716 Afghans first took control of the city, and except for the rule of Nader Sah Afsar (1729-47) and very brief Persian occupations, 22 Herat remained in Afghan hands until 1979, when the present Russian occupation of Afghanistan began. A century and a half ago British soldiers and politicians began to worry about Russian intentions toward Afghanistan. Herat became the ''key to India" and books with titles like The Russians at the Gates of Herat began to appear. 23 The fear of Russian expansion into Afghanistan led to two British-Afghan wars and eventually to commissions that fixed the boundaries of the country ruled by the victorious Amir 'Abd ar-Ra~man tPn. 'Abd ar-Ra~man ex­ tended the power of the central government to the major cities of his country and resettled Pastiin tribes in his outlying possessions. Herat, formerly an occupied province, became part of Afghanistan. Thus when Herat entered the age of the automobile and asphalt it was an Afghan government, with the collaboration of Western architects, that direct­ ed the construction of new suburbs and laid out an arbitrary grid plan to the north arid east of the walled city. 24 The twentieth century returned Herat to its former prosperity, if not to its former importance, but the city expanded in new directions, and the most important area outside the ancient walls - comprising the northern suburbs and the foothills beyond them - has sur­ vived the spread of the new grid streets. It is largely with this area that the following pages are concerned.

20 Ibid., pp. 296-.300, 307, 326-27 on Sol;;in Hosein"s sons; pp. 328-29 on Seib:ini !:::f;in. " L.Bouvat, "Shaibani Khan," in El 1, p. 274, col. 2. This fascinating object seems not to have survived. 22 Frye, "Har:lt," EI 2. 23 Charles Marvin, The Russians at the Gates of Herat, London [1885], New York, 1885 (reset ed.). 24 See Lezine, "Herat: Notes de voyage," for a map showing the grid plan. i Chronology of Development ;

Before Timur laid siege to Herat it was a relatively compact city, with ceme­ teries and suburbs outside its gates and a restricted area of estates just beyond. By the time bf the Ozbek conquest the city had expanded to reach the foothills north of the river valley and had acquired scores of public build­ ings, tombs, and new estates (calles biigs, or "gardens") far outside its an­ cient square walls. The first step in explaining this expansion is to establish its chronology. When Sah Roh came to Herat in 799 at the age of twenty it was as governor for his father, Timiir.-:?5 His brother Amiransah had held the same post from 782 to 795, but was frequent!:· on campaign during that period. 26 Amiransah had built nothing of note in Herat, although his wife !::J:anzade Begom had sponsored a large haneqah in the Bazar-e !::J:iis(no. 507), probably near the south side of the Masged-e Game'. Her motives are obscure, but the haneqah is reported to have been intended for the use of the noted Seih Sehab ad-Din Bes~ami, for whom another haneqah and two madrases were also built, prob­ ably during the same period (nos. 451,474, 520), 27 It was not until Timur's death in 807 that Sah Roh began to take the steps that would establish him publicly as ruler of Herat and !::J:orasan.28 It took Sah Roh four years (808-811) to consolidate his position. He had to take the field against his adversaries and cope with a famine, but by 812 he was in a position to distribute various provinces and districts (velayats) as soyurgals, or autonomous grants free from government interference. 29 During this period the only construction recordt:d is the erection of an ivan at the city's 'idgah (no. 532) and the reconstruction of the walls and the Qal'e. The following year, ~13, with the affairs of state in order, Sah Roh began building his"own madrase and haneqah within the walls, to the east of the

15 S.imi, ?N, v. I, p. 167; Fa~e~, v. 3. p. 140; see also Manz, op. cit., p. 193. 26 Sarni, 4N, v. 1, pp. 81 ff., 136; B~rtol'd, UB, pp. 32-33; cf. Manz, op. cit., p. 193. 27 Since the Seih died in 807 and ~!Jhmiid Sehab, builder of one of the madrases (no. 474), was a vazir of Timur, all these buildings must have been constructed at a relatively early date. The Seib spurned them, for ui;,stated re~sons. 18 See ~lanz, op. cit., for Timiirs :1ght, even jealous control over the independent authority of his sons. 29 Famine: Samarqandi, v. 2; p. 48. Sovtirgals: ibid .. pp. 85, 89 ff. 18 Chronology oi Development

Qal'e (nos. 486 and 515), He also ordered the reconstruction of the intra­ mural bazars and their intersection, the Cahar-Su. At this time Sah Rog's residence may still have been in the Kartid Bag-e Sahr, just north of the I Qal'e, where Timur had ordered a palace (qa$r) built in 801, during Sah .,,,I Rog's governorship. By 814 Sah Roh had moved to the Bag-e Zagan, also a Kartid estate, where Timur and Amiransah had stayed on occasion. That the Bag-e Sahr was in use for a circumcision party in 811-a function later trans­ ferred to the B;1g-e Zagfo-suggests that the move to the Bag-e Z;1g:in should be dated between 812 and 814.3° It was not until 818 that the recon­ struction of the Qal'e and the city walls was completed, though this date may refer to the completion of the decorative work on the Qal'e (part of it still extant), rather than the more important repair of the gates, which Timur had destroyed. 31 Shortly thereafter, in 820, Sah Rog's wife Gouhar Sad began construction of her ,\ladrase (no. 457), which was not finished until 841 although its mauso­ leum was in use as early as 827. Her ,\Llsged-e Game' (no. 43 1) immediately south of the ,\ladrase along tJiyaban, may have been founded at the same time; it was completed in 836. These two enormous buildings, just south of the Pol-e Engil and facing tJ:iyaban, are the first Timurid monuments known to have been built in this section of the avenue, a stretch that became the architectural focus of the entire city. 32 Two other zones of tJiyaban were being built up at the same time. One was the area around the J-:la?:ire-yeFahr ad-Din Razi (no. 585), where two domed tombs (gonbads) were built for men who died in 823 (nos. 570, 577). The other was the area at the northern end of tJ:iyaban, near the Pol-e Gui-ye :\'ou, where by 831 the ,\ladrase-ye Amir Kamal ad-Din Farman Seib (no. 468) had been constructed near two Kartid ganeqahs (nos. 501,520). Within the city new construction was concentrated around the Qal'e and the Masged-e Game', two major landmarks. There was a third concentration of i new buildings at the western end of the Bazar-e 'Eraq, the location of two ·1 Salguq monuments (the Madrase-ye Ne?:amiye, no. 477, and the Masged-e Falak ad-Din, no. 423), where the eminent amir, Giyar ad-Din Sah Malek, built the ,\fasged dar Band-e Bazar-e 'Eraq (no. 416).

30 Ibid., p. 70. 31 Ibid., p. 174. 32 This is the area known since the 19th century 3s the .. Musa lb." While mo$all.i is used on occ3sion by Timurid historians 3S a synonym for the '!dg,ih (no. 532), the word was not 3pplied to the ruins oi the Madrase ~nd .\lasged-e G.ime'-e Gouhar S.id 3nd the Madr3se-ye Sol;.in l:fosein until 3iter 1885, when these buildings were mostly demolished by the Afghan Boundary Commission. Chronology of Development 19

In 829 Sah Rob undertook the construction of the J-:la?ire-ye !::J:iige'Abdallah An~iiri at Giizorgiih (no. 580), thus putting his stamp on one of the most revered shrines in Herat. 33 Sah Rob is also credited with rebuilding the Rebii~-e Seib Esmii'il '.iufi and the adjoining Masged-e Giime'-e Gazorgah (nos. 548 and 432), neither of which appears to be extant in its Timurid form. It is tempting to connect - even to conflate - at least one of these resto­ rations with the construction of the J-:la?ire, but the connection must remain conjectural. While the buildings sponsored by the Sol~;"ingenerally are noticed in the historical texts, it is rare to find the foundation dates of buildings construct­ ed by the amirs and vazirs. Yet these constructions far outnumbered imperial works, since S;1h Rob and Gouhar Sad claimed for themselves only the most important monuments. For the year 838, however, many buildings are men­ tioned in the sources, since a great plague carried off many former lecturers in and builders of religious .rnd charitable institutions. Samarqandi ana Zam­ ci claim that as many as 10.01)0 people died in a single day; on another, 4700 bodies were carried out the gates on biers, not counting those less ceremo­ nially transported. Zamci adds that 600,000 people fled from Her.it to the countryside, joined by 400.000 from the immediate area of the city. 34 While these figures are obviously inflated, the mortality was great enough that Sah Rog had to reapportion many offices and soyurgiils, and approve renewal of other grants made to those Je.:cased. 35 The obituaries provided by the histo­ rians at the end of each year's narrative demonstrate that the ranks of the 'olamii', the learned religious .:lass, were considerably depleted in 838; the lists of deceased notables for that ~·car are unusually long and contain the names of an unusually large number oi eminent persons. These obituaries reveal the existence of two madrases built by the religious scholar Galiil ad-Din Qa 'ini. one near the Masged-e Game' and another in his home village (nos. 466 _and 481). A clearer picture of !::J:iyaban also emerges: the Madrase and !::J:iineqah-e!::J:age Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah (nos. 465, 505) south of the Masged Game'-e Gouhar Sad, are mentioned, as is the Gonbad-e Na~er ad-Din !::J:iindsah (no. 576), somewhere on !::J:iyaban. The Madrase and !::J:aneqiih-eAmir 'Ala' ad-Din 'Alike Kukaltas (nos. 450, 495) had been constructed at the head of !::J:iyiiban,near the Pol-e Gui-ye Nou, and to these buildings may be added two madrases built by wives of Timur and of his son 'Omar Seib, which must have been in existence by 838 (nos. 472 and

33 Golombek, GG, p. 82. 34 SJmarqandi, v. 2, p. 678; Zamci. v. 2, pp. 92-94. " SJmarqandi, v. 2, p. 682. 20 Chronology of Development

490). Just northwest of the Pol-e Gui-ye Nou and south of the '[dgah was the Mazar-e Seih Zein ad-Din tlafi (no. 622), who also died in 838. The mazar was adorned by the vazir Giyaf ad-Din Pir A~mad !jafi with a build­ ing, and became a center for other burials, including his own. This list of buildings, arbitrarily noted in the chronicles for the year 838, includes the works of three of the most powerful men in Herat during Sah Rog's reign. Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah was Amir al-Omara' (chief of the mili­ tary) for decades, and his civil counterpart Giyaf ad-Din Pir A~mad t{afi held office for a lengthy period as well. 'Ala' ad-Din 'Alike Kukaltas was the tutor of Sah Roh and was later entrusted with the governorship of Merv, where he established additional pious foundations. 36 Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah is credited with repairs to the Masged-e Game' and with construction of a mosque of his own (no. 427), farther south on !jiyaban than his Madrase and !janeqah but possibly of the same date. Among the other public buildings constructed under Sah Roh it is necessary to draw attention to only two: his Dar as-Sefa' (hospital) on tJiyaban (no. 529), and the Mazar-e tfage 'Abdallah Taqi (no. 598), one of the seven cemeteries and shrines that the Kart kings had patronized, according to Seif. Sah Rog's building at that shrine is assigned no date, but it was substantial enough that Sol~an }:Iosein could add only a vestibule and an enclosure wall to. it. Eight other, less important constructions can be dated to Sah Rog's reign: the Masged-e Bibi Setti (no.419), the Masged-e l:foui-e Karbas (no. 426), the Madrase-ye Amir Caqmaq Sarni (no. 454), the !janeqah-e !jage 'Alt b. !jage Fahr ad-Din (no. 496), the !janeqah-e Seih Magd ad-Din Talebe (no. 508), the Gonbad-e Amir .\[o~ammad Sol~an Sah (no. 574), the f:ia?:ire-ye Pir-e Si~ad Sale (no. 592), and the l:fa?:ire-ye Amir Oveis b. Amir Aqbuqa (no. 597). While the madrases and ganeqahs built under Sah Roh stand out in the chronicles of the age as its major efforts, there was no lack of construction for less pious purposes. }:Iafe?:-e Abrii writes that under Sah Roh everyone (everyone worthy of notice, that is) strove according to his rank in building residences and palaces (dur o qo?ur), and pavilions and gardens (kti!J o bag); they occupied themselves with the erection of vaults and porticoes (rtiq o revtiq). 37 A half dozen estates are mentioned for the period of Sah Rog's rule, not including the three major imperial bags. Of a series of estates west of !jiyaban, the Bag-e Zobeide existed already in 808; the others are first

36 For Gal;il ad-Din and Giyci[ ad-Din, see Bartol'd, UB, p. 84; for 'AIJ' ad-Din see the same work, p. 123. 37 f:{.Hei:-eAbrii, (;, p. 11. Chronology of Development 21 known in the following years: the Bag-e Amir Giyaf ad-Din Sah Malek (no. 629), 829; the Bag-e Ahu (no. 623), 838; the Bagce-ye 'Ali Sibargani (no. 656), next to the Bag-e Ahu, 838; the C.ahar Bag-e Amir Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah (no. 663), 840; the Bag-e Nou-ye Sah Rob (no. 642), 843; and the Bag-e Nou-ye Guki (no. 641), 848. Probably these bags were established early in the Timurid period;and they may represent Kartid estates taken over by the Timurids. They were passed on to later owners, sometimes with their original names intact. 38 These bags were more than residences; they included orchards and planta­ tions of great value. Timur had appreciated the value of agricultural develop­ ment as well as the· pleasures of more recreational bags. 39 The extent of Timurid investment in agriculrure is indicated by the example of 'Ala' ad­ Din 'Alike Kiikaltas. According to Samarqandi, he had a great interest in agriculrure, and distributed (to his lands) more than a thousand !Jarviirs of seed grain (yearly); ~0 these lands extended beyond the limits o( the Timurid empire.~ 1 The value; of the harvar may have been anywhere from 83 to 166 kg.;~ 2 without k~owing the yield of the crops involved it is pointless to attempt a calculation of 'Ala' ad-Din's yearly profits, but certainly a large amount of grain is in question. It is no coincidence that the Timurid cenrury was also a period of agriculrural expansion in Sistan, the breadbasket pro­ vince south of Herat whose irrigation system was abandoned during the 13th century and redeveloped by the end of the 15th. The capital for this redevel­ opment may well hav·e come from Herat.~ 3 By the end of Sah Rob's reign, then, the utilitarian segments of Herat-its walls, bazars, and citadel - had been rebuilt. The most important religious structures had been, restored or embellished: the Masged-e Game', the 'idgah, the I-:Ia?:ireof An~ari. and the Mazar-e Taqi; the Mazar-e Magd ad-

38 F~r the location oi the western b.igs see .\lap 1. 39 For Timiir's hydraulic works see .-\.ubin, "Comment Tamerlan prenait Jes vilies," pp. 92-93; Bartol' d, UB, p. 41. 0 • Samarqandi, v. 2, pp. 746----47. 1 • Bartol'd, UB, p. 123; Samarqandi. v. 2, pp. 746----47. 02 Hinz, ls/,1mische ;\,l,1sseund Grw:chte, pp. 14-15. 3 • According to preliminary conclusions drawn from the evidence collected by the Helmand­ Sistan Project of the National :\ luseum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, directed by William Trousdale. The present state of scholarship on 14th and 15th century ceramics does not permit the redevelopment of Sist:in to be dated securely, but it must have been connected with the resurgence oi prosperity in the Her:it oasis. Much of the enormous volume of grain produced in Sist:in must have been exported to Her:it and other markets; it seems likely that as more grain was imported from Sist.in the land around Her:it was increasingly devoted to other commercial crops. including vegetables, grapes, and other fruit. 22 Chronology of Development

Din Tilebe was "supported" by Sah Rob, but apparently was still in ' good 1 repair. Many new madrases and baneqahs had been dedicated, the most important of them arrayed along !jiyaban (e.g., the .Madrase-ye Gouhar Sad, the .Madrase and !janeqah-e Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah, and the Madrase and !janeqah-e 'Ala' ad-Din 'Alike Kukaltas), where several important shrines were growing in importance, attracting new burials {the Maz:ir-e Fabr ad-Din Razi, the ~lazar-e Zein ad-Din !jafi). The Solran had moved from the Bag-e Sahr to the renovated Kartid bags outside the walls, and the aristocracy was settled in a series of bags to the north and northwest of the city. Despite the developments along the !jiyaban corridor and the estates in Boluk-e !jiya­ ban, however, the city was still largely confined to the area south of the Gui­ ye Engil-the district, in fact, that had been enclosed by the Kartid outer wall that Timur dismantled in 783.

* *

For the period of Abo'l-Qasem 8;1bor's reign there is little to record. He reconstructed the lvan-e 'ldgah that S:ih Rob had built, and added a pavilion called the "Joy House" (Tarah ljiine) to the Bag-e Sefid (no. 645), later de­ scribed by his namesake Z:ahir ad-Din Babor, the Moga! emperor:H The Bag­ e Mo~alla (no. 640) is first mentioned during Abo'l-Qasem Babor's reign in connection with his stay there, but there is no reason to suppose that it did not exist earlier. Abo'l-Qasem Babor was certainly the patron of another monument near the 'idgah, the l:la?ire-ye Seib Baha' ad-Din 'Omar Gagarahi (no. 582). Baha' ad-Din died in 857 and was buried with great pomp north of the 'Idgah, the Solran himself helping shoulder the bier. A lofty building ( 'emtirat) was erected at the grave, probably along the lines of the l:la?ire of An~ari, and substantial vaqfs were made over to the shrine. The fact that the sons of Gala! ad-Din Firuzsah were allowed the honor of contri­ buting vaqf lands on this occasion points to the likelihood that patterns of patronage established under Sah Rob continued under Abo'I-Qasem Babor. Unfortunately nothing else can be attributed to his amirs and vazirs during his ten-year reign. The lasting monument to his rule is the splendid louh and mil (headstone) at An~ari's grave in Gazorgah, one of the masterpieces of Islamic stone carving. 45 It is possible that Abo'l-Qasem Babor's brother 'Ala' ad-Doule, who reigned briefly in 862, was a patron of importance during Abo'I-Qasem's reign. The

44 B.ibor, trans., pp. 302--03. 45 Golombek, GG, p. 84, iig. 128.

J . Chronology of Development 23

Bag-e !::J:iyaban (no. 634) is attributed to him, as is the reconstruction of the Kartid Masged-e 'Abdallah 'Amr, in the southeast quarter of the city (no. 414). The market called the Cahar Suq-e 'Ala' ad-Doule (no. 105), which was on !::J:iyabaneast of the Bag-e Zagan, appears from its location and date to have been not so much a new development as a reconstruction of an area that had become more heavily used since the Kartid period. It may have been rebuilt as a device to increase 'Ala' ad-Doule's personal income rather than as a civic-minded gesture.

The "Joy House" that Abo'l-Qasem Babor built in the Bag-e Sefid was redecorated by Abu Sa'id with paintings illustrating his "wars and encoun­ ters." 46 It is these martial proclivities that obscure Abu Sa'id'~ architectural ambitions: he was so frequently on campaign that it is diificult to establish what he wanted to build in Herat. It must be remembered in assessing Abu Sa'id's works that he h;1d ruled since 855 in Samarqand, and though he was still a young man when he took Herat, he may have begun an architectural program suitable to a Sol~an while already in Samarqand. 47 It is notable in this connection that Abu S.:11dbuilt a residence called Aq Sariiy (no. 675) outside the ·Darvaze-ye 'Eraq. Its name recalls Timur's palace at Sahr-e Sabz, but ·: was located in a rather undesirable section of the ciry, in its water shadow (in 1978 the area contained the municipal abattoirs). Otherwise there is little to add-the 'Emarat-e Abu Said on tfiyabiin (no. 533) and the Maziir-e Sams ad-Din .i\..lo~.:immadal-Kusu'i (no. 617), next to the Masged-e Giime'-aside from the outstanding achievement of the Timurid century, the Gui-ye Sol~ani (no. 35). Credit for this innovation properly belongs to Qo~b ad-Din Ta'us, vazir to Abu Sa'id, who supervised its construction in 872- 73. In the words of the Timurid historian 'Abd ar-Razzaq as-Samarqandi, During the time that the Sol~an of Kingdoms [Abu Sa"id] controlled !::J:ora­ san, the Grand Master oi the tax roll (dastiir), tfage Qo~b ad-Din Ta'us Semnani, brought the important affairs of the divan under control. He brought forth the excellent design of bringing into use the water of the Gui-ye Sol~ani, and created the gui, [bringing it] from the east of the city for a distance of four fars,mgs through the middle of mountains and rocks. In many places stone was cut through, and artificial channels (qanavat) parted the earth, and in many places bridges [aqueducts?] were installed

•• B.ibor, trans .. pp. 302--03. 47 El 2, s. L'. • Abii Sa'id.n 24 Chronology of Development

(!aq o pol bastan). In some sections, great stones were broken. After sever­ al months ;1gre;1t deal of water was brought to the waist of Kuh-e Mogtar. To the north of the city in the dast of the Mazar of Gazorgah and the desert ($alm'i') of Bavligah, places became cultivated, and the revenues rose. In the period of two or three thousand years since the construction of the city of Herat no one had ever achieved the success of such a work. 48 This passage exaggerates the length of the Gui-ye Solr:1ni-Bavligah, far to the west of G."izorgah, drew water from other sources-but not the effect of the·Gui on the d,1111,.m("skirt" or slope) below Gazorgah. Ironically, at the time the canal was completed Abu Sa'id was engaged in a pointless war in A~arbaigan during which he was killed, and he was prevented from exploit­ ing the lands it irrigated. While I have not attempted to trace the works of the Timurid Solrans outside Herat, it is useful to note that Abu Sa'id built a spa and bath at the hot springs of Obe (Obeh), ninety kilometers up the Hari-Rud. Obe appears to have been something of a resort for the Timurids, located as it is amid the high meadows of Badgis, which often served as summer quarters for the aristocracy and their cattle. 49

Sol~~n f:{osein"s reign is the most vivid in Herat's entire history, and only in part because he had the good fortune to be well chronicled by historians of his own court. The works undertaken during Solran J:Iosein's reign easily eclipse those of Sah Rog's era. Sol~an J:Iosein built a madrase on !::J:iyaban (no. 491), and laid out for himself an estate in tjiyaban called the Bag-e Gahan Ara'i, or "World Adorning Bag" (no. 632). Elsewhere Solran J:Iosein and his friend and informal minister of culture, 'Ali Sir Nava'i, conducted a wholesale renewal of Herat's shrines and mosques. The economy of the Timurid empire prospered during decades of nearly continuous peace, and the long strip of land Abu Said had opened up for development by digging the Gui-ye Solrani was irresistable. In this strip and along the outer fringe of the older cultivated zone (Boluk-e tjiyaban), beyond the Gui-ye Engil, construction was concentrated during the long reign of Sol~an f:{osein. In fact, virtually all of the mausolea, gardens, and enclosures whose ruins are visible in the aerial photograph of the Gazorgah slope (Fig. I) must date to

48 Samarqandi, v. 2. p. 1343. 49 Zamci, v. I, p. !02. Chronology of Development 25 this period. The f:Ia~ire of An$ari and the other religious and charitable build­ ings at Gazorgah were built before Sol~an f:Iosein took the throne-al­ though important ad'ditions and repairs were made under Sol~an f:Iosein - but the bags and taf!ts (" thrones," or elevated pavilions) that can be picked out all along the Gui-ye Sol~ani could hardly have preexisted that canal. The large unidentified tagt with accompanying vineyard that can be seen in Fig. 1) to the southeast of the tfiyaban-e Sol~ani-the main avenue leading to Gazorgah-probably dates to the same period. 50 The clear rows of funerary enclosures (IJa?ires) cbntaining domed mausolea (gonbads) that line the tfiya­ ban-e Sol~ani and cover the slope are not mentioned in the sources at all, with a single exception-dated to Sol~an f:Iosein 's reign. This is the Gonbad-e Abo'l-Qasem Niir ad-Din Sol~an Mo~ammad b. A~mad (no. 565), who was a nephew of Sol~an f:Iosein through one of Sol~an f:Iosein's sisters. When this prince died in 889 his bier was taken by way of the 'idgah to Gazorgah, where he was interred in a ~a~ire. A gonbad was then erected av.er the grave, for the decoration of which Cami composed an ode. The !::J:iyaban-eSol~ani is lined with the ruins of precisely this sort of structure-a domed building in an enclosure-and Solr,"in ~lo~ammad b. A~mad is just the sort of prince (not one of Sol~an f:Iosein ·s own family, and the son of an insignificant fa­ ther) whose body would not have found a place in an imperial dynastic mau­ soleum, like that of Gouhar Sad. There can be little doubt that Solran .Mo~ammad's ~a#re lies ruined along the !::J:iyaban-eSol~ani.5 1 In considering these mausolea it is important to note a distinction between the tombs of the aristocracy and those of the 'olama'. With only two categories excepted, the 'olama' of Her.it-especially during Sol~an f:Iosein's reign-were not buried in domed mausolea. They were generally interred at the graves of revered saints or in ha~ires without domed tombs. Lisa Golombek's study of the f:Ia~ire of An$ari demonstrates the religious justification for the avoidance of covered graves. 52 Ironically, An$ari belongs to one of the two categories of exceptions: the ancient saints of Herat, and the 5i'ites. Most of the gunbads

;o It may be idenncal with the Ta~t-e .-\stone, no. 665. 1 ; The fact that the grave is said to have been "at Gozorg:ih" is no obs ta de to locating it in the area called the daman, or ''skirt" of Gazorg:ih, since the Timurid sources are consistently vague on such topographic details, and use prepositions quite loosely: if all the buildings said to be at the head of Hiy5b5n, near the Pol-e Giii-ye Nou, had really been adjacent to that bridge they would have been stacked one on top of another. The Masged-e Game'-e Gouhar Sad is even said to have been at rhe Gui-ye Engil, whereas it is only rwo-thirds of the way from the Darv5ze-ye Malek to the canal. As a rule, Timurid toponyms migrated toward major landmarks. 52 Golombek. GG, pp. 100-21. 26 Chronology of Development

recorded for the Timurid period belonged to members of these two categories or to the Turkish aristocracy. Since the tombs of the ancient saints were locat­ ed in older, traditional sites, and the Si'ites would not have been accorded the elaborate gonbads in ~a;i:ires that lined the t{iyiiban-e Solrani, these mausolea must have belonged entirely to the aristocracy and their favored dependants. That the occupants of these gonbads - like Sol~iin Mo~ammad - do not . figure in the histories may be due to the fact that the most prominent members of the aristocracy, the Solriin's family, were generally buried in the Sol~an·s dynastic tomb or in madrases they themselves built. Thus both the form and ownership of these tombs parallel those of the well known Siih-e Zende complex in Samarqand, developed during Timur's lifetime. The mechanism behind the development of the slope below Giizorgiih is entirely undocumented, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that plots in this newly irrigated area, which would have been crown land, were allocated by the Sol~iin and enclosed by their owners (making them ~a;i:ires), who then built gonbads as the need arose and funds became available, just as was the case for Sol~iin Mo~ammad b. A~mad. The section of Boluk-e t{iyiibiin between the slope of Giizorgiih and the Gui­ ye Engil will be treated at greater length below. While it certainly was cultivated and even occupied by the aristocracy before 873, it nevertheless was sufficiently undeveloped that Sol~iin J-:Iosein was able to assemble in that year 173 acres of land (70 ha.) in a single parcel for his grandiose Biig-e Gahan Arii'i; its pendant, the adjacent Biig-e Camiin Arii'i, bore a name that implies it was a large estate as well. t{iyiiban's development under Siih Rob, undoubtedly augmented under Abo'l-Qiisem Biibor and Abu Sa'id to a degree not reflected in the sources, was matched by its development under Sol~iin l:{osein. Half a dozen buildings on t{iyaban south of the Gui-ye Engil can be documented for this period. The Dar as-Sefa'-e Sol~iin l:{osein (no. 530) paralleled the nearby Dar as-Sefii'-e Sah Rob (no.529). The Gonbad-e 'Abdallah b. Mo'aviye on the Kohandez-e MSRQ (no. 562) was rebuilt before 893. 'Ali Sir constructed a major building at the Maziir-e Cehel Gazi (no. 605). The .\ladrase-ye Sol~an J-:Iosein faced the t{iineqah-e Sol~iin J-:Iosein (nos. 491, 519) across ljiyiibiin, the madrase actually bestriding the Gui-ye Engil-a remarkable site, possibly necessitated by the difficulty of finding a suitably large space. The Masged-e sar-e Pol-e Engil (no. 441 ), built by 'Ali Sir, probably was next door to the Madrase-ye Solran l:{osein. Directly across the Gui-ye Engil, of course, were 'Ali Sir's residence and religious complex, called Onsiye and Ebla~iye (no.413), begun in 880. This land was obtained by subdividing the former Biig-e Mirgiini, which Sol~an Chronology of Development 27 f:Iosein granted to 'Ali Sir. 'Ali Sir reserved about 12 acres (5 ha.) of it for his residence and built what must have been an immense ensemble of buildings next to it, including, by his own account, a madrase, mosque, dar al-lJoffa; (school of Quran recitation), and ganeqah with attached mosque-dome; other writers mention a hospital and bath. It seems likely that the same process of subdividing an older estate was followed for the construction of the Madrase and Bagce-ye Badi' az-Zaman (no. 452) farther east along the Gui-ye Engil, which probably were begun in 873 and certainly were in existence by 893. Near the Mazar-e Fagr ad-Din Razi were the Gonbad-e Firuze Sol~an Begom, Sol~an f:Iosein's mother (no. 566), the f:Ia:i:ire-ye Bibi ~fo~ebb (no. 583), the Ha:i:ire-ye Sol~an A~mad Goukangi (no. 596), and the Madrase-ye Cahar Manar, built by a daughter of Sol~an f:Iosein (no. 453 ). All these buildings are first mentioned for or dated to Sol~an f:Iosein 's reign. Between the Mazar-e Fagr ~d-I;)in Razi and the Pol-e Gui-ye Nou, 'Ali Sir added the tfaneqah-e Sams ad-Din Mo~ammad at-Tabadgani (no. 517) to the earlier assemblage at the head of tjiyaban; the enigmatic Masged-e Game·-e MNGme (no. 4341, in the same area, may also belong to Sol~an f:Iosein 's period. Across the Gui-ye Nou, the Mazar-e Sa'd ad-Din Kasgari (no. 615), long marked only by a t..i!Jt (here meaning "grave platform"), was graced with a building (a ~a~ire?) and a madrase, both built by 'Ali Sir following Gami's burial at the mazar in 898. Be~·ond the '1dgah, on the slope of Kuh-e Mogtar (the isolated hill to the north), the Reba~-e 'Ali Sir (no. 544) represents only one of many buildings in the area. Farther west, 'Ali Sir added another reli­ gious retreat, the 'Emarat-e Cesme-ye Mahiyan (no. 534), probably between 893 and 903. Elsewhere in the oasis and in the city there was an apparently concerted cam­ paign of reconstruction of mosques and shrines, generally under the oome of Sol~an f:Iosein (e.g., the Masged-e Game'-e Ziyaratgah and the Masged-e Cehel Sotun, both in the southern village of Ziyaratgah, and the Mazar-e t.Iage 'Abdallah Taqi, nos. 436, 422, and 598), or more often, 'Ali Sir. 'Ali Sir seems to have had a particular interest in the area south of the city: he built not only the Mazar-e 'Abdallah al-Va~ed (no. 599) in the t.Iance-Abad suburb and two mosques at major bridges along the road south from the walled city (nos. 435 and 442), but also a iahar bag (fourfold bag) of his own (no. 662). 'Ali Sir's prominence in this regard is shown by the fact that he was entrusted with the reconstruction of the single most important building in the city, the Masged-e Game', which underwent major repairs between 903 and 905. 'Ali Sir was not the only person of consequence to be a prominent builder. While Soltan f:Iosein had no Gouhar Sad, one of his wives, Zobeide Aga, 28 Chronology of Development built a baneqah in the little-known area outside the Darvaze-ye Qepcaq. Some of the buildings endowed by Soga' ad-Din, one of the most important of Sol~an J-:Iosein's amirs, are mentioned in the text of a vaqfiye (endowment deed) he caused to be engraved in stone and set in the entry to the J-:la'?ireof An~ari at Gazorgah. 53 Aside from repairs or additions to the J-:la'?ire,none of the constructions mentioned are in Herat, but the magnitude of his endow­ ment indicates that he must have patronized institutions within the city as well. Two madrases, important enough to be mentioned among the notable buildings of Herat by the historian tf andamir, were built by minor patrons to the east of the city (the Madrase-ye Amir Qiya£ Babsi, no. 458, and the Madrase-ye Seyyed Giya£ ad-Din Mo~ammad Bagban, no. 459). The last large complex of buildings was constructed by tf age Afzal ad-Din Kermani, one of Sol~an J-:losein's vazirs, outside the Darvaze-ye 'Eraq and presumably near Abu Sa'id's Aq Saray. Probably built benveen 903 and 910, it included a masged-e game', madrase, baneqah, and bath (nos. 429, 449, and 494), and was evidently modelled on 'Ali Sir's Ebla~iye. Inside the Dar­ vaze-ye 'Eraq, the Madrase-ye Fa~i~e (no. 455) probably dates from the same period. It is perhaps appropriate that the last great religious complex of the Timurid century, and the last ever built in Herat, was located just outside the walls from the western end of the Bazar-e 'Eraq, whose de\'elopment had begun with the first state-supported madrase in the city (the Ne?amiye), and near the Aq Saray, named in reminiscence of one of Timur's most magni­ ficent palaces. The Timurid historians were well aware of the extent to which the city had grown by the latter part o_f Sol~an J-:losein's reign. Mo'in ad-Din Zamci al­ Esfezari, writing in 898, notes that before Sol~an J-:losein took the throne "there were no buildings north of the Engil Canal, except for a few in the vicinity of the Pol-e Engil. Now, from this canal to the foot of Kuh-e Zengir­ gah [above Gazorgah] and Darre-ye Do Baradaran [the pass due north of the walled city], buildings, gardens, and heavenly flower gardens are situated side by side ... Because of the Gui-ye Sol~ani, ... [along] the entire area from the neighborhood of Gazorgah to Cesme-ye Mahiyan [no. 392], which is almost a farsab, ... all the dast [unwatered land] and mountain slope became garden, meadow, funerary enclosures, and flower gardens." 54 Previously, in writing of the Kartid wall that encircled the northern suburbs within the Gui-ye Engil -the practical limit of Herat at the time of Sah Rob's death-Zamci noted

53 Ibid., p. 88. 54 Zamci, v. I, p. 85. Ccsme-ye M,ihiy.in, roo, is far to the west of G.izorg.ih, and cannot have been irrigated by the (;ui-ye Solt.ini. \~ Chronology of Development 29 that "the city has expanded by degrees beyond [that limit] so that [along] the distance from Darre-ye Do Baradaran to Pol-e Malan [the bridge over the Hari-Riid], which is two farsangs, buildings and constructions and houses are linked one to the other." ;s The axis of !::J:iyaban and the band of Boliik-e !::J:iyabanstand out as the prominent concentrations of development under Sol~an l:{osein, but construction must have been spread somewhat more evenly than the sources imply. In his account of the 898 flood that swept down from Gazorgah to the eastern gate of the city, Zamci writes of the many buildings, gardens, enclosures, and buildings (sara o bagat o l}a:;:,a'ero 'emarat) between the ]Bag-e Gahan Ara'i and the city walls that were de- stroyed. 56 · It is significant that qf the seven cemeteries and shrines patronized by the Kart kings and listed by Seif, only one, the t:J:aneqah-e Seib Magd ad-Din Talebe (no. 508), was :not rebuilt or added to during Sol~an l:{osein's reign. This exception, which had been-th~ object of Sah Rog's munific~nce but not of his masons, was listed at the end of the Timurid century as one of the notable buildings within the city by !::J:andamir, suggesting that it was in no need of restoration by 'Ali Sir or Sol~an l:{osein. The chronology of de~elopment during Sol~an l:{osein 's reign is regrettably loose. The Bag-e Gahan Ara'i was begun in 873, as soon as the Sol~an took the throne; the Egla~iye complex was begun only in 880. The inception of work on the Madrase-.ye Sol~an l:fosein is undated (the madrase was finis1'ed by 892 and should probably be dated after 882, when Sol~an Hosein built a grave platform for his ancestors at the l:ia?ire of An~ari). The rate of progress in 'Ali Sir's renovation program-or of the accumulation of privately patro­ nized buildings-is impossible to estimate. Repairs to the rapidly deteriorat­ ing Masged-e Game' were undertaken only in 903, and Afzal ad-Din's com­ plex is to be dated to ·the same period. The construction of the various bags and tagts, both along the Gui-ye Sol~ani and in Boliik-e !::J:iyaban,presumably proceeded fairly rapidly in the 870's and 880's, but the rate of mausoleum construction, both on the slope of Gazorgah and around the 'Idgah, is ob­ scure. The sheer number of documented monuments from Sol~an l:{osein 's reign required a protracted period of construction. Well over 60 buildings can be shown to have been built between 873 and 912. By type and catalogue num­ ber they are: E!Jla~iyecomplex, no. 413; individual buildings not listed separately below.

55 Zamci, v. 1, pp. 81-82. '• Zamci, v. 2, p. 100, conrinuarion oi rhe passage rranslared by Golombek, GG. pp. 86-87. 30 Chronology of Development

Mosques Masged-e Cahar Siiq-e 'Ala' ad Doule, no. 421 Masged-e Cehel Sotiin, no. 422 Masged-e Game'-e tPge Afi.al ad-Din Moryammad Kermani, no. 429 Masged-e Game'-e Pol-e Darqarah, no. 435 Masged-e Game'-e Ziyaratgah, no. 436 Masged-e sar-e Mazar-e Seib Abu Zeid Morgazi, no. 440 Masged-e sar-e Pol-e Engil, no. 441 Masged-e sar-e Pol-e Kard. no. 442 Madrases Madrase-ye !jage Afzal ad-Din Moryammad Kermani, no. 449 Madrase-ye Badi' az-Zaman, no. 452 Madrase-ye Cahar Manar, no. 453 Madrase-ye Fa~irye,no.-455 Madrase-ye Amir Giyat Babsi, no. 458 ~tadrase-ye Seyyed Giyat ad-Din Moryammad Bagban, no. 459 ~tadrase-ye !jage Kamal ad-Din f:Iosein, no. 469 Madrase-ye Amir Nezam ad-Din Seib Arymad Soheili, no. 476 Madrase-ye Niir ad-Din 'Abd ar-Raryman Ga.mi, no. 479 Madrase-ye sar-e Mazar-e Sadat-e MSRH, no. 485 Madrase-ye Seib al-Eslam, no. 488 · - Madrase-ye Sol~an f:Iosein, no. 491 fjiineqJhs !janeqah-e !jage Afzal ad-Din Moryammad Kermani, no. 494 !janeqah-e Moulana Sams ad-Din Moryammad Esfarag-Abadi, no. 516 !janeqah-e Moulana Sams ad-Din Moryammad at-Tabadgani, no. 517 !janeqah-e Seib ~ufi 'Ali, no. 518 !janeqah-e Sol~an f:Iosein, no. 519 !janeqah-e Ziyaratgah, no. 522 !janeqah-e Zobeide A.ga, no. 523 Diverse Institutions Dar as-Sefa'-e Sol~an f:Iosein, no. 530 Dar as-Siyade-ye Sol~ani, no. 5 31 'Emarat-e Cesme-ye Mahiyan, no. 534 Ne'mat-Abad, no. 540 Rebats R~ba~-e 'Ali Sir, no. 544 '. . Reba~-e 'Esq, no. 547 Reba~-e sar-e Kiice-ye 'Alamat, no. 553

·'.. I' Chronology of Development 31

Funerary Structures Gonbad-e 'Abdallah b. Mo'aviye b. 'Abdallah b. Ga'far T ayyar, no. 562 Gonbad-e Abo'l-Qasem Niirad-Din Sol~an Mo~ammad b. A~mad, no. 565 Gonbad-e Firiize Sol~an Begom, no. 5 66 Gonbad-e tiage Mo~ammad Abo'l-Valid, no. 573 Gonbad-e Molla Kalan, no. 575 f:la:?ire-ye Madar-e Mirza, no. 589 f:Ia?ire-ye Qazi Nur ad-Din Mo~ammad al-Emami, no. 590 f:Ia?i~e-ye Sol~an A~mad b. Abu Sa'id, no. 595 f:la?ire-ye Amir Sol~an A~mad Goukangi, no. 596 Mazar-e !::J:age'Abdallah Taqi, no. 598 Mazar-e Emam 'Abdallah al-Va~ed, no. 599 Mazar-e !::J:ageCehel Gazi, no. 605 Mazar-e Moulana Niir ad-Din 'Abd ar-Ra~man Gami, no. 613

Residences Bag-e Beit al-'Emare, no. 625 Bag-e Caman Ara'i, no. 628 Bag-e Gahan Ara'i, no. 632 Bagce-ye !::J:ageAfzal ad-Din t,,[o~ammad Kermani, no. 655 Bagce-ye 'Ali Sir, no. 657 Cahar Bag-e 'Ali Sir, no. 662 Cahar Bag-e Magd ad-Din .\fo~ammad, no. 664 Tagt-e Astane, no. 665 Tagt-e 'Aziz.in, no. 666 Tagt-e Nava'i, no. 669 Tagt-e Safar, no. 670 Tagt-e sar-e Pol-e Sangkisan, no. 671

So many more buildings are recorded for Sol~an f:losein's reign than for Sah Rog's that this list gives the false impression that there was relatively little new construction under Sah Rog. This disparity in numbers is partly a result of the disproportionately large amount of historical material available for Sol~an l:fosein's reign. Even taking into account this bias in the sources, it should be remarked that the texts do not mention the nameless late Timurid gonbads and tagts whose ruins cover the Gazorgah slope. All the evidence indicates that during the last decades of the Timurid century construction 32 Chronology of Development was continuous and substantial, with public buildings, tombs, and extensive estates adorned with exquisite pavilions spreading far beyond the limits of Sah Rog's Herat.

By the end of Sol~an l:fosein 's reign older centers of Timurid development in Herat had been augmented and new areas had been developed. The increas­ ing concentration of buildings at important points during Sol~an 1:fosein's rule throws these points into relief and confirms their earlier importance. To see Timurid Herat as it existed at the end of its century-long development is thus to see it most dearly. The preceding discussion of the architectural devel­ opments of Solran l:fosein's age has taken the form of a survey of these concentrations. It remains to cfiaracterize the two broad areas newly devel­ oped under Timurid rule: !jiyaban and the band of irrigated land north of the Gui-ye Engil. As its name suggests, tfiy;1bfo was the great avenue ot Her}t, lined with religious buildings and shrines. It gave its name to an entire district (that watered by the Gui-ye Nou), and for good reason: it is the only major route into Herat from the north, and it crosscuts the irrigation system of the oasis. Traffic across western Afghanistan flowed down !jiyaban, through the city, and out the Darvaze-ye Firuz-Abad, headed for Farah, Qandahar, and India. From the city, !jiyaban was the route north to the 'idgah; as the avenue to the city's religious assembly ground it was a natural site for the cemetery that came to line it on both sides and that provided the religious rationale for the construction of Kartid and Timurid religious buildings along it. The section of !jiyaban from the Darvaze-ye Malek to the Gui-ye Engil was built up early in the Timurid period with large religious institutions. The "Musalla" area, just south of the Pol-e Engil, was the architectural highlight of the city, and just beyond lay the largest of the Timurid ensembles, 'Ali Sir's Egla~iye. Farther to the north, on the west side of !jiyaban, the Mazar-e Fagr ad-Din Razi was a center for the more spectacular funerary construc­ tions in the Maqbare-ye !jiyaban (!jiyaban cemetery), a corridor that stretch­ ed from the Gui-ye Engil to the Gui-ye Nou on both sides of !jiyiiban. At the head of !jiyaban, near the Pol-e Gui-ye Nou, madrases and ganeqahs were added regularly to the pair of Kartid ganeqahs already in existence; this group of buildings must have extended down !jiyaban rather than being grouped around the bridge, as the sources carelessly imply. Beyond the Gui-ye Nou, where !jiyaban proper ended and the road to the north began, the 'idgiih was the center of a growing cemetery, with the most Chronology of Development 33 notable shrines being those of prominent religious figures: Sa'd ad-Din Kas­ gari (and later Cami), Zein ad-Din tlafi, and Baha' "!d-Din 'Omar. Over­ looking this cemetery were the bags and tabts along the base of Kuh-e Mob­ tar, continuing the developments along the Gui-ye SolFani. tliyaban benefited from the commerce and life of the city, which moved up and down it from the bazars of the walled city and its immediate suburbs. It is worth pausing to contrast tliyaban with the routes from the city to Gazor­ g,1h. The roads leading from the Darvlze-ye Qepc.iq were connected with no major bazar within the city and remained lightly developed. Nor was there any considerable suburb outside the Darvaze-ye Qepcaq, although there was some sort of cemetery. The gate seems to have been an imperial one, almost private, connected to the largely official northeastern quarter of the city by a route leading past the monuments of Sah Rob within the walls to the Bag-e Sahr and the Qal'e. Outside it lay the Bag-e Sefid, the pre-Tirimrid estate that was the alternative to the Bag-e Zagan. But there seem to have been very few major buildings to the northeast of the city. Instead, the semiprivate nature of this route to Gazorgah was maintained by developing the Bag-e Gahan Ara'i and its surroundings in Boluk-e tfiyaban as an imperial pre­ serve, without the close connection to the life of the city that the Bag-e Zagan or 'Ali Sir"s Onsiye had. The more public tfiyaban-e SolFani seems to have left the city from the Darvaze-ye tius, but no monuments are noted along its southern section. Once across the Gui-ye Nou, however, the tliyaban-e SolFii­ ni (whose name stresses its specifically Timurid connections) ran through a cemetery of unparalleled size and magnificence to the single most important shrine of the city-the I:{a~ire of An~.iri, the grave of Herat's patron saint. Like tliyaban, this was a route to a major extramural religious attraction; unlike tliyaban it had virtually no other public importance. Consequ'!ntly it is misleading to view the tliyaban-e SolFiini as another tliya­ ban. The Bag-e Gahan Ara'i was different in character from the Bag-e Zagan; it belongs conceptually to the band of bags that lay between the Gui­ ye Nou and the Gui-ye Engil. Likewise the Maqbare-ye Gazorgah, over­ looked by the tabts along the Gui-ye SolFani, is part of the band of cemeteries and tabts that includes the cemetery around the 'Idgah and the tabts at the base of Kuh-e Mobtar, and is interrupted only where foothills meet the Gui­ ye Nou. The integrity of this latter strip is reflected in the passages quoted above, describing the Gui-ye SolFani. The development of Gazorgah itself during the Timurid century is impossible to trace in detail. Of the many structures mentioned in the histories, most must have been related to the shrine of An~ari rather than to the village prop­ er. The slope of Gazorgah is nicely illustrated in the aerial photograph, 34 Chronology of Development \ 'l however, and the ruins of its late Timurid buildings are quite clear. Of the bags and tagts watered by the Gui-ye Sol~ani the most important is the Bagce-ye 'Ali Sir (no. 657), immediately west of Gazorgah. Aside from the anonymous tagt south of the tl,iyaban-e Sol~ani it is the only Timurid bag whose plan is preserved. The area covered by the present incarnation of Tagt­ e Safar is unfortunately much disturbed, but a series of tagts and small bags . can be seen to continue along the course of the Gui-ye Sol~ani from the Bagce to Tagt-e Safar and beyond. I cannot be sure how far this strip of tabts and bags extended to the west. The foothills north of the city descend nearly to the Gui-ye Nou, and so must the Gui-ye Sol~ani. But the intention of developing the entire hillside north of the city is attested by the parallel creation of terraced enclosures along the base of Kuh-e Mogtar, which were not watered by any canal. These develop­ ments are simply the western counterparts of the tagts visible in Photo l; possibly they were irrigated by water pumped uphill. Similarly, the slope of Kuh-e Mogtar is covered with the ruins of enclosures containing mausolea. While these cemeteries were connected to the city by routes of entirely dif­ ferent characters and were arranged in different ways, they belong to the same sequence of development. The band of well watered and fertile land immediately south of the Gui-ye Nou was occupied by much larger aristocratic and imperial bags, which can be given relative locations through an analysis of the early 10th/16th century hydrographic survey by Qasem b. Yusuf Abu Na~ri Haravi entitled Resale-ye fariq-e qesmat-e ab-e qolub. 51 This work gives the names of a very large number of water distribution control boxes, called qolbs. Throughout Boluk­ e tl,iyaban these qolbs bear the names of princes (Qolb-e Sol~an A~mad Mirza [b. Abu Sa'id?]), imperial structures (Qolb-e tl,argahi), and wealthy aristocrats (Bag-e Sah-e Badagsan, Qolb-e Bag-e Sah O Qazi-ye Merv). The pattern continues right along Bolul<-e !::J:iyaban to the early Timurid bags grouped near the Bag-e Zobeide, and is broken only by the !::J:iyabancorridor. Since the boundaries of these bags are largely unknown, and the Resale is a water survey rather than a cadastral survey, it is not possible to determine the precise ownership of the band formed by Boluk-e !::J:iyaban.But the concen­ tration of aristocratic holdings suggests that much of the district had been crown land-like the Gazorgah slope-and had been distributed to those who enjoyed the favor of the Sol~an. Unlike the area west and south of the city, which had been continuously occupied and cultivated since Herat

51 See Appendix. j. Chronology of Development 35 recovered from the Mongol invasion, Boliik-e !::J:iyabanbecame well irrigated only after a Kartid recdnstruction and extension of the Gui-ye Nou in 707.

The Timurid transformation of Herat can be summarized under seven head­ ings: 1. Reconstruction of the walls, citadel, and bazars along traditional lines. 2. Additions to previously important centers within the city: Sah Rog's madrase and ganeqah near the Qal'e, construction around the Masged-e Game', and additions to the complex at the west end of the Bazar-e 'Eraq, which spilled out into the suburb to the west of the 'Eraq Gate. 3. Reconstruction of Kartid bags. 4. Reconstruction of major shrines and even minor mosques throughout the oasis, as :it Gazorgah, Ziyaratgah, and the Gonbad-e !::J:ageMo~ammad Abo'I-Valid (no. 573), far to the northwest of the city. 5. Construction of typically Timurid large-scale buildings facing !::J:iyaban with the concurrent development of an entire corridor along !::J:iyaban,of which the Egla~iye complex, the Madrase-ye Gouhar Sad, the Masged-e Game'-e Gouhar Sad, and the Madrase-ye Sol~an }:Iosein are only the most conspicuous parts. 6. Digging of the Gui-ye Sol~ani, the development of residential and recrea­ tional structures all along the foothills, and the exploitation of the crown lands in Boluk-e !::J:iyaban. such as the Bag-e Gahan Ara'i and the Bag-e Mirgani. 7. Accumulation of ~a?'.ires and gonbads on the slopes below Gazorgah and Kuh-e Mogtar. At the end of the Timurid century the northern part of the Herat oasis was divided into concentric zones: the solid mass of the built-up city; the ceme­ teries and suburban bags immediately surrounding it; the concentrations of religious and charitable complexes thrust out along !::J:iyabaninto a band of imperial and aristocratic palaces set in large, agriculturally productive bags; and, beyond the cemeteries below Gazorgah and around the 'Idgah, a line of tagts and bags, pleasure domes and private gardens, looking out over the entire oasis. (To the south these outer zones were incomplete and even lack­ ing: concentrations of buildings gave way to farmland that contained more villages than palaces, ending across the river at the hills south of Ziyaratgah.) To account for this singular division of the landscape requires a consideration of Timurid urban models; to explain its magnitude and significance it is first necessary to survey the composition of Timurid society. Society and Economics

The Solrans and princes, the amirs and vazirs who looked out over the Heriit oasis from the Gui-ye Solrani saw a vast and profitable economic engine. Its . workings are now poorly understood, but clearly each of Herat's zones-the inner city, the tliyabiin corridor, and the estates of Boluk-e t{iyiibiin-repre­ sented a different aspect of the Timurid economy, and fitted into the whole in its own way. The artisans and laborers of the city, the 'olamii' who fre­ quented the madrases of tliyiibiin, and the aristocracy that controlled the large estates watered by the Gui-ye Nou occupied separate but related niches in the Timurid economy. By the standards of its age, Heriit's economy was seldom greatly disturbed. Apart from the sometimes protracted struggles for power that followed the death of a Solran, the Timurid century in Hcrat was little disturbed by the problems that beset the metropolises of the Mamluks, the other great Islamic dynasty of the time. The food riots, strikes by shopkeepers, and crises over military pay that were a regular feature of life in Cairo, Aleppo, and Damas­ cus are strikingly absent from the Timurid chronicles. 58 The Turkish aristocracy, the Persian-speaking religious class, and the mass of common people not only coexisted, they cooperated - or were forced to cooperate - in the economic expansion that is such a notable feature of the Timurid empire in general and Herat in particular. The achievements of one generation were, with few exceptions, passed on to the next to augment, and the economic climate was favorable for investment not only in biizars and giiis, but also in lavish estates and superfluous madrases. In order to understand how all the~e monuments came into being it is neces­ sary to understand something of their builders, users, and owners, and the political, religious, and economic relations of these parties. In my reading of the Timurid histories I have found little evidence for Heriit's economic life beyond an occasional anecdote. Drawing on these snippets of information, comparative material from other, similar economies, and common sense, I have formed the impression of Timurid economics sketched out below. It would be fitting to begin a survey of Timurid society with the peasants - the producers of grain, the mainstay of premodern society, and the tillers of the vast estates and fields that surrounded Herat. But the peasants come into

58 Lapidus. Muslim Cities in the Later ,\;fiddle Ages, esp. chapters 2 and 5. Society and Economics 37

view only very rarely in the historical sources. Their connection with the class of local religious leaders is clear from the fact that these leaders and their pious foundations were dispersed throughout the villages of the oasis. 59 But the character of that connection from the peasant's point of view is obscure and is likely to remain so, oral history being the invention of a later age. It is not only the lack of comprehensive sources that stands in the way of a com­ prehensive survey of Timurid society from bottom to top. It is all too plain to the student of the period that much necessary preparatory work has yet to be accomplished. Despite - or perhaps because of - the awesome plenitude of sources, Timurid history as it relates to Herat has scarcely been advanced beyond the outlining of its politics. The economic and social history of the century largely remains to be written, and until that is done the less well documented segments of society cannot be understood. Remarkably, the merchants and artisans of Herat are almost as obscure as its peasants.-Certainly the 'olama' of Timurid Herat engaged in trade, as their counterparts elsewhere did. But we have none of the documents of com­ merce, such as the Cairo Geniza has provided for the Mediterranean, that help to identify those whose primary occupation was trade and the manufac­ ture of goods. In fact trade, as opposed to agriculture, may have been only an insignificant part of the Timurid economy. Obviously the production of the goods demanded by a prosperous society occupied thousands of persons in the city. But despite the construction of caravansarays throughout the empire it is unlikely that long-distance export trade was of any importance to the Herat oasis, as it was to ~Iamliik Cairo or $afavid E~fahan. Her.it is geographically isolated: the only trade route it commands is the overland road from Iran to India. Her.it's major products - grain and textiles - were either bulky and unsuited to the long-distance caravan trade or were pro­ duced in the surrounding provinces as well. 60 The massive grain trade of Egypt was paralleled in Central Asia not in Herat, but in Sistan. Herat's prosperity can easily be accounted for instead by the natural economy of its rich oasis and the upland pastures of Badgis, which if properly managed can support the large labor force that was required to construct the buildings that are the most prominent products of Timurid prosperity. Nor was Herat dependent on its provinces, which were allotted as soyiirgals, or tax exempt

59 To cite only two of many examples. Moulana Gala! ad-Din Qa'ini built a madrase in his home village of Gagarran, in which he was buried, as well as a notable madrase within the ciry (nos. 466, 481 ); the Seib al-Eslam Bah a' ad-Din 'Omar Gagarahi lived in Qarye-ye Gagare· (see Catalogue, no. 582). 6° For a lucid analysis of the physical and economic constraints on caravan goods, see Steens­ gaard, The Asian Trade Rez,o/ution of the Seventeenth Century. ch. I, "The Peddling Trade." 38 Society and Economics ,q

government grants. It is significant that even as the Timurid empire shrank its economy remained robust. An extraordinary number of buildings were constructed in Herat during the Timurid century that consumed income rather than producing it. Even the extensive grounds of the lavish suburban palaces could not have produced enough grain or fruit to pay for their upkeep, though these products fitted into the city's economy in a straightforward way. But the expensive madrases built one after another far beyond the actual needs of Herat's religious scho­ lars a~d the ganeqahs that distributed the essentials of life to an ever larger segment of the population were a sort of service industry that must have had economic justifications. It is through these institutions that the economic role of the upper layers of Timurid society can ·be understood. The Turkish military aristocracy that ruled Herat was little involved in the - -administration of the city's affairs. The vazirs of the Timurid Sol~ans were predominantly local, Persian-speaking, educated men, without clan or tribal affiliations (and therefore considered by the Timurids to be Persians, sarts, whatever their actual ethnic background). 'Ali Sir was a Turk of a different sort than the aristocracy in general-a Uigiir, drawn from the "class of hereditary chancellery scribes who ostensibly carried on the tradition of writ­ ing chancellery documents in the Uigur script," and his family had been connected with Sol~an I:Iosein's by pseudotribal ties (kiikaltasi, or "foster­ brotherhood") for several generations. 61 He was never a vazir, but was as powerful as the most powerful vazirs and amirs. 'Ali Sir was the "Sol~an's Intimate" and stood in an ambiguous social space between the Persian-speak­ ing vazirs, the Timurid amirs, and his personal friend, the Sol~an. The learned religious class, the 'olama', supplied the vazirs of the Sol~ans and staffed the ministries and madrases; in short, they ran the municipal affairs of Herat. Some 'olama' families remained in public administration for generations and must have built up considerable fortunes. 62 Yet some of the 'olama' apparently regarded the ruling establishment and its servants with distaste: a certain Moulana Mo'in Va'ez, who held a post at the Masged-e Game', is said never to have set foot in the house of any of the amirs or political figures. 63 Those of the 'olama' who collaborated with the ruling class were closely connected to their patrons in a pattern that predated

6t Subtelny, pp. 100-101. 62 For example, Magd ad-Din Mo~ammad, a vazir to Sol,an f:losein (lj:indamir, DV, pp. 400- 17), was a son of Giy.it ad-Din Pir A~mad lj,ifi, the poweriul and long-tenured vazir of Sah Roh (ibid., pp. 353-57). 63 !:findamir, ljA, pp. 44-45. Society and Economics 39

Timur: each Timurid prince had a spiritual preceptor, just as Timur and his father were related b~ the spiritual-educational ties of morid and pir to a Transoxanian seig. 64 Qne amir actually went into mourning upon the death of his spiritual directot: (and financial protege), and applied to Abu Said for money to accomplish the translation of his remains to Bogara. 65 Whether the princes ~nd amirs were truly concerned with ·the niceties of Islam or were worried :about the security of their lives in the next world in a more basic way is unclear and probably irrelevant. Unfortunately, little is recorded regarding the religious practices of the Timurid princesses, who may have been more concerned with spiritual questions than their ostensibly more powerful brothers. Certainly the 'olama' in Herat were resolutely Sonni. There were many Si'ites in Herat, but they do not figure largelv in its chronicles. They were not a political force, although they caused occasional disturbances, most notably at the time of Sol~an Hosein's accession in 873, when a Si'ite ascend­ ed the minbar of the 'idgah during 'Id prayers and touched off a riot. 66 In 885, following the rediscovery of the supposed tomb of the Emam 'Ali b. Abi T.1leb, a fraud along similar lines gained enough currency that the central government had to end it. 67 These manifestations lead to the larger question of the Timurid family's sectarian leanings. Babor, who never met him, describes Sol~an I:losein as a simple person, content with keeping fighting rams, flying pigeons, and ar­ ranging cockfights, and remarks that initially he had an inclination to Si'ism. 68 It seems likely that the Timurids did not make the sharp distinction between Sonni and S11 practices that the 'olama' did, and that they had a more ecumenical and practical view of religion. Two of the great S11te shrines of Central Asia-Mashad and Mazar-e Sarif-were patronized by the Sol~ans, as were the traditional Si'ite shrines of Herat. Whatever the attitude of the Turkish aristocracy toward formal religion, or their actual piety, neither of which was uniform, the aristocracy was bound to the 'olama' and vice versa by common interests. The 'olama' represent­ ed the indigenous population and were concerned with their welfare, as local leaders must inevitably be. That the 'olama' were also local politicians is

64 Bartol'd, '· 0 Pogrebenii Timura;· :rans. Rogers, pp. 67-69. 65 t!:indamir, f:IS, v. 4, p. 103; money is not specifically mentioned, but must have been the object of the plea. 66 Zamci, V. 2, pp. 328-29. 67 t!andamir, f:IS, v. 4, pp. 173-74. On Mazir-e Sarif see Golombek, "Mazar-i Sharif-a Case of Mistaken Identity?" •• B,,bor, trans., pp. 258-59. 40 Society and E..:onomics 'V0 clear from the geographic distribution of ganeqahs, madrases, and vaqf prop­ erties, but the nature of their politics is still a matter for speculation. 69 In any event, the process of political accomodation between powerful religious figures-especially $iifis-and powerful military leaders that was well under way during the eighth century was continued in the ninth. 70 The Timurids and their amirs derived their wealth from the same agricultural source as did the 'olam;1', and the two groups managed to avoid serious struggles over the disposition of the proceeds. This political amity was aided by the continuous economic expansion of the Timurid age, based on conti­ nued expansion of the cultivated zones of Herat and other velayats. For whatever reason, the Turks and the 'olama' worked out-or inherited-a modus vivendi that operated independently of ·actual religious motives. 71 This cooperation existed below the level of the Sol~an's patronage, as three exam­ ples of accumulation of wealth and power outside the royal family, with coincident patronage of local religious institutions, will indicate. 'Ala' ad-Din 'Alike Kiikaltas, the governor of Merv and agricultural mag­ nate, has been mentioned above in connection with his large land holdings; in this context it is notable that he established religious and charitable founda­ tions in Merv as well as in Herat. Gala! ad-Din Firiizsah, one of the highest of Sah Rog's officials and consequently one of the wealthiest, is represented not only by his madrase, ganeqah, and mosque on !::J:iyaban, but by works at Torbat-e Seib Garn as well. 72 Amir Giyat ad-Din Sah Malek, too, is repre­ sented by a building at Torbat-e Seib Garn. Samarqandi's obituary for him reports that Timur had granted him a village in every velayat as a soyiirgal and that he had built many fine buildings, madrases, ganeqahs, mosques, reba~s, and reservoirs in the possessions he had been given. He was buried in Mashad, in which he had a special interest. 73 The architectural patronage of these men went beyond the formal needs of the communities in which they owned land, and must be regarded as political patronage.

•• .-\ubin has shown the power of local religious leaders in outlying provinces ("Deux sayyids de Barn au XVe sii:cle"), but the balance of power must have been modified in Her.it. 70 Bartol"d, "O Pogrebenii Timur~", trans. Rogers; Golombek, ·'The Cult of Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Fourteenth Century," pp. 429-30; Golombek, "The Chronology of Tur-·· bat-i-Shaikh Jam," pp. 42-43. 71 See Aubin, "Le mecenat timouride a Chiraz," for the religious patronage of the mendaciously pious Eskandar b. 'Omar Seib in Fars. 72 Golombek, '·The Chronology of Turbat-i Shaikh Jam," esp. p. 43. 73 Loe. cit.; Samarqandi, v. 2, p. 306-08, for the year 829. I believe that the "Appendix'' trans­ lated by Golombek, p. 28. can be read so as to eliminate the apparent anachronism regarding ;-: S.,h .\falek's dates. i.·. Society and Economics 41

The Timurid amirs clearly owned a great deal of land within the Herat oasis, as well as in remote provinces. Many of the qolbs listed by Qasem b. Yusuf, especially for the areas northwest of the city and south of the Hari-Riid, bear the names of amirs and princes. The same is true of the place names given by J:Iafq;-e Abrii for the velayats of Morgab (Merv) and Fiisang (downstream in the Hari-Riid valley). 74 There was an especially strong concentration of aris­ tocratic land-holdings in Boliik-e tiiyaban, as noted previously. It was not only the Sol~ans and amirs who accumulated vast estates, as is demonstrated by the case of the Seib tL.ige A~rar, who came to control a large fraction of Samarqand's arable land. 75 The same process of land acqui­ sition must be imagined in operation at all levels of the 'olama', down to the village seig. In fact, many of the religious and charitable institutions named in the sources were built by local, not metropolitan, religious personalities, and many more must have escaped literary notice. 76 On a smaller scale, these village foundations were also service institutions like the grand madrases and ganeqahs of the city, and they can be seen as the physical components of institutions that redistributed a village's wealth to the followers of its religious leader. The important question regarding these foun­ dations is not how the actual construction of their buildings was financed, but how the revenue that made the institutions themselves possible was gar­ nered: how were they endowed? Then as now, taxes were heavy and it was important for any foundation to gain as much freedom as possible from tax­ ation of its income-producing property. The list of taxes, levies, and duties mentioned in a contemporary Aq-Qoyunlu soyiirgal, for example, runs to no fewer than thirty items. 77 The importance of tax exemptions for religious institutions, and for the sup­ port of the 'olama' and their dependants, is illustrated in a slightly different context by the furor that arose over a campaign of tax reform undertaken by a prominent and very powerful qa:i:i in the Aq-Qoyunlu empire at the end of the ninth century A.H. Fa:i:lollah b. Riizbehan says that these tax exemptions supported such people as scholars and 'olama', and gives the example of one

74 Q.isem b. Yusuf, QA, pp. 28-29, 49 (for the Gui-ye $.idi Bare, Boluk-e Go~are); l:f;ife~-e Abru, G. pp. 34 (Morg.ib), 42 Ftisang), and see p. 27 on Boluk-e Tizan, also south of the Hari-Rud. 75 A remarkable figure, who awaits a modern biographer. Barthol'd's portrait of him (UB, pp. 166 ff.) is certainly overdrawn. His land holdings are detailed in vaqfiyes published and analyzed by 0.Chekhovich and .conveniently summarized by Rogers, "Waqfiyyas and Waqf­ Registers," pp. 186 ff. 76 See Catalogue, nos. 459,466, 4"0, 481,482,492, and 496 for examples. 77 ~linorsky, ·'A Soy,irgh,il of Q.is1m b. Jah.ingir Aq-qoyunlu (903/1498)," p. 933. 42 Society and Economics q_.,'\

of his relatives, a bage in Fars, who is said to have had 1000 (read 100) depen­ dants who were supported by his land holdings and soyiirgal. He reports that "following the abolishment of suyurghals most of the charitable funds (ab­ wtib al-khayr) and hermitages (khtinaqtih) had to ~lose down," and mentions also that "many of the great 'ulama' of Shiraz" took out loans in anticipa­ tion of revenues from their soyiirgals. 78 The extent of the charities and benefactions provided by religious institutions has been demonstrated by Aubin. 79 The aristocracy as well as the 'olama' had followers to support, and the diversion of the state's heavy taxes to the use of the (nominal) owners of the land was important for the 'olama' and amirs alike, as Minorsky noted. 80 Political pull was necessary in order to gain tax exemption, and in order to avoid taxes the actual owners of productive land may frequently have as­ signed their lands to the establishments of powerful local religious leaders while retaining control of the property itself. 81 The mechanism of Timurid tax exemption has generally been considered to have been the soyiirgal, which is supposed to have replaced the 'eq!ti' during the eighth century A.H. and have become the vehicle for grants of tax ex­ emption in the ninth. 82 This is certainly true for the Aq-Qoyunlu empire, and a Timurid soyiirgal in Oigiir, issued in Herat in 825, is of this type. 83 Aside from this single example, however, almost all the Timurid soyiirgals men­ tioned in the historical sources are grants of tax exemption for whole towns, districts, and provinces, assigned to the royal family and the amirs for their

78 FaiJollah b. Riizbehan, TJrif?-e amini, quoted in trans. by Minorsky, "The Aq-qoyunlu and Land Reforms," pp. 453-57. By contrast, in 17th century Bursa vaqfs were lenders (Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman Ciry, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of lvliddle Eastern Studies, v. 12, 1980, p. 234). 79 Aubin, "Deux sayyids de Barn au XVe siecle," esp. pp. 466-67. 80 Minorsky, op. cit., p. 457. 81 This· phenomenon existed during the Kartid period (Golombek, "The Cult of Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Fourteenth Century," pp. 429-30), and probably under the Aq-Qoyunlu (see Minorsky, "The Aq-qoyunlu and Land Reforms''; while the practice is not acknowledged in the documents he publishes, it can be seen to have been in operation). The clearest instance known to me of the assignment or "commendation" of lands to strong persons for tax advan­ tages comes from !:jorasan in the fourth century A.H. (Bosworth, "Abii 'Abdallah al­ Khwarazmi on the Technical Terms of the Secretary's Art," pp. 138-39). Compare the similar device remarked by Rogers, op. cit., p. 187, n. 14. There must have been only a thin line berween protection of the disadvantaged and racketeering by those in a position to obtain favorable tax status for their properties. 82 Petrushevsky, CHI 5, p. 520. 83 Minorsky, "A Soyiirghal of Qasim b. Jahangir Aq-qoyunlu (903/1498)"; Deny, "Un soyurga/ du timouride Sahrug en ecriture ouigoure." J Society and Economics 43

support. Some of these soyiirgals may not have been very large, since Samar­ qandi reports a dispute in 861 between two amirs whose soyiirgals were adjacent to each other, the point of contention being the cistern of a village. 84 It appears that these revenues never made their way back to Herat (except via the schedule of payments for the bureaucratic work involved), 85 and that the taxes were not farmed out, although some tax farming may lie concealed under the straightforward reports of soyiirgal grants. Indeed, I have found no record of any soyiirgal issued for land in the velayat of Herat, which support­ ed the Sol~an.86 I can only suppose that exemption from state taxation was possible in Timu­ rid Herat solely through the medium of vaqfs (deeds dedicating property to a particular pious endowment or purpose), rather than through soyiirgals. If so, it appears that the taxes on exempt properties (vaqfs) were collected by the government under the supervision of the $adr, or chief religious officer, and remitted to the institutions on demand. 87 If ~afavid practice is any guide, the funds were somewhat reduced by the many hands they passed through. 88 It is nevertheless possible that in practice the taxes from vaqf lands were auc­ tioned to tax farmers, as they were in the early Ottoman empire, with the trustees of the vaqfs being the primary bidders. 89 While vaqfs apparently were the only medium for diverting tax monies to local purposes and for supporting the foundations of the 'olama', the aristo­ cracy had different interests in vaqfs than the 'olama' or the ordinary citizen, and thus slightly divergent iinterests in endowing religious and chari­ table institutions. Clearly the aristocracy can have had no difficulty in obtain­ ing tax exemptions for their property, but vaqf property may have been more secure legally than other tax exempt assets. The only vaqf-niime I know of that can be matched with an extant Timurid building is that of the Gonbad-e

84 Samarqandi, v. 2, pp. 1108---09. 85 The anonymous ~afavid Tadhkirat a/-mu/uk, trans. Minorsky, sets our the fascinating intrica· cy of the bureaucratic routine, which required payment for every step of any process. 86 The central government sometimes supported the provinces instead, as during the famine in Kerm:in in 820-22, which was met with extraordinary measures including tax relief, direct aid, and administration of the iiscal system directly from Her:ir (Aubin, "Deux sayyids de Barn au XVe siecle," pp. 422-23 ). 87 Bartol'd, UB, p. 122, n. 4. For more on divans, etc., see Marviirid, trans. Roemer. 88 See the schedule oi fees in the Tadhkirat a/-muluk, and for the collection of revenues, pp. 78- 79. The ~afavids had two classes of vaqfs at the time of the composition of the Tadhkirat (ca. 1725), taficji and sar'i, the latter entirely exempt from control by the ~adr (pp. 42-43), bur I know of no evidence for such a system in the Timurid period. 89 Faroqhi, "Vakif Administration in Sixteenth Century Konya", pp.161-64. 44 Society and Economics tfand Sol~an Begi ("'Esratgane") in Samarqand. 90 The vaqf of this mauso­ leum may have been as large as a quarter of a square kilometer (62 acres, 25 ha.). 91 The vaqfs for the J:Ia?:ire-ye Seih Baha' ad-Din 'Omar near the 'idgah of Herat were equally large, induding the seig's home village and two karizes (underground water conduits). These vaqfs must have produced im­ mense surpluses for their trustees-in the case of the Mazar-e Seih Loqman Parande (no. 612), in the northwest corner of the walled city, the rake-off was large enough to attract official censure. 92 There was, however, a simpler mechanism for avoiding taxation available to the more powerful members of the aristocracy, which has been recorded as j an instructive example by tjandamir. Under Sol~an J:Iosein, the vazir tf age Nezam ad-Din Bagtiyar Semnani, trying to raise 3000 romans, came up short by half after trying the usual sources. He proposed taxing, or at least apprais­ ing, the Bag-e Sefid, Bag-e Zagan, and other (unnamed) royal bags that were "in concealed places" (i.e., not on the tax rolls?). 1 cannot reconstruct the particular politics of the situation, which is not unfamiliar in our own time, but clearly the proposal was unacceptable, since the vazir was imprisoned and tjandamir says that he was mad, either seriously or with the implication that the vazir must have been mad to propose something so obviously unac­ .. ceptable.93 Certainly other members of the royal family and their favorites 1 must have been able to keep their properties off the tax rolls without dedicat­ ing them to a charitable cause. There were, however, nonfinancial advantages for the aristocracy in endow­ ing pious institutions. Aside from the use of endowments to curcumvent :i confiscation of one's property, 94 patronage of powerful political figures among the 'olama' could stand the donor in good stead when his aristocrat­ ic faction fell from favor. 95 The disgraced person could retire to a life of "ascetic" contemplation locally, instead of being exiled or making the pil­ grimage to .Mecca, which was frequently the eqiovalent of exile for political figures. 96 Consequently there were advantages to providing employment for prominent members of the 'olama'. The political uses of modern "research institutes" and universities are hardly different. 90 Vyatkin. "Vakuinyi Dokument Ishratkhana."' 91 Ibid., and see the map in the same volume, p. 24 . ., See Catalogue, nos. 582 and 612. 93 lj.indamir. DV, p. 394. 94 As in 646, when Nez,im ad-Din Obahi was dismissed from the government oi Her;it by ~falek Sams ad-Din Kart; he made his house (sar,iy) into a h;ineq,ih (no.510), made all his chattels vaqf for it, and freed twenty slaves (Seif, pp. I 85-86i. 95 Aubin, "Deux sayyids de Barn au XVe siecle," p. 474. 96 Aubin, "Le mecenat timouridc a Chiraz," p. 85. Society and Ec.:onomic.:s 45

It is even possible that the endowment of institutions founded by the aristo­ cracy drew on the wealth of the 'olama'. In the case of the l:Ia?ire-ye Seib Baha' ad-Din 'Omar, mentioned above, the deceased Seib al-Eslam's home village of Gagare was made vaqf to his shrine by Abo'l-Qasem Babor, but very likely it was actually the property of Baha' ad-Din or of his constituen­ cy, subsumed under his name. More strikingly, the Sol~an's name could be inscribed on buildings he had not paid for, by way of securing a tax exemp­ tion. 97 The relations between the Timurid Sol~ans and the 'olama' in Herat appear to have followed the same lines as those between the Kart kings and seigs elsewhere in tJ:orasan, as Lisa Golombek has described them, and with much the same architectural results. 98 While the Timurids may have added new dodges to the finances of this cooperative system, the political and financial interests of the Turkish aristocracy and the 'olama' coincided, not only in the management of the agricultural resources of the Herat oasis, but also in the establishment of religious and charitable institutions that were the mecha­ nisms of patronage, political alliance, and social welfare. It is plain that there was a fairly large pie to be divided berween these two groups. While the Sol~an and his relatives may have cheated on their taxes, the system of gaining tax exemption for property dedicated to a pious cause through vaqfs worked for both the 'olama' and the Turkish aristocracy, It was a system of social organization that guaranteed support of the civil government and of the poor through local religious institutions without per­ manently alienating tax revenues, which were collected and disbursed by the state. I have come across no account of land being abandoned during the Timurid period and many instances of agricultural expansion, which must have been encouraged by the structure of taxing and tax exemption. In an economy only partly monetized, the profits realized from agriculture could be stored only in the form of grain and labor. It is no wonder that the Timurids found the motives and resources to built so many magnificent buildings.

91 ~linorsky, "'A Soy,irgh,il oi Q:isim b. Jahangir Aq-qoyunlu (90311498)," p. 953; for an example of how rhis may have been done. see Adie, "Nore sur le 'Qabr-i S:ihru~· de Dam­ ghan," p. J 78 and pl. III b. Ir may have been for jusr such purposes rhar Marviirid included building inscriptions in his coliecrion of chancery forms (rrans., pp. 73-761, although rhese are much more involved rhan rhe Damgan inscription. •• Golombek, "The Chronology of Turbar-i Shaikh Je1m,"0 pp. 41--43. Q· ~3 ~~Timurids and Herat

The whole habitable world has not such a town as Herat had become under Sol~an J:Iosein Mirza, whose orders and efforts had increased its splendor and beauty as ten to one, rather, as twenty to one. Babor, trans., p. 300.

In 1506 an aristocratic party out for a picnic or revel in the foothills over­ looking Herat would have seen the oasis divided into distinct districts. The inner, walled city, with the cemeteries and bags immediately outside its walls, could be seen only as a tightly packed mass. The long turquoise strip of t{iya­ ban with its immense religious buildings and massive tombs gained clarity as it reached out toward the mountains. An outer ring of bags and palaces occupied the middle foreground, and immediately below the tabts along the Gui-ye Sol~ani rose the tombs of the Maqbare-ye Gazorgah. The concentric zones of Herat's development enclosed the pre-Timurid city within the pro­ perty and preserves of these spectators. In their elevated pavilions they were comfortably distant frnm the crowded city and insulated from the political and religious affairs of t{iyaban. Moreover, they were raised immediately above the estates that represented their security and happiness in this world, and the tombs, echoing with verses of the Qor'an, that guaranteed their security and happiness in the next world, where the earthly garden would be exchanged for a paradisical one. This was not the original Timurid viewpoint, and it did not develop by chance. The Timurid Sol~ans created both the view and the viewpoint by applying conceptions of the city that date back to Timur's age and probably beyond. To set forth its models it is necessary to fix Timurid Herat in its historical context, beginning with the Kartid period. The Kartid reconstruction of Herat began with its bazars and canals, the basic structures of commerce and agriculture, which lay in ruins after the two catastrophic Mongol sieges of the city. The Kart Maleks reopened and ex­ panded the canals and reconstructed the bazar below the citadel, the most active of all the markets. These public works were essential for Herat's eco­ nomic recovety, which must have been under way by the year 700/1300, when the Masged-e Game' was restored and the city's seven most important cemeteries and shrines came under the patronage of Malek Fagr ad-Din Kart. Redevelopment centered on the Qal'e-ye Egteyar ad-Din (named for one of The Timurids and Herat 47 the generals of Giyar ad-Din Mo~ammad Kart in the early eighth century). By the end of the Kartid period the citadel was bordered on the north by the Bag-e Sahr and on the south by the rebuilt Bazar-e Malek, in which three Kart kings had built ganeqahs (nos. 499, 502, and 509). On the east side of the Qal'e was a kusk (a pavilion of some sort), possibly with an open square below it on the east. The connection between royal residence and royal gane­ qah that was established at the Qal'e was duplicated at the Bag-e Sefid, outside which the tfaneqah-e Giyar ad-Din extramuros (no. 501) was built. In considering the group of buildings centered on the Qal'e it is appropriate to regard the Kartid ganeqahs as the functional equivalents of Salguq or Timurid madrases; they were simply large religious foundations with royal support. 99 This ensemble, combining the royal residence in the Qal'e and the Bag-e Sahr with the royal ganeqahs and the King's Bazar, remained the architectural focal point of the city during the early-Timurid period. It is difficult to generalize about the period before Timur's death: Amiransah was a sort of absentee landlord, and S:ih Rog built little while only governor. A qa~r was built in the Bag-e Sahr on Timur's orders, possibly superseding the Kartid kusk on the east side of the Qal'e. The modest number of buildings mentioned for the period of Timur's lifetime is hardly surprising, since Herat was only a large provincial town before Sah Rog made it his capital. With Sah Rog's accession to the Sultanate came a building program parallel in scope and character to that of Fagr ad-Din Kart, over a century earlier. Sah Rog refortified the Qal'e and rebuilt and extended the Bazar-e Malek - practical measures not necessarily indicative of his larger intentions. But his grand religious edifices, the Madrase and tf aneqah-e Sah Rog to the east of the Qal'e, are too clearly in the Kartid pattern to be mistaken for a routine

99 There is a paucity of Karrid madrases: the Madrase-ye Sabz-e Firiiz-.Ab:id (no. 484), built by Malek Mo'ezz ad-Din Hosein Kart; the Madrase-ye Sams ad-Din Mo~ammad Kart at G:izor­ gah (no. 487); and the undated Madrase-ye Sabz-e Bar Aman (no. 483), which I suspect to be Kartid on the evidence of its name (d. the t!:ineq:ih-e Sabz-e t!iy:ib:in, no. 513, also a work of Mo'ezz ad-Din Hosein-these two buildings may have been related to the Bag-e Z:ig:in). By contrast there are a dozen b.ineq:ihs documented for the period (nos. 493, 499,-50.0, 501,502, 503, 508,509,512,513,520, and 521-1 do not include no. 510, mentioned inn. 94 above), most of them patronized by the Karts. It would be picturesque to see this royal patronage of b:ineq:ihs in terms of the hackneyed meeting of the King and the darvis, bur more likely the baneq:ih had taken on many of the functions of the madrase during the eighth century. It is worth noting that the Seib a!-Eslam in 645 had a baneqah, not a madrase (no. 500). Similarly, Rasid ad-Din built a b:ineq.ih at Tabriz in his Rob'-e Rasidi, not a madrase (Vaqfniime, p.42). 48 The Timurids and Heriir

exercise of imperial patronage. Within only a few years S:ih Rog recreated the Kartid ensemble centered on the citadel. The Kartid pattern of patronage had not been confined to the vicinity of the citadel, nor was S.1h Rog's recapitulation of it. Of the seven major cemeteries and shrines sponsored by the Karts, four were rebuilt, enlarged, or otherwise supported (tjiy:iban, Gazorg:ih, tjage T:iqi, and the t}:ineq:ih-e Seib Magd ad-Din Talebe, as they appear in Seif's list). The Masged-e Game' was repaired, although there could be no question of the Timurids establishing a dynastic tomb there like that of the Karts, since Sah Rog could hardly have chosen to be buried elsewhere than in his illustrious father's tomb, the Gur-e Mir in Samarqand. 100 Gouhar Sad's madrase on tjiyaban contained a dynastic tomb, but it was dedicated to her family, not S:ih Rog's. The construction of the Madrase and Masged-e Game'-e Gouhar Sad fol­ lowed an important departure from the Qal'e-centered life S:ih Rob had led until 812-14: the reconstruction of the Kartid B:ig-e Zc'igan and B:1g-e Sefid, and the transfer of the imperial residence from the city to its suburbs. The Bag-e Zc'igan never lost its symbolic importance as the seat of the Timurid government once Sah Rog moved to it. While the Karts had used these two extramural estates before Timur's day, there is no record of any Kartid building in them or of any Kart residing in either bag. Whether or not they had been residences, the two b:igs may have been no more than the most notable of the estates in the suburbs enclosed by the outer wall Timur destroyed in 783. Under Sah Rob they became much more than that. If Sah Rog broke with Kartid precedent by moving to the B:ig-e Z:igan, he still brought along the Qal'e-centered Kartid pattern: the commerce of the city ebbed and flowed in front of the gates of the B:ig-e Zagan, which took the place of the citadel and its kusk next to the B:iz:ir-e ~lalek, and major religious structures corresponding to the Kartid ganeqc'ihs were erected immediately outside the Bag-e Zagan (possibly on land taken from the Bag itself, since this would have been a way of easily acquiring land whose tit!e was beyond reproach). The degree to which Sah Rog followed local patterns in Hedt is remarkable. He brought with him his father's architectural megalomania and a preference for madrases rather than ganeq:ihs as instruments of state patronage of the 'olam:i', but these predilections produced relatively minor modifications of the traditional Her:iti pattern of imperial patronage. Only the locale was changed when the court moved to the B:ig-e Z:ig:in. Even the construction of Gouhar Sad's Masged-e G:ime' must have been intended to rival the ancient

100 Barrol'd, ··o Pogrebenii Timura," trans. Rogers, p. 86. The Timurids and Heriir 49 mosque in the northeast corner of the city and to outshine the Gorids and the Kart Maleks, who were so associated with the "Masged-e Malekan'' that it would have been impossible so supplant their memory at that site. While Timur had adopted indigenous forms and patterns in Samarqand, he also possessed a taste for the bizarre and original entirely at odds with Sah Rog's adherence to the past. It was Timur who made the village of his birth a new city complete with a major cemetery, constructed a Masged-e Game' with an Indian flavor in Samarqand, and went out of his way to commemorate saints important to the Turks, such as Al:imad Yasavi, instead of those revered by the local population in his capital. Sah Rog's assimilation to Herat's traditional culture is striking by comparison. Equally striking is the lack of architectural initiative displayed by Abo'l­ Qasem Babor and his brother 'Ala' ad-Doule. Abo'I-Qasem Babor died in 861, the same year as S.ih Rog's wife Gouhar Sad, and Sah Rog's era came to an end. Indeed, for Her.it the turning point in_the Timurid century was 861. The years immediately following the death of Abo'I-Q:isem Babor were filled with strife until, as Savory puts it, "the death of so many of the ri~al Timurid princes brought a measure of stability to tjorasani[an] affairs." 101 When the dust had settled, the blood had dried, and the bodies had been buried, Sah Rog's family had lost control of the Sultanate, which passed to the line of Amiransah in the person of Abu Sa'id. It was Abu Sa'id's initiative in digging the Gui-ye SolF.ini that moved Herat's center from the immediate orbit of the walled city to the broad band of land along the foothills to the north, a move that made obsolete the traditional pattern followed by Sah Rob and his grandson Abo'l-Qasem Babor, and gave Solran l:fosein's Herat its shape. Abu Sa'id's building program in Herat was unconventional in other ways, as the siting of the enigmatic residence calkd Ag Saray outside the Darvaze-ye 'Eraq shows. The Ag Sar:iy and the Gui-ye SolFani mark a conscious break with the past. Unfortunately we do not know where Abu Sa'id intended his own lasting monument, his mausoleum, to be. Since he was killed in Azarbaigan and Yadgar ,\fol:iammad, who executed him, did not repatriate his relics, there is no record of his burial. It may be that the Ag Saray was to have been the center of a larger development, in a area that was already predominantly religious and funerary in character, and which became more so during the reign of Sol~an }:Iosein. Sol~an }:Iosein completed the Timuridization of traditional Herati religious sites: the seven Kartid shrines and the Masged-e Game', which was

101 Savory, "The Struggle for Supremacy in Persia after the death of Timur,·• p. 48. 50 The Timurids and Herar

reconstructed in a style strikingly different from its former Gorid-Kartid appearance. Like ~ah Rob, Sol~an J-:losein built under his own name a Dar as­ ~efa', Madrase, and t:Jiineqah. The Madrase, while traditional in type, was hardly traditional in form, at least for Herat - the funerary dome chamber apparently was in the center of the qibla wall, following the form of the mausoleum built by Timur for A~mad Yasavi - and its siting on the air rights over the Gui-ye Engil, so to speak, was highly inventive. The Madrase must have been visible up and down t:Jiyaban, setting the Sol~an 's seal on the development of The Avenue, and establishing his dynastic mausoleum next to the grandest in Her at, that of Gouhar ~ad's family in her Madrase. 102 Sol~an J-:Iosein's buildings along t:Jiyaban extended the pattern of extramural construction established in ~ah Rog's age, but two of the most prominent architectural developments of Sol~an J-:losein's reign departed from the traditional cast of ~ah Rog's Herat. These are 'Ali ~ir's Egla~iye complex and the Biig-e Gahan Arii'i. The proi:otypes--of both of these ensembles shed light on the Timurid attitude toward their capital city. The Egla~iye complex was only a walnut's throw from the Madrase-ye Sol~an J-:losein. It included a madrase, a mosque with an attached gonbad intended for a dar al-~offa~ that later became 'Ali ~ir's tomb, a ganeqah, a dar as­ ~efa', and a bath, as well as 'Ali ~ir's own principal residence, called Onsiye. This quarter, later imitated by Afzal ad-Din,_ combined all the forms of munificence worthy _of the great man 'Ali ~ir, with Sol~an J-:Iosein's concurrence, considered himself to be. It was virtually a campus, and must have been as expensive to build as it was comprehensive in function. Both in concept and organization the Egla~iye complex was not simply an expansion of the traditional combination of residence with madrase and ganeqah, but was a direct and quite probably conscious descendent of the Rob'-e Rasidi, the famous quarter that the il-ganid vazir Rasid ad-Din built outside Tabriz in the early eighth century A.H. The vaqf-niime of the Rob'-e Rasidi indicates that the quarter began as a single development that was surrounded by a much larger secondary

102 There remains the problem of the $0{/e (grave platform) built by S0l1,1nl;losein in the l;lazire of Ansari in 882 for his father .ind his [father's] sons (Golombek, GG, p. 85; Salgiiqi, GG, pp. 48-49 in the 1355 ed.). The inscription is puzzling on several counts, including the one remarked by Salgiiqi: the abgad calculation of the date fails to work out as it should. Salgiiqi found the inscription hard to read (p. 48, n. I), and it is conceivable that he got it wrong somehow, though l cannot come up with a date that will work our in abgad calculation. The problem is why these graves were left at Gazorgah when the Madrase-ye Solran l;losein was built. Possibly it was considered unnecessary to retranslate the corpses from one of the holiest sites in Hedt; it may have seemed best to let well enough alone, especially since Soltin l;losein must have displaced a number of bodies in order to construct the soffe. The Timurids and Herat 51

development and became a new town. The original core of the quarter contained a funerary gonbad for the descendants of Rasid ad-Din, who were to be buried in its crypt. Above the crypt, the gonbad served as a beit a/­ ~offaz {dar al-1:ioffaz). There was a ganeqah, dar az-ziya(e (banqueting hall or cafeteria), and a dar as-se(a'. The adjacent garden (route) contained both summer and winter mosques and was large enough to contain assemblies at 'id. It also contained residences for those appointed to the other institutions, but it is unclear whether Rasid ad-Din's residence was in the rouie as well. Possibly it is not mentioned in the vaqf-name because it would not have been made vaqf. 103 The parallels to the Egla~iye complex are obvious - both were suburban religious ensembles with various pious foundations, both included funerary domes that were also meant for the recitation of the Qor'an, and both were bordered by spacious residential gardens. The intermediaries, if any, between the core of the Rob'-e Rasidi and the Egla~iye complex are yet to be established. There may well have been none. In building the Egla~iye, 'Ali Sir followed an already famous pattern of patronage identified as appropriate for a powerful subordinate of a great Sol~an. The Egla~iye, like 'Ali Sir's other works, must have reflected credit on Sol~an J-:Ioseinas well as on the "Sol~an's Intimate," but it was clearly the creation of one of the Sol~an's servants, for whom Rasid ad-Din would have been an appropriate model. The Eglasiye was used at times by the Sol~an and his retinue: 'Ali Sir remarks in his vaqf-name that the adjacent Bigce was well known, "since the Imperial Court has honored this place repeatedly by staying here." 104 The construction of the Egla~iye complex confirmed the shift of aristocratic I and imperial interest from the old city to the newly developing Boliik-e Ijiyaban, and 'Ali Sir's choice of a non-Herati model for it may reflect the break with Kartid tradition that occurred during Abu Sa'id's reign. Sol~an J-:Iosein's Bag-e Gahan Ara'i, begun immediately upon his victorious entry into Herat, marked an even more drastic shift irr imperial attitudes toward architectural and political patronage, since it dispensed with the traditional association of the ruler's residence with the ruler's madrase and ganeqah (the 1\fadrase-ye Sol~an J-:Ioseinwas not even commenced until much later). The Bag-e Gahan Ara'i reflected baghs that Timur had built, as Sah Rog's bags probably had as well. 10; Timurid sources mention a dozen buildings or

103 Rasid al-Din, Vaqfname, pp. 41-43. 104 From the Persian trans. in the introduction to ·Ali Sir's Maga/is an-nafa~is, ed. Hikmat; see also Cata/og11e,no. 413. ws A discussion of the prototypes for Timurid bags in Herat will be found in my dissertation, pp. 100--07. and is to be published separately. 52 The Timurids and Herar subsection's within it, including pavilions, government offices, the main residence (a qa~r or kusk), a large reservoir bordered by four pavilions, and a meadow. The organization of these parts is not described, but it can be inferred from the plan of the Bagce-ye 'Ali Sir at Gazorgah, whose ruins reveal a loosely axial distribution of pavilions, re~ervoirs, and gardens behind a large entry complex. From this evidence it can be concluded that the Bag-e Gahan Ara'"i resembled Timur's residence at Sahr-e Sabz, the Aq Saray, where a grand entry complex was succeeded by deta-ched structures set in landscaped grounds. The same ;idherence to Timutian sources produced the anonymous bag with vineyard on the slope of Gazorgah, which has a precise parallel in a b."igTimur built at Mi~r ("Cairo"), one of the grandiosely named villages near Sahr-e Sabz. 106 Presumably such establishments were known in Herat before Sol~iin J-:Iosein came to power, although information on this point is almost entirely lacking. The novelty - for Heriit - of the Bag-e Gahan Ara'"i lay in its dissociation from the city. The formerly Kartid Bag-e Zag,1n and Bag-e Sefid lay within the limits of Kartid Herat and retained their past significance despite the construction of Sol~an J-:Iosein's new residence, just as the city's ancient Masged-e G.ime' kept its Kartid associations throughout the Timurid century. Under Sah Rob the Bag-e Zag,1n replaced the Bag-e Sahr as the seat of government and was enveloped by new public buildings like those around the Qal'e and the Bag-e Sahr. The Bag-e Gahan Ar:i'"i, laid out on a scale worthy of Timur himself, was quite deliberately a new creation, associated not with the city or its institutions - which were confined to ljiyaban - but with the cemetery to its northeast. It was in the cynosure of this cemetery, the }:Ia~ire of An~ari, that Sol~an J-:losein entombed his ancestors, and historical accounts of the construction of the Bag-e Gahan Ara'"i emphasize that "its location is to the northeast of Herat, in the area that is the resting place (na~argah) of the pure souls of Giizorgah, and that was the place of [Sol~an }:Iosein's] birth." 107 The in.spiration for this bag can only have come from Sahr-e Sabz, near Timur's birthplace, where not far from the Aq Saray Timur and his court established an aristocratic cemetery that included the grave of Timur's father. 108 With this link between residence and cemetery established, the motives for the construction of the Gui-ye Sol~ani become clearer. The Gui was the

10 • Clavijo, trans. Le Strange, pp. 215-16; text, pp. 154-55. 107 Zamci, v. 2, pp. 316-19; ci. Samarqandi, v. 2, pp. 1373-75, passages translated at length in Catalogue, no. 632. 10 • Masson and Pugachenkova, "Shakhri Syabz pri Timure i Ulug Beke,'' trans. Rogers, Tran, v. 16, 1978. pp. 108-09, .ind Tran, v. 18, 1980, pp. 123-24. The Timurids .rnd Her:it 53 essential step in the development of the foothills above the city, as well as the slope of Gazorgah (which could have been irrigated simply by karizes, as the slope of Kuh-e Mogtar was). The Gui-ye Solrani was built to water more than f:iai-:iresand gonbads; the bags and tagts along its course were equally a reason for its construction. The parallel development of tagts along the foot of Kuh-e Mogtar illustrates the same intent: the creation of points of view equipped with the architecture of leisure and overlooking aristocratic cemeteries. The cemeteries were planned as part of the larger development, which was not random or unpremeditated, but lay within the power of the Solran to control. It is therefore no accident that the Maqbare-ye Gazorgah sprawls across the slope from the tliyaban-e Solrani to Tagt-e Safar (the irrigated section of hillside seen in Photo 1), instead of crowding around the J-:la?,ireof An~ari, the holy spot that gave this area its cachet. For its tombs were intended to impress not only the pedestrian pilgrim to G."izorgah - who passed through a double row of the finest of them - but also the aristocratic spectators in the foothills. 109 The view from the nearly continuous row of tagts and bags along the Gui-ye Solrani was not of the grounds of larger enclosures or some agricultural landscape, but of a field of blue-domed mausolea, laid out like an immense garden full of topiaries. This forceful memento mori, deliberately assembled beneath the tagts and bags, was promoted as a piece of landscape architecture and social display. Tomb and tagt were planned and created together. By 1506, when this vista was complete, Solr,1n J-:losein and his court had come a long way from Sah Rog's Madrase and tliineqah below the Qal'e, a long way even from Abo'I-Qasem Babar's Joy House in the Bag-e Sefid - not that these buildings were abandoned. The significance of the Gui-ye Solrani is that with the exception of religious and state obligations (many of them satisfied through the ambivalent figure of 'Ali Sir, who stood in two worlds at once), Herat's aristocracy had turned its interest away from the institutions of the walled city and its immediate surroundings to its own preserve: the bags, tagts, and gonbads ranged across the northern edge of the oasis. This move out into Boluk-e tliyaban and up into the foothills reflects a lessened involvement with the city's affairs, as does the isolation of the Bag-e

109 The arrangement of the tJiy;1b,1n-e Sol;iini is paralleled by the well known Siih-e Zende complex at Samarqand. where the path leading to an ancient and revered shrine is lined with tombs set directly side bv side. (It is possible that a similar arrangement existed at Sahr-e Sabz, but the evidence is equivocal; Masson and Pugachenkova, op. cit., Iran, v. 18, 1980, pp. 123-24. 128). The mdusolea in the Sah-e Zende complex belonged to members of the Timurid aristocracy and favored members of their non-Turkish retinues-just the class of persons I believe were buried in the Maqbare-ye Gazorg;ih. 54 The Timurids and Herat

Gahan Ara'i. The later Timurids rejected the indigenous urban order for a pattern of development with distinctively Timurid sources: while Sah Rob's Herat was modelled on the Kartid city he came to know so well in his youth, Abu Sa'id and Sol~an l:{osein returned to the example of Timur himself. At the same time they found a way to exploit Herat's scenic potential. None of the elements of this development was new. There is not a single type, combination, or pattern of building in Herat - with the possible exception of the Ebla~iye - that does not have earlier parallels, if only in the works of Timur. In some ways Herat simply illustrates what is known already of Timurid:architecture. In others it was constrained by the topography of the Hari Rud valley and by the unalterable layout of the ancient city. But there was something genuinely new in Timurid Herat: the viewpoint of the picnickers of 1506, created deliberately by Abu Sa'id and developed deliberately by Sol~an l:{osein. Elevated viewpoints were not new in Timurid architecture either - Timur built a bag in the Tabt-e Qarace pass overlooking Sahr-e Sabz - but the intentional creation of a whole series of viewpoints overlooking the city was an innovation unprecedented in the eastern Islamic world before the Timurid century. uo Instead of moving ever farther from the city to scenic spots in Herat velayat, 111 the later Timurids created for themselves a suburban district whose rationale was its view of the city itself, with their own residences and tombs prominently featured in the foreground. In the foothills north of Herat there was a sense of being both within the city and outside of it, looking back over the entire landscape. The view from Herat's foothills, which motivated the later Timurid development of the city, is the same view that so impressed the young Babor and later Sah 'Abbas, who spent his youth in Herat. Babar's love of gardens no The pass is at an elevation of almost 1700 meters, and Sahr-e Sabz, at 600 meters, is visible from it although the town is 35 kilometers distant (Masson and Pugachenkova, op. cit., Iran, v.16, 1978, pp.109, 119). Fa~i~ (v. 3, p. 141) records that in 800 Timiir ordered the con­ struction of Tabr-e Qarace and a bag on the road ro Kis (Sahr-e Sabz}; Barrol'd, UB, p. 41, referring to Saraf ad-0.n 'All Yazdi, gives the dare as 1395, or 797. Yazdi describes the Tabr-e Qarace as a b.ig or bostan, watered by a giii diverted from its normal course. The sire appears from his description to have been terraced, with a pavilion (qa;r) atop one of the mountains (subsidiary peaks?}; ?,afar name, v.2, pp.12-13. Jbn 'Arabsah relates a hyperbolic anecdote about a horse lost in the garden that was nor found for six months because of the size of the grounds (Barrol'd, UB, p. 41; Jbn 'Arabsah, trans., p. 310). Whether the example of the Tabr-e Qarace or other estates like it directly influenced the decision to dig an agricul­ turally pointless carial in Herar cannot be determined, bur it documents a taste for the scenic entirely in keeping with Abii Sa,d's initiative in creating a view oi the Herar oasis. 111 They could, for example, have moved east to Pasran, which is the source of the Giii-ye Sol;ani. The Timurids and Herat 55

is well known; many of the rural bags he built have been identified and even recorded. 112 The bag in which, by his own request, he was buried is only the most famous of eleven bags he is known to have built around Kabul, his capital of twenty years. Traces of many of them can be located on aerial photographs of the city, occupying elevated and scenic spots. 113 ~afavid E~fahan is perhaps the best known of eastern Islamic cities, thanks to the enormous suburban development organized by Sah 'Abbas. E~fahan's Meidan-e Sah has no parallel in Herat, but the axial arrangement of the pavi­ lions and g.1rdens west of the Meidan-e Sah is derived directly from the organ­ ization of Timurid gardens, as shown in miniature in the Bagce-ye 'Ali Sir at Gazorgiih. More importantly, it is the appeal of creating a world apart for the Turkish military aristocracy, within easy reach of the city itself, that lies behind Sah 'Abbas's E~fahan. Even the Meidan-e Sah is a scenic device: a vast stage on which the everyday life of the city could be displayed, and which could be surveyed from a conveniently elevated pavilion separated from what lay below. -- E~fahan had its own local constraints, as did Kabul, and Herat's parallels with these two cities cannot be stretched too far without distorting their meaning. But it is in the new suburbs of Sah 'Abbas's capital and the bags of Babar's Kabul that the memory of Timurid Herat lived on most vividly. In the course of the Timurid century the focus of urban development in the Islamic cities of Asia had shifted from the city residence and urban madrase to the suburban estate and elevated pavilion - an innovation enthusiastically exploited by the successors of the Timurids.

112 On B:ibor's rural bags see Pinder-Wilson, "The Persian Garden: Bagh and Chahar Baght p. 81 and references. 113 Beveridge, The Bdbur-N.imJ in English, App. V. Appendix

Sources

There is no lack of evidence for the form and nature of Timurid Herat. Its inhabitants wrote histories, encyclopaedias-even a treatise on irrigation-that describe the city in a multitude of fragments. Twentieth century Heratis have interested themselves in the antiquities of their city, and travellers have left descriptions of what they saw in Herat. The ruins of large areas of the Timu­ rid city survive; they can be seen on the ground, in maps, or in aerial photo­ graphs.

Written Sources The Timurid written sources include almost all the genres of Islamic history. Because they are so extensive-probably several tens of thousands of poorly indexed printed pages-I have used only published material in this study, and I have ignored or only sampled certain genres-hagiographies and biographi­ cal dictionaries of poets, for example. The remaining material is described below, beginning with the chronicles. Chronicles written in Her;1t exist only from the Kartid period onward. Seif b. Ya'qu b al-Hara vi's Tari!J name-ye Harat initiates the sequence. It is in the form of a continuous historical narrative, with digressions-the technique employed for all the histories cited here. Whether the format of these works acknowledges a strict division into years or no, (Seif's does not) there is al­ ways a summary of the year's important events before the narrative of the next year picks up. These events include disasters, unusual phenomena, and ; the deaths of prominent figures. Seif drew on older, now lost sources, and i used them to compile a history of the city and the Karts from the Mongol invasion to 721. For the years berween 721, when Seif's account stops, and 799, when Sah Rog came to Herat, I have relied on these sources: Arymad Fa~ery al-.!jafi, Magma/, a simple chronology down to the year 844/1442; Saraf ad-Din 'Ali Yazdi, Zafar name (828/1424-25), a history of Timur and his family; Nq;am ad-Din Sarni (d. before 814/1411-12), Zafar nJme, another history of Timur, to 806, with additions made by J:Iafei-e Abru in 829/1426 when he incorporated Sami's work into his own ,vlagmii'a; and another section of Appendix 57

the Magmii 'a dealing with the history of the Kart dynasty. (For the compli­ cated bibliography of f:{afez-e Abru's works see F. Tauer in El 2, s. v. "f::lafi:i:-i Abru.") In general this period is poorly documented, since the court and the center of intellectual activity did not move to Heriit until after Timur's death. The four major published histories of the later Timurid period have been my most important sources. These are: 'Abd ar-Razzaq as-Samarqandi, Matla'­ e sa'dein va magma'-e ba~n·ein (885/1480), which includes material taken from f:{afe:;:-eAbru; ~lo'in ad-Din Zamci al-Esfezari (Zamci), RaU

the title Resale-ye mazarat-e Harat. The first of these works is the Maq$ad al­ iqbal as-sul{aniya wa mar$ad al-amal al-!Jaqaniya of 'Abdallah al-1:lusaini (d. 883/1478-79). Its continuation, the Resale of 'Obeidallah b. Abu Sa'id, extends the scope of the work into the 11th/17th century. The final section, a Resale by Mo~ammad ?adiq Haravi, was written in the early 20th century and is of little use. Salgiiqi has added his own commentary on the texts, including the results of his antiquarian researches in Herat, and identifying the shrines with their modern counterparts, often overenthusiastically. Salgiiqi's tfiyaban and Gaz,orgah deal with both primary sources and the author's own investiga­ tions. A third Herati antiquarian, Giiya E'temadi, has edited the only published portions of !::J:;indamir's tfula$at al-a!Jbar, a history composed in 905/1500: two extracts dealing with the notable historical figures and major monuments of Timurid Herat. The section on monuments lists them according to their -location, -providing still more information about the relative positions of otherwise unlocated monuments. A version of this text containing important variants has been translated by David Price in his monumental Chronological Retrospect. One of the most bizarre pieces of topographic information is a passage from Samarqandi (v. 2, pp. 797-98, trans. in Catalogue, App. B, p. 236), in which the author explains by analogy the fortifications of the Indian city of Bijanigar, which he visited as an ambassador for Sah Rob. Samarqandi uses Herat's landmarks to describe the configuration of Bijanigar's seven concentric walls, a technique that permits a check on the relative location of the monuments and villages he names. Written sources dealing with single buildings or ensembles are very rare for Timurid Herat. The vaqfiyes or \

lers to Timurid Herat have left descriptions of it, like Ruy Gonzales de Clavi­ jo, who saw Timur's Samarqand, or the many Western visitors to ~afavid E~fahan. Babar's remarkable memoirs contain the frank impressions of an informed visitor, but Babar's description of Herat goes no farther than a list of the attractions he visited and the pavilions in which he was entertained. Babar's account of his visit to Herat forms a bridge between the descriptions of Herat's Timurid historians and the accounts of later Western travellers, beginning with George Forster in 1798 and continuing through the nine­ teenth century. These travellers give an uninformed but objective view of the city after it had largely fallen into ruins but before it began to expand again. These descriptions of the city in decay make it possible to visualize aspects of it that are now obscured. By far the most valuable traveller's accounts are those by the members of the two British military expeditions to Herat. The first was the ~ritish Mission to Herat, commanded by Lt. (later Major) Eliot D'Arcy Todd, which relieved Lt. Eldred Pottinger at the dose of the Persian siege of Herat (22 November 1837-9 September 1838). Pottinger, who had been visiting the city when the siege began, assisted in the organization of its defense and may have been responsible for the successful defense of Herat by the Afghans. The British Jvlission stayed in Herat from July 1839 through 1841 before it was with­ drawn to Qandahar. While there, Capt. (later Major) Edward Sanders and Lt. C. F. North carried out a thorough survey of the city, its defenses, and its surroundings (on the British Mission see Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, App. F, by John Login, pp. 522-34). Sanders's description of the walls of Herat (Catalogue, sect. 5) and recommandations for strengthening the city's defenses became the foundation for British military policy toward Herat. North's map of "Herat and its Environs" covers the oasis from the foothills north of the city to the Gui-ye Ziyaratgah, south of the river. His "Plan of Herat Fort, Shewing Proposed Modifications" is the first map of the city and its square walls; and was studied intently by the next generation of British officers concerned with the defense of India. The importance attached to Herat by British strategists and the recommenda­ tions made by Sanders (including demolition of the buildings of the ~ Musal­ la ") prompted the visit in 1885 by members of the British contingent of the Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission (generally called simply the Afghan Boundary Commission, or A. B. C.). Major T. H. Holdich of the A. B. C. resurveyed the Herat oasis, relying on North's "Herat and its Environs" map as a guide. Holdich 's map, "He rat and Environs. A. B. C. 57," does not cover the south bank of the Hari-Rud, but includes a list of toponyms keyed to numbered survey points that provides much valuable information. His" Plan 60 Appendix of Herat Fort, Shewing Recent Modifications" extends North's "Plan of Herat Fort" to include the buildings of the" Musalla" area. Many members of the Afghan Boundary Commission wrote articles and books about their visit to Herat, which they regarded as the high point of their mission. While they gloss over the destruction of the monuments of the "Musalla" -an act of vandalism intended to be blamed on 'Abd ar-Ra~man !Jan, who approved it-they provide useful topographic and toponymic infor­ mation .. One of these officers, Maj. Charles E. Yate, was an informed ob­ server who took the time to record inscriptions from historical monuments, and whose Northern Afghanistan, or Letters from the Afghan Boundary Commission is the second most interesting book written by any of the 19th century travellers to Herat. The literary palm must go to Joseph Pierre Ferrier, a French officer whose thwarted attempts to reach India overland resulted in several long stays in Herat in 1845. His Caravan Journeys and \Yl,mderings in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan, and Beloochistan; with Historic.ii Notices of the Countries Lying Between Russia and India is without peer as a travel book. Ferrier described the antiquities of Herat more thoroughly than any other 19th century travel­ ler, though he lacked Yate's Orientalist training. The notes to the English translation of Ferrier (which was the original edition) added by Sir John Login, surgeon to the British Mission, are of great value as supplementary material as well as ior Herat's 19th century history. If Babor stands between the Timurid historians and the 19th century travel­ lers, Yate stands between the travellers and the scholars. He shares this am­ biguous position with the Russian Orientalist N. de Khanikoff, who visited Herat in 1858 and published the first scholarly account of the city's monu­ ments, as well as the first archatological map of Herat. Virtually no addi­ tional research on the city's antiquities was accomplished until the 1930's. Oskar von Niedermayer, at the head of a German military mission to Afgha­ nistan during the First World War, mapped the interior of the square city, made a bad plan of the Masged-e Game', and photographed the city's monuments and walls. The photographs, map, and plan, with a commentary by Ernst Diez (not a participant in the expedition) appeared in Niedermayer's Afganistan, the pioneer picture-book of Central Asia. Alfred Foucher, head of the Delegation Archeologique Fram;aise en Afghanis­ tan, visited the city in 1922 and published several photographs of its monu­ ments. Afghanistan was largely inaccessible to outsiders during the early twentieth century, and the Delegation held an easily enforced monopoly on archaeological research in the country. Foucher's photographs are its only contribution to the archaeological history of Herat. Appendix 61

In the early 1930's Robert Byron made a brief trip to Herat and reported on its monuments in the Survey of Persian Art. Byron's section in the Survey contains a single plan of the "Musalla" area drawn by Eric Schroeder, who visited Herat in 1935 with the Architectural Survey of the American Institute for Persian Art and Archaeology, and carried out a brief survey of the extant monuments. Schroeder shrewdly focussed his attention on the Masged-e G,"ime', which was defaced by restoration and reconstruction within ten years; his plan and photographs have recently come to light among his papers and promise to add considerably to the archaeology of that monument. Alexandre Lezine conducted a similar survey in 1962-63 on behalf of U.N.E.S.C.O., which has lost his report. Fortunately Lezine published his most important findings in 1964; they concern the Masged-e Game', the Qal'e, and the minarets ot the "Musalla." Only two scholars have attempted to reconstruct the Timurid city based on its archaeology and its written sources. Z. V. Tog:m's article on Herat in Isl:im Ansiklopedisi seems to have been written without benefit of a visit to Her,1t, and Togan consequently repeats some of Khanikoff's errors without significantly exploiting the written evidence. A.M. Belenitskii's "Istoriche­ skaya Topografiya Gerata XV v." is probably the most thorough treatment of these sources until now, but Belenitskii too wrote without having seen the city, and the space available to him permitted only a sketch of Herat's topo­ graphy. Neither author extended his topographic analysis to characterize Herat's development as a city during the Timurid period. The single analytic study of Her:it that places its architecture in its historical context is Lisa Golombek's The Timurid Shrine at Gazur Gah, a monograph on the building Sah Rob erected at the shrine of Herat's patron saint, Abu Esma1l 'Abdallah An~.1ri. The J:Iazire of An~ari is a typical though unusual­ ly fine example of Timurid architecture and patronage; it is one of the few in Herat that have survived relatively intact. Golombek has extended her analy­ sis of Kartid and Timurid architectural patronage in several perceptive arti­ cles, whose conclusions this study supports and benefits from.

Cartography

The written sources provide the indispensable verbal evidence for Herat's form from the 15th century to the 20th, and their illustrations shed light on fragments of the city. \~'ithout plans and maps, however, this evidence could produce only an impressionistic picture of Herat and its oasis. The maps of the British Mission to Herat and the Afghan Boundary Commission tell more about Herat than their reports can, and Niedermayer's plan of intramural 62 Appendix

Her:it is at least as valuable as his photographs. These are the sources I have used to locate monuments and other features mentioned in the historical texts and travellers's accounts, and which have made it possible to reconstruct the ground plan of the Timurid city. Aerial photography has introduced a new accuracy to cartography, and its potential has not been ignored in Afghanistan. An aerial survey of the Her:it area was made in 1959 and repeated in 1965. I have been able to use only one of the resulting photographs; which is reproduced here as Fig. 1, but the series of which it was a part was used to compile several sets of maps by the Afghan Cartographic Institute. The 1: 100,000 series covers the entire coun­ try; sheets 409 C and 409 E, produced in 1960, cover the Her:it oasis. A map of the "City of Her:it" at 1: 5000 was produced in 1967, and covers the square city and its new eastern suburbs. These maps replace the old British quarter-inch series, of which the "Her:it," "Ghuri:in," and "Obeh" sheets are still of value for the toponymy of the oasis.

Physical Evidence With the aid of these written and cartographic sources I carried out a survey of the northern suburbs of the city in 1978 that I believe documents most of the visible remains in that most important sector of the Timurid city. I was unable to extend my survey to other suburban districts or to document the inner city in any detail. These lacunae are partly filled by the immense mass of toponymy contained in the QA and Maye! Haravi's notes to it, and in Fekri Salgiiqi's works. An important study of monuments in intramural Herat ap­ peared while this volume was in press: Islamic Architecture in Herat: A Study towards Conservation, by Rafi Samizay. Further survey work and topograph­ ic analysis of other aerial photographs, if possible, would produce additional information. Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

Districts

I. Boluk-c Turc1n o Tuniy:in 2. Boluk-e Gurvan O Pastan 3. Boluk-e Sabakar 4. Boluk-e Parvane o Havadastak 5. Boluk-e tjiyaban 6. Boluk-e Engil 7. Boluk-e Alingan 8. Boluk-e Kambaraq 9. Boliik-e Goiare 10. Boluk-e Udv.in o Tiz:in

Water

11. Gui-ye Alingan (-638/1240)• 12. Gui-ye Barn-Abad 13. Rud-e B.izargan 14. Gui-ye Bolondsahi 15. Gui-ye Bosuran (- IO'h/16'hc.) 16. Gui-ye Ciri (-IO'h; 16'hc.) 17. Gui-ye Farrasan 18. Gui-ye Engil (-635/1237) 19. Rud-e Gagare (-IO'h/16'hc.) 20. Gui-ye Gagartan 21. Gui-ye Kabarzan 22. Gui-ye Kalan 23. Gui-ye Kamizan (-IO'h/16'hc.) 24. Gui-ye Kartabar (-IO'h/16'hc.) 25. Gui-ye Maladom (9'hil5'hc.?J 26. Gui-ye Malan (-637/1239) 27. Mask-Rud (-82911426) 28. Gui-ye Narare-ye Malek (-IO'h/16'hc.) 29. Gui-ye Nau (-637/1239) 30. Gui-ye Nau-ye Ziyaratgah (-IO'h/16'hc.)

• Dates are those of construction or of earliest mention of a monument. 64 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments ~\ 31. Giii-ye Noub,idiin (- l0 1h/l6 1hc.) 32. Giii-ye Sefid-e Ravan o Taryak (-10'h/16'hc.) 33. Giii-ye Siidi B,ire (-10 1h/16'hc.) 34. Giii-ye ~iifiyiin 35. Giii-ye Solrani (872-3/1467--68) 36. Giii-ye Taliib (- l0 1h/16'hc.) 37. Gui-ye Tizan 38. Giii-ye Udvan (-829/1425-26) 39. Nahr-e Zangi 40. Giii-ye Ziy.iratgah 41. Nat.ire-ye ~lalek (Guiare) 42. Nar,ire-ye Malek (Gui-ye Nou) 43. Nar.ire-ye Mirgani 44. Narare-ye Kiisk-e Es~iiq (-10'h/16'hc.) 45. Natare-ye Malatak (-10'h/16'hc.) 46. Aqueduct 47. f:louz-e Asg.ir-Ab (--898/1492) 48. Houz-e C:ah.ir-B,ig 49. f:louz near G.izorgcih 50. f:louz-e Giyiit ad-Din Kart (ca 719/1319) 51. }:louz-e Esma'il Qazi 52. f:louz-e Miihiy.in (-927/1521)

Roads, Walls. Bridges, and Ba::.ars

53. Kohandez-e MSRQ (-721/1321) 54. Qal'e-ye Ebteyiir ad-Din (-721/1321) 56. Darviize-ye Firiiz-Abiid (-663/1264?) 57. Darviize-ye 'Er.iq 58. Darviize-ye tf iis (-706/1306?) 59. Darvaze-ye Malek (-783/1381) 60. Darvaze-ye Qepcaq 61. Pol-e Ab-e Cakiin (-885/1480?) 62. Pol-e 'Ali }:leidar (-10'hi16'hc.) 63. Pol-e Biibii Kamal (-897/1491-2?) 64. Pol-e Darqariih (- 721/1321) 65. Pol-e G,ih 66. Pol-e G.izorg,ih 67. Pol-e Herat (-706/1306) 68. Pol-e Engil (-713/1313) 69. Pol-e Esfezar (-719/1319) 70. Pol-e Giii-ye Nou (- 771/1369) 71. Pol-e Kiird 72. Pol-e Kartabar (-905/1500) Handlisr of Toponyms and Monuments 65 73. Pol-e tfanbe (-668/1269) 74. Pol-e tfarrusan 75. Pol-e tfeime-ye Do Zfo (-721/1321) 76. Pol-e tfeiran (-898/1492) 77. Pol-e tfagegi Divane (-10'h/16'hc.) 78. Pol-e Malan (-505/1111) 79. Pol-e Mir Sekar (-10'h/16'hc.) 80. Pol-e Negar (-1 l'h/17'hc.) 81. Pol-e Rikene (-885/1480) 82. Pol-e Salar (-874/1469) 83. Pol-e Sangesran (-9.2711521) 84. Pol-e Tulaki (-898, 1492) 85. tfiyaban (-873/1469) 86. tfiyaban-e Solrani (-89711491) 87. Klice-ye 'Alamar 88. Ku ce-ye Bag-e Z.igcin 89. Klice-ye B,1gbanan 90. Klice-ye Bav,iliyan \-669/1268) 91. Klice-ye Esfezar 92. Kuce-ye Hance-Abad (-846/1442) 93. Kuc~-ye Mazar-e Fabr ad-Din Razi (-823/1420) 94. Klice-ye Saqsalman 95. Kuce-ye Safrolu 96. S:ire'-e Bag-e Sefid (-719/13.19) 97. Cahar-Su (-720/1320) 98. B.izar-e Asp o Soror (-897/1491-2) 99. B;1zar-ebirun-e Darv.ize-ye tfus (ca 712/1312) 100. Bazar-e Rruz-Abad 101. Bazar-e 'Eraq (-709-12/1309-12) 102. Bazar-e tf us 103. B:izar-e Malek (-618/1221) 104. Bazarce-ye Seib Cavus (-905/1500) 105. Cahar Suq-e 'Ala' ad-Doule (ca 862/1457) 106. Suq as-Solran (ca 712/1312)

Villages, Quarters, and Dit•erse Toponyms 107. Deh-e Cugangar 108. Deh-e Kalagan 109. Deh-e Minar 110. Deh-e Miri 111. Deh-e Nou 112. Mal_,alle-yeBaba J:{,1ggi 113. Mal_,alle-yeBag-e Nou 66 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

114. ,\laryalle-ye G.izan 115. Maryalle-ye Kaliirgaran 116. Maryalle-ye tfalvatiyan 117. Maryalle-ye tfage 'Abd al-Mi~ri 118. Maryalle-ye tiage Sehab 119. Maryalle-ye tlance-Abad 120. Maryalle-ye Kigkagi 121. _l,..faryalle-ye,\[iriin 122. Maryalle-ye :-.loqriy,1n i23. Maryalle-ye Qali Bafiin 124. Maryalle-ye Qoziit 125. Maryalle-ye S;1dat 126. Maryalle-ye Sal.ini 127. Maryalle-ye Sangani 128. _l,..[aryalle-yeSam'riz,in 129. Maryalle-ye Sigce 130. Maryalle-ye Sofl,1 131. ,\!aryalle-ye Tdlakan 132. Qarye-ye Ab-Gali! 133. Qarye-ye Ab,1de 134. Qarye-ye Abo"l-Va!Td 135. Qarye-ye 'Alavi 136. Qarye-ye 'Ali Afgan 137. Qarye-ye 'Ali Sah 138. Qarye-ye Angiirak 139. Qarye-ye Arman 140. Qarye-ye Asfagan 141. Qarye-ye Asiy,1ce 142. Qarye-ye 'Ein,1n 143. Qarye-ye Azadan 144. Qarye-ye 'Aziz Doriid 145. Qarye-ye Bab-e f:{ouz 146. Qarye-ye Babare 147. Qarye-ye Bad-e Morgan 148. Qarye-ye Badahastan 149. Qarye-ye Badallii 150. Qarye-ye Badaq 151. Qarye-ye Bag-e Gahan Arii'i 152. Qarye-ye Biig-e Ziidi 153. Qarye-ye Bagani 154. Qarye-ye Bagdast 155. Qarye-ye Bakr-Abad 156. Qarye-ye Biiliyan Handlisr of Toponyms and Monuments 67

157. Qarye-ye Bcim 158. Qarye-ye Bar Aman 159. Qarye-ye Beyesan 160. Qarye-ye Bazar 161. Qarye-ye Bicgiyal 162. Qarye-ye Biceqi 163. Qarye-ye BTRKN 164. Qarye-ye Bii-ye ;\Lis.in 165. Qarye-ye Bii-ye Morg 166. Qarye-ye Bii-ye Nan 167. Qarye-ye Bii-ye Talf:ie 168. Qarye-ye Boland-Ab (Engil) 169. Qarye-ye Boland-Ab-e .Morgab 170. Qarye-ye Boland-Ab-e Sarvest:in 171. Qarye-ye Boland-e ;\fogiilan 172. Qarye-ye Bo~:ideq 173. Qarye-ye Bosiirc1n 174. Qarye-ye Bozd,in 175. Qarye-ye <'.:ahar Siiq-e 'Ala' ad-Doule 176. Qarye-ye Cake 177. Qarye-ye C:akan 178, Qarye-re C:.ikedn 179, Qarye-ye C:aqmaq 180, Qarye-ye Cehel Miran 181. Qarye-ye C:iri 182. Qarye-ye Dades,in 183. Qarye-ye Darqarcih 184. Qarye-ye Das.in 185. Qarye-ye Dasr 186. Qarye-ye Dast-Bam 187. Qarye-ye Dastgerd 188. Qarye-ye Divance 189. Qarye-ye Dizaq 190. Qarye-ye Do Made 191. Qarye-ye Farizan 192, Qarye-ye Farga'i 193. Qarye-ye Farrasan 194. Qarye-ye Farrasan (Alingan) 195. Qarye-ye Ferk 196. Qarye-ye Ftriiz-Ab:id 197. Qarye-ye Gal ii-ye $oror 198. Qarye-ye Gavasan 199. Qarye-ye Gavasance 68 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

200. Qarye-ye Gaves 20 I. Qarye-ye Gavmisi 202. Qarye-ye Gavsiyiih 203. Qarye-ye G,1zariince 204. Qarye-ye G,1zorgiih 205. Qarye-ye Garaqab 206. Qarye-~·e ttige Garib,1n 207. Qarye-ye Gase 208. Qarye-ye G:ivardan 209. Qarye-ye Giz.in 210. Qarye-ye Golv.1n. 211. Qar~·e-ye Golvar 212. Qarye-~·e Gi:1reo Darv:ize 213. Qar~·e-yeGi1r.1n 214. Qarye-yeGi:1rvan 215. Qarye-ye Gelim-B."if 216. Qarye-ye GerJ-Ab 217. Qar~·e-ye Gi:1bat.111 218. Qarye-ye Gogoriit 219. Qarye-ye Golmir 220. Qarye-ye GonbaJ-e Panbe 221. Qarye-ye Gor.12.'in 222. Qarye-ye Gorg,1n 223. Qarye-ye Guse Mir 224. Qarye-ye HavjJastak 225. Qarye-ye f::las,1r 226. Qarye-ye f::laf~ad 227. Qarye-ye f::lalv;1'i 228. Qarye-ye f::loui:-e Karb,1s 229. Qarye-ye HenJii yiin 230. Qarye-ye Hugaz 231. Qarye-ye Gade 232. Qarye-ye Gag,1re 233. Qarye-ye Gaiv,1ce 234. Qarye-ye Gaqartan 235. Qarye-ye Gargarak 236. Qarye-ye Gas'1n 237. Qarye-ye Gave 238. Qarye-ye Gav,1n 239. Qarye-ye Giivars 240. Qarye-ye Gabra'il 241. Qarye-ye Gi:ti 242. Qarye-ye Guiyan Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments 69 243. Qarye-ye Gond-e ljan 244. Qarye-ye Kabarzan 245. Qarye-ye K:ig-Ab,id 246. Qarye-ye Kaligerd 247. Qarye-ye Kamal ad-Din 248. Qarye-ye Kamiz:in 249. Qarye-ye Kan:i':in 250. Qarye-ye K,ince 25 I. Qarye-ye Kande-Ab 252. Qarye-ye Kandar 253. Qarye-ye Kargan 254. Qarye-ye K:iriz-e Nou 255. Qarye-ye K.irizak 256. Qarye-ye Karki 257. Qarye-ye Karte ('Olya, Vosra, and Soila) 258. Qarye-ye Katav:ini 259. Qarye-ye ljalagan 260. Qarye-ye ljambe 261. Qarye-ye lj.in 262. Qarye-ye ljanani 263. Qarye-ye lj:indar 264. Qarye-ye ljar,inak 265 .. Qarye-ye ljardozd:in 266. Qarye-ye ljartiis,in 267. Qarye-ye ljeime-ye Do Zan 268. Qarye-ye ljiiganak 269. Qarye-ye ljus-B,isan 270. Qarye-ye Kiif:in 271. Qarye-ye Kiil 272. Qarye-ye Konar 273. Qarye-ye Kongan 274. Qarye-ye Kurt 275. Qarye-ye Kiisk-e Es~:iq 276. Qarye-ye Kiiskak 277. Qarye-ye Kiizangiyan 278. Qarye-ye Lakani 279. Qarye-ye Laklak ljane 280. Qarye-ye !via~alle-ye Mehriy:in 281. Qarye-ye Maladom 282. Qarye-ye Malan 283. Qarye-ye Manzel 284. Qarye-ye Maragaz 285. Qarye-ye Mas 70 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

286. Qarye-ye Mas'C1d 287. Qarye-ye Mazda t{an 288. Qarye-ye Mildan 289. Qarye-ye Misi 290. Qarye-ye Miyan Bazar 291. Qarye-ye Miyan Do Gui (Goiare) 292. Qarye-ye Miy.in Do Gui (t{iyaban) 293. Qarye-ye Miyan Do Gui-ye 'Ezz ad-Din 294. Qarye-ye Miyan Veh 295. Qarye-ye Mogulan 296. Qarye-ye ~lolla tfan 297. Qarye-ye ~loll.i Siyan 298. Qarye-ye .\forgab 299. Qarye-ye .\fosk-Rud 300. Qarye-ye Nagahan 301. Qarye-ye Nahr-e Gadid-e Vare 302. Qarye-ye Nahr-e Zangi 303. Qarye-ye Noqre 304. Qarye-ye Nou 305. Qarye-ye Noubadan 306. Qarye-ye Navin ('Olya and Sofia) 307. Qarye-ye Nesin 308. Qarye-ye Nusan 309. Qarye-ye Nuy.in 310. Qarye-ye Pahve 311. Qarye-ye Parv.'ine 312. Qarye-ye Parze 313. Qarye-ye Pasran 314. Qarye-ye Pasran-e tfage A~mad 315. Qarye-ye Pastan-e t{age Moudud 316. Qarye-ye Puran 317. Qarye-ye Pustin 318. Qarye-ye Qa~r-e Abu Bakr 319. Qarye-ye Qa~r-e Anba'i 320. Qarye-ye Qa~r-e Gulah 321. Qarye-ye Qa~r-e Sirin 322. Qarye-ye Qa~r-e Ya~ya 323. Qarye-ye Qavasnan 324. Qarye-ye Qimaq 325. Qarye-ye Qepcaqan 326. Qarye-ye Qolb-e Gaz 327. Qarye-ye Qolbce-ye Qazi 328. Qarye-ye Qolzom Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments 71

329. Qarye-ye Qotlog S:ih 330. Qarye-ye Rivand 331. Qarye-ye Riid-e Mahi 332. Qarye-ye Sefid-e Ravan 333. Qarye-ye Salimi 334. Qarye-ye Sanougerd 335. Qarye-ye Sang-e Siirab 336. Qarye-ye Sangar-e Soila 337. Qarye-ye Saqsalm.in 338. Qarye-ye Sar-e Kiice 339. Qarye-ye Sar-e Tai 340. Qarye-ye Sarai-ye Nau 341. Qarye-ye Sarbiz 342. Qarye-ye Sarvestan 343. Qarye-ye Seinan 344. Qarye-ye S,1di B,1re 345. Qarye-ye S.idi Hagg.1m 346. Qarye-ye Sadmfo 34 7. Qarye-ye ScJhi 348. Qarye-ye Sahr-e Gadid 349. Qarye-ye Sahr-e Sef.1 350. Qarye-ye Sahrak 351. Qarye-ye Sakibcin-Sofla 352. Qarye-ye Sam'.1n 353. Qarye-ye Sams-Ab.1d 354. Qarye-ye Seiban 355. Qarye-ye Sirin 356. Qarye-ye Sotorbanin 357. Qarye-ye Satori-ye 'Ali Bahram Soleimi 358. Qarye-ye Seh Palak 359. Qarye-ye SerM 360. Qarye-ye Sedg 361. Qarye-ye Sirnan 362. Qarye-ye Sirvan 363. Qarye-ye Siyahgerd 364. Qarye-ye Siyaviisan 365. Qarye-ye Sufiyan 366. Qarye-ye Soleiman 367. Qarye-ye ijage Sormaq 368. Qarye-ye Susan 369. Qarye-ye Tagari 370. Qarye-ye Tah-e Bariyan 371. Qarye-ye Talabe 72 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

372. Qarye-ye TaLis 373. Qarye-ye Taryak 374. Qarye-ye Tiyuldaran 375. Qarye-ye Tizan 376. Qarye-ye Tuniyan 377. Qarye-ye Tuppe 378. Qarye-ye Tudn 379. Qarye-ye Tork-Abad 380. Qarye-ye Torkan 381. Qarye-ye Udran 382. Qarye-ye Udv,1n 383. Qarye-ye 'Oqiib 384. Qarye-ye 'Or.im 385. Qarye-ye Urroban 386. Qarye-ye Ozbek 387. Qarye-ye Zandran 388. Qarye-ye Zarkiib 389. Qarye-ye Zirak 390. Qarye-ye Zcrest 391. Qarye-ye Ziyiiratgiih 392. C:esme-ye Mahiyan 393. C:esme-ye Malan 394. C:esme-ye Qaranfol 3 95. Darvis-Abiid 396. Dast-e Yaliin 397. Doulatb,ine 398. f:faqiibe 399. !jorii~an-Ab,id 400. Meidan-e Sa':idar 401. Mazra'e-ye C:ahar Kaftar Jjan . 402. Mazra'e-ye lj;ige 'Alem 403. Rouze Bag 404. $a9ra'-e Buzganan 405. Sarai-ye f:fasan Jjiige 406. Sarai-ve Malek 407. Olan~-e C:arg 408. Olang-e Hazar Garib 409. Olang-e Kahdestan

Commercial Structures 410. Tim-e Taqiye Forusan (-88011475) 411. f:fammam-e 'Ali Sir (ca 880/1475) 412. f:fammam-e Sah Soleimiin Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments 73

Religious and Charitable Institutions

413. EbLWye Complex (ca 880/1475) 414. Masged-e 'AbdalJjh 'Amr (-699/1299?) 415. Masged-e Bag-e Sahr (-905/1500) 416 . .\lasged dar Band-e Bazar-e 'Erciq (-829/1425) 417 . .\lasged-e Bazai;ce-,e Seib Cavus 418. Masged-eBibiNur (-ll'h/17'hc.) 419 . .\lasged-e Bibi Setti (ca 799-850/1396-1446?) 420. Masged-e Cah,1r S.rnbahi (-11

454. Madrase-ye Amir Caqmaq Sarni (-833/1429-30) 455. Madrase-ye Fa~i~e (-905/1500) 456. Madrase-ye Fil Band (-905/1500) 457. Madrase-ye Gouhar Sad (820-41/1417-37) 458. Madrase-ye Amir Giyar Babsi {ca 873-912/1468-1506) 459. Madrase-ye Seyyed GiyiiI ad-Din Mo~ammad Bagbiin (ca 890-912/1485- 1506) 460. Madrase al-Giyariye (ca 597-99/1200--02) 461. Madrase-ye f:[azrat Mabdumi (-905/ 1500) 462. Madrase-ye EsLimiye (-927-1521 ?) 463. Madrase-ye tfage Esm,111f:le~ari (-905/1500) 464. Madrase-ye 'Ezz ad-Din 'Omar Mirgiini (-609/1212) 465. Madrase-ye Amir Gala! ad-Din Firuzsiih (-838/1434?) n ....., 466. Madrase-ye .\.louliinii Galiil ad-Din Qa'ini (-828/1434) .J 1'" 467. Madrase-ye tfage Galal ad-Din Qasem Faranbudi (-905/1500) 468. Madrase-ye Amir Kam,il aJ-Din Farmcin Seib (-831/1427) 469. Madrase-ye tfage Kam.ii aJ-Din f:losein (ca 873-899/1468/93) 470 . .\laJrase-ye Lo~folLlh $a

496. tLineqah-e lj.ige 'Ali b. ljage Fa!µ-ad-Din (-845/1441) 497. ljaneqah-e ljage 'Ali Movafaq 498. ljaneqah-e Seib C.!\"US (-905/1500) 499. ljaneq.ih-e Fabr ad-Din Kart (ca 699/1299) 500. lj,ineqah-e lj.1ge Galve (-645/1247) 501. ljaneq.1h-e Giy.1t .id-Din Kart, extramuros (-721/1321) 502. lj.1neqah-e Giy.it .id-Din Kart, intramuros (-721/1321) 503. lj,1neq.1h-e Gadidi (.:a 731-71/ !330-69/70) 504. ljaneq,"ih-e Seib G.11.il.id-Din 505. lj.ineq."ih-e Amir G.1l.1lad-Din Finizsah (-838/1434) 506. ljaneqah-e ljah-atiyan (-833/1329) 507. Jj.ineq,"ih-e lj.1nz.1de Begom (ca 782-95/1380-92?) 508. ljaneqah-e Seib \lagd .id-Din Talebe (ca 684-706/1285-1306) 509. lj.ineqah-d,lo·czz·.id-Din f:iosein Kart (ca 732-71/1330-69/70) 510. lj,ineqah-e Ne~.im ad-Din Obahi (.:a 646i 1248) 51 I. 1j.1neqah-e Pir-e Her.it (-905/1500) 512. lj.1neq.1h-ePol-eDarqarah (-71411314) 513. ljaneqah-e Sabz-e ljiyaban (ca 732-71/ 1330-69/70) 514. lj.1neqah-e Seib ?.Jdr ad-Din Ravasi (-871/1466) 515. ljaneq.1h-e S.ih Rob (813/1410) 516. ljaneqah-e Moulana Sams ad-Din ~fo9ammad Esfarg-Abadi (-932/1525) 517. lj.1neq.1h-e Moul.in.i Sams ad-Din Mohammad at-Tabadgani (844-906/1441- 150 I) 518. ljaneq,ih-e Seib ?uii "Ali (-908/1502) 519. lj.1neqah-e S0lt.1n Hosein (ca 882-92/1447-86) 520. ljaneq,ih-e S0lr.1n lj.1tiin (ca 766-83/1364-81) 52 L ljaneqah az-Zeini .il-.\lasrari (-732/1331) 522. !j,ineqah-e Ziylratg.ih (844-906/1441-1501) 523. ljaneqah-e Zobeide .:i:.g.1 (ca 873-912/1469-1506?) 524. Dar al-1:iadif-e .\lahd 'Olya Malekat Aga (-844/1440) 525. Dar al-1:ioffaz-e '.~Ji Sir (ca 880/1475) 526. Dar as-Sefa'-e 'Abdallah 'Amr (ca 862/1457?) 527. Dar as-Sefa'-e 'Ali Sir (ca 880/1475) 528. Dar as-Sefa'-e M.ihd 'Olya Malekat Aga (-844/1440) 529. Dar as-Sefa'-e Sah Rob (-905/1500?) 530. Dar as-Sefa'-e Solr.in f:iosein (-905/1500) 53 I. Dar as-Siyade-ye Soltani (ca 873-912/1469-1506) 532. 'Idglh (ca 852-61, 1449-57?) 533. 'Emarat-e Abii Sa'id (ca 861/1456) 534. 'Emarat-e Cesme-ve .'vl.ihiyan (844-906/1441-1501) 535. Gama'at ljane-ye \:e?.im ol-Molk ljafi (ca 699/1299?) 536. Gam.1"at ljane-ye \loulana Sams ad-Din Mo9ammad at-Tabadgiini (844- 906/1441-1501) 76 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

537. Kerabb.ine-ye Solr.in AJ:imad Mirz.i (-899/1493) 538. Langar-e Mazar-e Hage Rosna'i (-11 •h;17•hc.) 539. Langar-e Seib YaJ:iy.i (-905/1500) 540. Ne'mat-Abad (ca 873/912/1469-1506) 541. Takiye-ye B.ib.i GiLini 542. Takiye-ye Eskandar Beg (-852/1448) 543. Z.iviye-ye Seib Zein ad-Din tJe1fi (-838/1434)

Reb,1rs 544. Reb.ir-e 'Ali Sir (844-906/1441-150 I) 545. Rebe1r-eAqi:e1h 546. Rebar-e Gt1riy.in (-829/1426) 547. Reb,if-e 'Esq (844-906-1441-1501?) 548. Rebe1r-eSeib Esme1'il~ufi (ca 206-18/821/33?) 549. Rebe1r-etJ.ige MouduJ Past.ini (-829/1426) 550. Rebar-e Mir D~'ud (-821/1418) 551. Reba[-e Gonbad-e tJage MoJ:iammaJ Abo'I-Valid (844-906,11441-1501) 552. Reb,if-e tJe1geR.1i.i ad-Din ,\!oudud b. AJ:imad (835/1431) 553. Rebe1r-esar-e Kt1ce-ye 'Al.imat (844-906/1441-150) 554. Reb,if-e sar-e Kiice-ye Esfez.ir (-714/1314) 555. Reb,if-eSefce (-l l'h;17•hc.)

Funerary Architecture 556. Gurest.in-e Garib,in (-11 •h/l 7'hc.) 557. Maqbare-ye Darb-e tJus (ca 270/883) 558. Maqbare-ye tJiyabe1n 559. Maqbare tJance-Abad (-699/1299) 560. Maqbare-ye MSRQ (-721/1321) 561. Maqbare-ye Ziyaratgah (-11 •h;17•hc.) 562. Gonbad-e 'Abdallah b. Mo'aviye b. 'Abdallah b. Ga'far Tayye1r (-737/1336) 563. Gonbad-e Seyyed Abu 'Abdallah-e Mobtar Haravi (-838/1434?) 564. Gonbad-e Emamzade Abo'I-Qasem b. Gifar ~adeq (-893/1487) 565. Gonbad-e Abo'I-Qasem Nur ad-Din Solian MoJ:iammad b. AJ:imad (-889/ 1484) 566. Gonbad-e Ftruze Solian Begom (-873/1468) 567. Gonbad-e Goucar.in 568. Gonbad-e Seih Esma'il Harezmi 569. Gonbad-e Mo~lana Galil ad-Din MaJ:imud Zahed Morgabi 570. Gonbad-e Moulana Galal ad-Din Yusuf l:fallag (-823/1420) 571. Gonbad-e tJ.ige Kateb 572. Gonbad-e Moulana ~aJ:ieb 573. Gonbad-e tJage MoJ:iammad Abo'I-Valid (ca 699-1299) - Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments 77

574. Gonbad-e Amir .\lo~ammad Solran Sah (-847/1443) 575. Gonbad-e Moll.i Kalan (ca 873-912/1469-1506) 576. Gonbad-e Naser Jd-Din fjandsah (-838/1434) 577. Gonbad-e fjage N.iser ad-Din Lorfollah Va'ez (-823/1420) 578. Gonbad-e fjage Qorb ad-Din Mo~ammad Roh Band (-905/1500) 579. Gonbad-e Seib ~adr ad-Din Arm;1ni 580. f:{a~ire-ye fjage 'Abdallah Ansari (829-30/1425-6) 581. f:fa?ire-ye fjage Adham 582. f:{a~ire-yeSeib Baha' ad-Din 'Omar Gagarahi ·(ca 852-61/1449-57) 583. f:{a~ire-yeBibi .\lo~ebb (-905/1500) 584. f:{a~ire-yeCak;1n (-ll'h/17'hc.) 585. f:{a~ire-ye Emam F.ibr ad-Din Razi (ca 606/1209) 586. f:{a~ire.-yeGiyat ad-Din Mo~ammad Mika! 587. f:{a~ire-ye Goneid Kukaltas (-910/1504) 588. f:fa?'.ire-yefjalvari,·an (ca 783/1381) 589. f:faiire:ye .\t1dar-e .\lirza (-11

78 Handlist of Toponyms and Monuments

617. Mazar-e ljage Sams ad-Din Mo~ammad al-Kiisii'i (ca 863/1458) 618. Mazar-e Moulana Sams ad-Din Mo~ammad at-Tabadgani (844-906/1441- 1501) 619. Mazar-e Sohada 620. Mazar-e Solran Sah-e Zende (-l 1'h/17'hc.) 621. Mazar-e Seih Ya~ya b. 'Omar Sigestani 622. Mazar-e Seih Zein ad-Din ljafi (-857/1453)

Residences 623. Bag-e Ahii (-838/1434) 624. Bag-e Ahi Zargar 625. Bag-e Beit al-'Emare (ca 873-912/1469/1506) 626. Bag-e Cahar Pahlavan-e Galal ad-Din (-IO'h/16'hc.) ·- - 627. Bag-e Cah,ir Pange (-10'h/16'hc.J 628. Bag-e Caman Ara'i (ca 873-912/1469-1506) 629. Bag-e Amir Giyat ad-Din Sah Malek (ca 843/1439?) 630. Bag-e Golesran (-IO'h/16'hc.) 631. Bag-e Golsan (- l l 'h/I7th c.) 632. Bag-e Gahan Ara'i (873/1469) 633. Bag-e tPn (ca 950/1543) 634. Bag-e tliyaban (ca 862/1457) 635. Bag-e .Masan (-10'h/16'hc.) 636. Bag-e Mirgani (ca 873/1468) 637. Bag-e Mo~ammad Sa'id (-10th/16'hc.) 638. Bag-e Mo~ammad Tugansah as-Salgiiqi 639. Bag-e Mogtar (-814/1411) 640. Bag-e Mo~alla (-860/1455) 641. Bag-e Nou-ye Giiki 642. Bag-e Nou-ye Sah Roh Mirza (-843/1439) 643. Bag-e Naiargah (-874/1469-70) 644. Bag-e Qaranfol (-873/1469) 645. Bag-e Sefid (ca 719/1319?) 646. Bag-e Salar (10th/16'hc.) 647. Bag-e Sangesran (10th/16'hc.) 648. Bag-e Sah-e Badagsan (-871/1466) 649. Bag-e tlage Sah l:fosein (-10 1h/16'hc.) 650. Bag-e Sah o Qazi-ye Merv (-10th/16'hc.) 651. Bag-e Sahr (ca 684-706/1285-1306) 652. Bag-e Serna] (ca 799/1396) 653. Bag-e Zagan (-782/1380) 654. Bag-e Zobeide (-808/1405?) 655. Bagce-ye ljage Afzal ad-Din Mo~ammad Kermani (-910/1504) Handlisr of Toponyms and Monuments 79 656. Bagce-ye Seyyed 'Ali Sibargani (-838/1434) 657. Bagce-ye 'Ali Sir (844-906/1441-1501) 658. Bagce-ye Lakandi (-10'h/16'hc.) 659. Bagce-ye !jage Sams ad-Din Mol:iammad al-Kiisii'i (ca 863/1459?) 660. Bagce-ye Siiqiye (I IO'h/16'h c.J 661. Cahar Bag, inrramuros f 662. Cahar Bag-e 'Ali Sir ar Qarye-ye Darqarah (-10'h/16'hc.) ' 663. Cahar Bag-e Amir Gal.ii ad-Din Ftriizsah (-10'h/16'hc.) 664. Cahar Bag-e Magd ad-Din Mol:iammad (ca 898/1492?) 't 665. Tabr-e Asrane (ca 873-912/1469-1506) 666. Tabr-e 'Azizan (844-906/1441-1501) 667. Tabr-e Barkar 668. Tabr-e !jaggi Beg (-873/1469) 669. Tabr-e Nava'i (844-906/1441-150 l ?) 670. Tabr-e Safar (ca 873-912/1469-1506) 671. Tabr-e Sar-e Pol-e Sangkisan (844-906/1441-1501?) 672. Kiisk-e Giya! ad-Din Mol:iammad Karr (ca 719-1319) 673. Kiisk-e Mirgani (-782/1380) 674. Kiisk-e Y,"iriBeg (-10'h/16'h c.) 675. Aq Saray (ca 863-73/1459-69) 676. ~offe-ye Tirandazan

Entries Numbered out of Sequence 677. Bag-e Amir Sehab ad-Doule Mas'iid I Gaznavi: follows no. 652 (ca 421-32/ 1030-40) 678. Mazar-e Sadar-e Gonbad: follows no. 615 (-llth/17'hc.)

----·------··------

Abbreviations

Barrol'd, UB V. V. Barrol'd, Ulugh-Beg. Catalogue Terry Allen, A Catalogue of the Toponyms and Monuments of Timurid Herat. CHIS ]. A. Boyle, ed., Cambridge History of Iran, v. 5. EI 1, EI 2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, lsr and 2nd eds. Golombek, GG Lisa Golombek, The Timurid Shrine at Gazur Gah. 1-:fiife~-eAbrii, CO f:lafe~-e Abrii, Cinq Opuscules . . l:fafe~-e Abrii, G f:lafe?-e Abrii, Go grafiya. tfiindamir, f:IS Ciyar ad-Din tfandamir, /jabib as-siyar. ljandamir, DV Giyar ad-Din tfandamir, Dastiir al-vozara'. tfiindamir, tfA Ciyar ad-Din tfandamir, Faili az fjula$.it .il-a!Jbar. Qasem b. Yiisuf, QA Qasem b. Yusuf Abii Na~ri Haravi, Resale-ye !ariq-e qesmat-e ab-e qolub. Salgiiqi, GG Fekri Salgiiqi, Gazorgah. Sarni, ?:N . Ne~am ad-Din Sarni, ?,afar name. Bibliography

The Bibliography is divided into sections dealing with primary sources (Arabic, Per­ sian, and Turkish, in order), works by travellers (the British ~fission to Herat, the Afghan Boundary Commission, and others, in order), secondary literature (not includ­ ing articles in the Encyclop,iedia of Isl.im), and maps, photographs, drawings, and watercolors.

Primary Sources-Ar.ibic

The passages relating to Herat in pre-Timurid Arabic and Persian geographical works­ have been translated by Guy Le Strange, The L.mds of the E.wem C.iliph.ite: Meso­ pot.imi.i, Persi.i, .md Centr.il Asia from the i\foslem conquest to the time of Timur, Cambridge, England, 1905, 1930, pp. 407-10.

Ibn 'Arabsah, A~mad b. /1.fo~ammad, 'Aga'ib .il-maqdtir fi naU'a'ib Timtir, trans. J.H. Sanders, London, 1936. Ibn Battiita, Sams ad-Din Abii 'Abdallah Muhammad, Rih/.i, ed. and trans. C. De­ fre~~ry and B. Sanguinetti as V;yages d'/b.n Batoutah,· 4 ,·., Paris, 1853-59 and later eds. Ibn f::lauqal, Abu'! Qasim Mu~ammad, ~1,rat .z!-.ir

Primary Sources-Persian

Many of the sources cited below were partially translated by David Price 160 years ago in his Chronological Retrospect, or Memoirs of the Principal Events of Mahom­ medan History, from the Death of the Arabian Legislator, to the accession of the Emperor Akbar, and the Establishment of the Moghul Empire in Hindustaun. From Original Persian Authorities, 3 v. in 2, London, 1811-21. Price was careful to indi­ cate the source used for each passage in his continuous narrative, which has not been superseded. Where I have checked it against published texts, the translation proves to be accurate. I have used it primarily for access to the tfulii~at al-.i!Jbiir of tlandamir, Bibliography 83 which is otherwise unavailable to me outside the excerpts published by Guya E'te­ madi. Even the section on Herar's monuments excerpted by E'remadi appears with important variations in Price's translation.

Anon., Tagkirat al-m11/1,k-see Minorsky (in Secondary Lireranire). Asrarabadi, Fozuni, Boheire, Tehran, 1328. Beihaqi, Abo'l-Fazl Mohammad b. l:fosein, TarilJ, ed. 'Ali Akbar Fa'ez, Tehran, 1324. Chekhovich, O.D., Sam.zrkandskie Dokumenty XV-XVI vv. (0 vladeniyakh Khodz- hi Akhrara v Srednei A::.iii Afganistane), Moscow, 1974. Doularsah b. 'Ala' ad-Doule Babrisah al-Gazi, Tagkirat as-s11'ara', ed. Edward G. Browne, London and Leiden, 1901. Fa~ef:iArymad b. Gala! ad-Din Mof:iammad Ijafi, Mogmal, ed. Maf:imud Farroh, 3 v., Mashad, 1339--41 [S.H.J, published in reverse order. Fazlollah b. Ruzbehan, TJrifJ-e 'a/am ara-ye amini, excerpts trans. V. Minorsky as Persia in A. D. 1478-1490, London, 1957. Cami, Nur ad-Din 'Abd .u-Raf:iman, Nafahat al-uns min hacjrat al-quds, ed. Mehdi Touf:iidipur, (Tehran]. 1336 or 1337 S.H. al-Guzgani, Abu 'Amr ~!enhag ad-Din 'Orman b. Serag ad-Din Mof:iammad, Taba­ qat-e na~eri, ed. 'Abd al-l:feyy l:fabibi Qandahari, 2 v., Querta 1949 (v. 1), Lahore, 1954 (v. 2), trans. H.G. Raverty, 2 v., London, 1873-81. l:fafe+-e Abru, Magmz, '.z, excerpts ed. by several scholars (on the divisions of the Magmu'a: see El 2, s. v. "l:fafi~-i Abru" ): Cinq Opuscu/es de ljJfi;:.-i Abru concer­ nant l'histoire de /'Iran .111 temps de Tamer/an, ed. Felix Tauer, Prague, 1959; Gografiya-ye ljafe::.-e .4.brz,, qesmat-e rob'-e !:farasan; Her,it, ed. with notes by Maye! Haravi, [Tehran], 1349 [S. H.J. al-l:foseini, 'Abdallah b. 'Abd ar-Raf:iman, Maq~ad al-iqbal al-szdfaniya wa mar~ad al-ama/ al-lJaqaniya, ed. with notes by Fekri Salguqi as section 1 of his Resale-ye mazarat-e Herat, Kabul, 1967 (q. v.), pp.1-105. Ijalili Afgan, A[ar-e Herat, 3 v., [Herar], 1309-10 S. H. Ijandamir, Giya; ad-Din b. Homam ad-Din Mof:iammad, Dastur a/-vuzara', ed. Sa'id Nafisi, Tehran, 1317 [S. H.J. -, ljabib as-siyar, 4 v., (Tehran], 1333 [S. H.J. -, !:fula~at al-alJbar fi bayJn af?wal al-a!Jbar, excerpts ed. Guya E 'remadi, as Faiii az !:fula~at al-a!Jbar, [Kabul], 1345 (S. H.). Marvarid, 'Abdallah, Sarai-name, fascimile, trans., and commentary by Hans Robert Roemer, Staatsschreiben der Timuridenzeit: das Saraf-namd des 'Abdallah Mar­ warid in Kritischer Auswertung, Wiesbaden 1952. Mirhand, Mir Mof:iammad b. Seyyed Borhan ad-Din Ijandsah, Raucjat as-~afa.', 8 v., (Tehran], 1339; I have also used the 8 v. [Tehran] ed. of 1271 for occasional references. Excerpts ed. and trans. A.Jourdain, as "Le Jardin de la purere, conre­ nanr l'Histoire des Propheres, des Rois er des Khalifes. Par Mohammed, fils de Khavendschah, connu sous le nom de Mirkhond," in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de /a Bibliotheque Imperial de France; Faisant suite aux Notices et - 84 Bibliography

Extraits l11s.i11 Comite et.ibli d.ins l.i ci-deu.int Ac.ide111iedes inscriptions et belles­ lettres, v. 9, 1813, pp. 117-274. Mo~ammad Heidar, TJrif?-e rasidi, trans. E.Denison Ross, ed. N.Elias, as A History of the Mogh11ls of Centr.il Asia, London, 1895. 'Obeidallah b. Abu Sa'id, Resale-ye m.izJrJt-e Her.it, ed. Fekri Salguqi as part 2 of his Resii/e-ye 111.i:::,zrJt-eHer.it (q.11.), Kabul, 1967. Qasem b. Yusuf Abu Na~ri Haravi, ResJle-ye f.iriq-e qesmat-e .ib-e qol11b ua 111.ird-e i,ri"iii•.i .ir,1ii-ye bolttkJt-e vel.iyJt, ed. with notes by Maye! Haravi, [Tehrani, 1347 [S.H.J. Rasid ad-Din Fazl.illah b. 'Emad ad-Doule Abo'l-ljeir Hamadani, Tiirif?-e mob,"ir.ik-e g.iz.ini, ed. Karl Jahn as Geschichte GJ;:;Jn-tf.in "s, London, 1940. -, V.iqfi1.i111e-yerob'-e r.isfdi, ed. ,\fogtaba .\lenovi and !rag Afsar, Tehran, 2534 [Pahla\"i <."r,1;1975 A. D.J. as-Samarq.rndi, Kamal ad-Din 'Abd ar-Razzaq, Al.itl.i'-e sa"dein 1•.i111.i,~1n.1·-e b.il!rein, _ _ ed. Mo~.immad Safi', 2 v. (.:orresponding respectively to pt. 1 and pts. 2-3 of the original text), Lahore, 1365-68/1946-49. Seif b . .\lo~.1mn1Jd b. Ya'qub al-Haravi, T.iri!J n.ime-ye Her.it, ed. with intro. by Mo~ammad Zobeir a~-?iddiqi, Cakutta, 1944. Sarni, Nqam ad-Din, ?..if.ir-n.ime, ed. Felix Tauer as Histoire des co11q11etesde T.imerl.in intit11lee ?-.if.irniima p,1r Ni:;:..i11111ddi11SJmi avec des ,1dditions empnm­ tees .i11Z11bd.it11-t-t.iwJrif?-i-BJys1111g11ri de fjJfi:;:-i Abrii, 2 v., Prague, v. 1, 1937, v. 2, 1956. \'J~efi, Zein ad-Din .\la~mud, B.idJ"i" .il-waq.il', ed. Aleksandr Boldyrev, 2 v., [Teh­ ran], 1350 A.H. Y.izdi, Sarai ad-Din 'Ali, ?..if.ir-nJ111e,ed . .\lo~ammad Elahdad, 2 v., Cakutta, 1887- 88. Zamci, .\lo'in ad-Din .\fo~ammad, al-Esfezari, R.111,jJt al-g.i1111<1tfi /11~.if 111.idin.it H.irJt, ed. Seyyed .\lo~ammad Ka?em, 2 v., Tehran, 1338-39/1959-60.

Prim.iry S011;ces-T11rkish

'Ali Shir Nava'i, Vaqfiye, ed. A.l;kkmat and B. Cubanzade, Baku, 1926; trans. in the intro. to two Persian translations of 'Ali Sir"s 1\llajalis .in-n.i/.i'is, ed. 'Ali A~gar Hekmat, Tehran, 132311945. Babor, Zahir al-Din Mo~ammad, untitled autobiography, trans. Annette S. Beveridge as The B,ib11r-n.ime in English, London, 1922.

Travellers- The British Mission to Herat, 1839-41

For a general ac.:ount of the British Mission and its historical .:ontext, see John Wil­ liam Kaye, A History of the War in Afgh.inist.m. From the 1111p11bhshedletters and journals of political and military officers employed in Afghanistan throughout the entire period of British connexion with that country, 2 v., London, 1851. Certain Bibliography 85

parts of the correspondence of Eldred Porringer, the officer relieved by the Mission, were published in the British Parliamentary Papers of 1859.

Sanders, Edward, "Report on the Fortifications of Herat," India Office Library and Records, London P. 43, no. 51, enclosure datt>d "Herat, 1st March 1840," was printed in part by Charles MacGregor in Central Asia, Part II: A Contribution tow,zrds the better K11owledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources, & Histo­ ry of Afglwzist,zn, C.1kurra. 1871, pp. 341-71.

Tr,wel/ers: The Afgh,111Boundary Commis_,ion, 1885

The reports of the A.B.C. .ire held in several London archives, notably the India Office Library and Records, ;n the series L!PS/7.

Anon., probably W.Pea.:o.:ke, "A Recent Ride to Herar," Black.wood's Edinburgh .\fogazine, v. 138, 1885. pp. 181-88. Ch.irles, R.H. H., Diary, .\IS. 1551, Wdkome Historical Medical Library, London. Ridgew.iv, West. "The :\ew Afghan Frontier," The Nineteenth Century, v. 22, 1887, pp. 470-82. Yare. Charles E., Northcr•1 Afgh,mistan, or Letters from the Afghan Boundary Com­ mission, London, 1888. -, "Inscriptions Former!)· in the l\lusalla of Herar," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1926, pp. 290-94. -, "Notes on the City of Hir:ir,'' Jounwl of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, v. 56, 1887, pp. 84-106.

Other Tr,wellers

Anon., Riiz niime-ye mos.z/Jrat-e Herat, ed. Qadrar Allah Roushani, in Seh safar name: Heriit, ,\Iew, ,\lashad, Tehran, 1347 A.H. Christie, Charles, Journal, excerpts pub!. by Henry Porringer, in an Appendix to Travels in Beloochist.111 and Scinde; accompanied by a Geographical and Histori­ cal Account of Those Countries, with a ,vfap, London, 1816. Clavijo, Ruy Gonzales de. Embaiada a T,zmorldn, ed. with commentary by Francisco Lopez Estrada, Madrid. 1943; trans. Guy Le Strange as Claviio: Embassy to Tamerlane 1403-1496. London, 1928. Conolly, Arthur, Journey to the North of India, overland from England, through Russia, Persia, and Af/ghaunistan, 2 v., London, 1834. Ferrier, Joseph Pierre, Caravan Journeys and Wanderings in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan and Beloochistan; with Historical Notices of the Countries lying be­ tween Russia and Indi.z. trans. William Jesse, ed. H. D. Seymour, London, 1856. Forster, George, A Journey from Bengal to England, through the Northern Part of India, Kashmire, Afgh,znistan. and Persia, and into Russia, by the Caspian-Sea, 2 v., London, 1798. 86 Bibliography

Lal, Mohan, Tr,1vels in the P,miab, Afghanistan & T11rkistan, to Balk, Bokhara, and Herat; and a Visit to Great Britain and Germany, London, 1846. -, "A Brief Description of Herat," Jo11rnal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, v. 3, 1834, pp. 9-18. Marsh, Hippisley Cunliffe, A Ride thro11gh Islam: Being a Jo11rneythro11gh Persia and Afghanistan to India, via ,\leshed, Herat, and Kandahar, London, 1877. Mitford, Edward Ledwich, A Land March from England to Ceylon Forty Years Ago, thro11gh Dalm.itia, Montenegro, Turkey, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Assyria, Persia, Afghanist,111, Scinde, ,md lndi.i, of which 7000 miles on Horseback, 2 v., London, 1884. Pottinger, Henry: see Christie. Vambery, Arminius, Tr,wels in Central Asia; being the account of a Jo11rney from Teheran ac~oss the T11rkoman Desert on the Eastern Shore of the Caspian to Khiva, Bokhara, and Sam.ircand, Performed in the Year 1863, New York, 1865.

Secondary Liter,1ture

Adle, Chahryar, "Note sur le 'Qabr-i Siihrui_:i'de Damghan," Le Monde lranien et /'Islam, v. 2, 1974, pp. 173-85 and plates. Allen, Terry, A Catalogue of the Toponyms and Mon11ments of Timurid Herat, Agha Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, Harvard University and the Massachusetts lnstirute of Technology, Cambridge, Mass., 1981. Aubin, Jean, Deux s,1yyids de Bam a11XVe siecle, Contribution a /'histoire de /'Iran timouride, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literarur, Abhand/11ngen der Geistes- und So::.ia/wissenschaftlichen Klasse, 195 6, no. 7, pp.373-501 of the year's Abhand/unge11, but also paginated 1-129 at bottom of pages. -, "Comment Tamerlan prenait les villes," Studia Islamica, v.19, 1963, pp. 83-122. -, "Le mecenat timouride a Chiraz/ Studia Islamica, v. 8, 1957, pp. 75-88. Barrol'd, V. V., Four Studies on the History of Central Asia, trans. V. and T.Minor­ sky, 3 v.: v. 2, Ulugh-Beg, Leiden, 1958; \". 3, i'vfir 'Ali Shir (also includes A Histo­ ry of the Turkman People), Leiden, 1962. -, trans. with notes by J.M. Rogers, "V. V. Bartol'd's article O Pogrebenii Timura ('The Burial of Timur')," Iran, v.12, 1974, pp. 65-87. Belenitskii, A.M., "lstoricheskaya Topografiya Gerata XV v.,~ in Alisher Navoi: Sbornik Statei, ed. A. K. Borovkova, Moscow and Leningrad, 1946, pp. 175-202. Belin, M., "Notive biographique et litteraire sur Mir Ali-Chir-Nevaii, suivie d'extraits tires des ceuvres du meme auteur," Journal Asiatique, ser. 5, v.17, 1861, pp.175- 56, 281-357. Blair, Sheila, "The Shrine Complex at Natanz, Iran," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, May 1980. Blanc, Jean-Charles, Afghan Trucks, New York, 1976. Bosworth, Clifford Edmund, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire tn Afghanistan and Eastern Iran, 944: 1040, Edinburgh, (1963 ]. Bibliography 87 ..J, -, The Islamic Dynasties: a chronological and genealogical handbook, Edinburgh, 1967. -, "Abu 'Abdallah al-Khwarazmi on rhe Technical Terms of the Secretary's Arr: a Contribution to the Administrative History of Mediaeval Islam," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, v. 12, 1969, pp. I 13-64. Boyle,J.A., ed., Cambridge History of Iran, v. 5, The Saliuq and Mongol Periods, Cambridge, England. 1968. Relevant contributions by C.E. Bosworth, ].A. Boyle, and I. P. Petruschevsky. Bullier, Richard, "Local Politics in Eastern Iran under the Ghaznavids and Seljuks," Iranian Studies, v. 11. 1978, pp. 35-56. Byron, Robert, "Timiirid Architecture: a. General Trends," in Arthur Upham Pope and Phyllis Ackerman, eds., A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the i Present, 5 v., London and New York, 1938-39, v. 2, pp. 1119-43, with plates in •. v. 4; in the new ed. of 14 v., London and New_York, _!964-65, 1967, Byron's j , article appears in v. 3. -, "'Timurid Monuments in Afghanistan," .\lemoires, Third International Congress for Iranian Arr and Archaeology, Leningrad and Moscow, 1935; pub!. Leningrad, 1939, pp. 34-37 and pl. XVII-XIX. -, The Road to Oxiana, London, 1937. Caroe, Olaf, "The Gauhar Shad Musalla (i.\fosque) :n Herat," Asian Affairs, v. 60 (n. s. 4), 1973, pp. 295-98. Cenrlivres, Pierre, Un baz.2r d'Asie Centrale: Fomze et organisation du bazar de Tashqurghan (Afghanist,m), Wiesbaden 1972. Deny,J., "Un soyurgal du timouride Siihrub en ecrirure ouigoure," Journal Asiatique, v.245, 1957, pp. 253-66. Dupree, Nancy Hatch, An Historical Guide to Afghanistan, Kabul, 1971. 'i English, Paul, "The Traditional City of Herat, Afghanistan," in From Madinah to Metropolis, ed. L. C. Brown, Princeton, 1973, pp. 73-90. Faroqhi, Suraiya, "Vakif Administration in Sixteenth Century Kon ya: the Zaviye of Sadreddin-i Konevi," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, v. 17, 1974, pp.145-72. Faz! A~mad, Rah namii-ye Afgiinistiin, Kiibul, 1328 (S.H.]. Ferrante, M., and E. Galdieri, "Archirertura persiana poco nora: Alcuni monumenti Timuridi ad Afushre, presso Natanz," Palladio, v. 22, 1972, pp. 163-86. Frye, Richard N., "Two Timurid Monuments in Herar," Artibus Asiae, v.11, 1948, pp. 206-13. Gaube, Heinz, Iranian Cities, New York, 1979. -, "Innenstadr-Aussensradt: Kontinuirar und Wandel im Grundriss von Heriit (Afgha­ nistan) zwischen dem X. und dem XV. Jahrhundert," in Beitrdge zur Geographie orientalischer Stddte und ,'\ifdrkte, ed. Gunther Schweizer (Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Beiheft, Reihe B, no. 24), pp. 213-40. Godard, Andre, "Naranz," Ath,ir-e !ran, v. I, 1936, pp. 83-102. 88 Bibliography \i\\ \ Golombek, Lisa, The Timurid Shrine at Gazur Gah (Royal Ontario Museum, Art and Archaeology Occasional Papers, no. 15), [Toronto], 1969. -, "The Chronology of Turbar-i Shaikh Jam," Iran, v. 9, 1971, pp. 27-44 and plates. -, "The Cult of Saints and Shrine Architecture in the Fourteenth Century," in Near Eastern Numismatics, Iconography, Epigraphy and History: Studies in Honor of George C. Miles, ed. Dickran Kouymjian, [Beirut], 1974, pp. 419-30. -, "Mazar-i Sharif-A .Case of Mistaken Identity?" in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, ed. ~lyriam Rosen-Ayalon, Jerusalem, 1977, pp. 335-43 and pl. XViI. Haase, Claus P., "Temiiridische Baukunsr," Mitteilungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica, v. l, Westturkestan, pp.120-59. Hara vi, Miiyil, ··Az siihkiirhii-ye honar-e rimuriyiin-e Heriir: mihriib-e zibii-ye masgid-e doure-ye Sahrob Mirza," Honar va Alardom, no. 93, 1970, pp. 50-52. Hinz, Walther, /slamische ,\1asse und Gewichte umgerechnet ins Metrische System, Leiden, 1955. Honarfar, Lo;falliih, Gangine-ye a{ar-e tarif?i-ye E$fahan, Isfahan, 1344. E'remiidi Guyii, "The General Mosque of Herar," Afghanistan, v. 8, no. 2, 1953, pp. 40-50. -, "The Green Dome," Afghanistan, v. I, no. I, 1946, pp.16-19. Khanikoff, N., "Lettre a M. Reinaud," ]011mal Asiatique, sec. 5, v.15, 1860, pp. 537- 43. Lapidus, Ira M., Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages, Cambridge, Mass., 1967. Lezme, Alexandre, "Herar: Notes de voyage," Bulletin d'Etudes Orienta/es, v. 18, 1963-64,pp.127-45. Manz, Beatrice Forbes, "Administration and the Delegation of Authority in Temiir's Dominions," Central Asiatic Journal, v. 20, 1976, pp.191-207. Marvin, Charles, The Russians at the Gates of Herat, London, (1885], New York, 1885 (reset ed.). Masson, M.E., and G.A. Pugachenkova, trans. with notes by J.M. Rogers, "Shakhri Syabz pri Timure i Ulug Beke ('Shahr-i Sabz from Timur to Olugh Beg')," Iran, v.16, 1978, pp.103-26 and v.18, 1980, pp.121-43. Masson, M.E., et al., Mavzolei Jshratkhana, Tashkent, 1958. Melikian Chirvani, A.S., "Eastern Iranian Architecture: Apropos of the Ghurid Parts of the Grear Mosque of Hariir," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, v. 33, 1970, pp. 322-37 and pl. I-XV. Merklinger, Elizabeth Schorren, "The Madrasa of Ma~mud Giiwiin in Bidar," Kunst des Orients, v.11, 1976-77, pp.145-57. Minorsky, V., Tadhkirat al-Muliik: a Manual of !jafavid Administration (circa 1137/ 1725), facsimile, trans., and commentary on rhe anonymous MS., London, 1943. -, "The Aq-qoyunlu and Land Reforms," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, v.17, 1955, pp. 449-62. -, ''A Soyiirghdl of Qiisim b. Jahiingir Aq-qoyunlu (903/1498)," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, v. 9, 1937-39, pp. 927-60. Bibliography 89

Niedermayer, Oskar von, with contributions by Ernst Diez, Afganistan, Leipzig, 1924. Paz, Octavio, "Felicidad en Herat," in Configurations, London, 1971. Pinder-Wilson, Ralph, "The Persian Garden: Bagh and Chahar Bagh," in The Islamic Garden, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall and Richard Ettinghausen, Washington, D.C., 1976, pp. 71-85 and pl. VI-XIV. Pope, Arthur Upham, Persian Architecture: The Triumph of Form and Color, New York, 1965. -, and Phyllis Ackerman, eds., A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, 5 v., London and New York, 1938-39; new ed. in 14v., London and New York, 1964-65 (v.1-13) and 1967 (new studies, v.14). Pugachenkova, G.A., P.1myatniki Arkhitektury Srednei Azii Epokhi Navoi, Tashkent, 1957. -, Zodchestvo Tsentr.d'noi Azii. XV vek., Tashkent, 19i'6. _ . __ -, "A l'etude des monuments timourides d'Afghanistan," Afghanistan, v. 12, no. 3, 1970, pp. 24--49. -, '"lshrat-khiineh and Ak-Saray, two Timurid Mausoleums in Samarkand," Ars Orienta/is, v. 5, 1963, pp. 177-89. -, "Les monuments peu connus de !'architecture medievale de !'Afghanistan," Afgha­ nistan, v.21, no. I, 1968, pp.17-52. -, and LI. Rempel', i'ydayushchiesya Pamyatniki Arkhitektury Uzbekistana, Tash­ kent, 1958. -, and Z.A. Khakimo,·, "Khanaka Sheikha Sadreddina-Maloizvesrnyi Pamyatnik Timuridskogo Vremeni v Afganistane," Narodii Azii i Afriki, 1972, no. 2, pp.140- 44. Reworking of part of Pugachenkova's "A l'etude des monuments timourides d 'Afghanistan." Quatremi:re, J\1., '' .\Iemoires historiques sur la vie du sultan Schah-rokh," Journal Asiatiq11e, ser. 3, v. 2, 1836, pp.193-233, 338-64 (thl' continuation promised on p. 364 was never published). Rogers, [J.J Michael, "Waqfiyyas and Wa<]f-Registers: New Primary Sources for Islamic Architecture," Kunst des Orients, v. 11, 1976-77, pp.182-96. Selgiiqi, Fekri, Gazorgiih, Kabul, 1341 A.H., repr. as Gazorgah: madfan-e pir-e Herat, Kabul, 1355 A.H., paginated differently. I have used the 1355 ed. -, tfiy3b3n, [Kabul], 1342 A.H. -, Resale-ye mazarat-e Herat, Kabul, 1967. Consists of three works edited with notes by F.S., and paginated continuously, and a fourth section (RMH 4) by F.S., which is paginated separately. Section I is al-f:{oseini's Maqsad, section 2 is 'Obeid­ allah 's Resale (q. q. v.), and section 3 is a Resale composed as a continuation of 'Obeidallah by Abondzade Molla Mol)ammad ~adiq Haravi. For sections 1 and 2 see above, s. v. Primary Sources-Persian. -, "The Complete Copy of the Ancient Inscription of The Ghiassuddin Grand Mos­ que in Herat," Afghanistan, v. 20, no. 3, 1967, pp. 78-80. -, "The Gravestone of Gauhar Shad," Afghanistan, v. 25, no. 4, 1973, pp. 29-3 l. 90 Bibliography

Samizay, Rafi, Islamic Architecture in Herat: A Study towards Conservation, [Kabul], 1981. Savory, R. M., "A 15th Century ~afavid Propagandist at Harat," in American Orien­ tal Society, Middle West Branch, Semi-Centennial Volume, ed. D.Sinor, Blooming­ ton, 1969, pp. 189-97. -, "The Struggle for Supremacy in Persia after the death of Timur," Der Islam, v. 40, 1965, pp. 35-65 . . Schroeder, Eric, "Preliminary Nore on Work in Persia and Afghanistan, April-De­ cember, 1935," Bulletin of the American Institute for Persian Art and Archaeolo­ gy, v. 4, no. 2, 1935, pp. 130-35. Steensgaard, Niels, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century: The E.ist India Companies and the Decline of the Caravan Trade, Chicago, 1973. Stuckert, Ruedi, and Bernt Glatzer, "Die Groge Moschee und das Mausoleum des Ghiyat ud-Din in Herat," Afghanistan Journal, v. 7, 1980, pp. 3-22. Subtelny, Maria Eva, "The Poetic Circle at the Court of-the Timurid, Sultan f:lusain Baiqara, and its Political Significance," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, May 1979. Tegan, z. V., "Herat," in Isliim Ansiklopedisi, v. 5, Istanbul, 1950. U.N.E.S.C.O., The Citadel and the ,'vlinarets of Herat, Afghanistan. No date or place of publication [1978?]. Voronina, V., Arkhitekt11rnye Pamyatniki Srednei Azii: Bukhara, Samarkand, Lenin­ grad, 1969. Vyatkin, V. L, "Vakufnyi Dokument Ishratkhana," in M.E. Masson, et al., Mavzolei Ishratkhana, Tashkent, 1958. Wilber, Donald N., The Architecture of Islamic Iran: the II Khanid Period, Princeton 1955. -, "The Institute's Survey of Persian Architecture: Preliminary Report of the Eighth Season of the Survey," Bulletin of the American Institute for Iranian Art and Archaeology, v. 5, no. 2, 1937, pp. 109-36. -, "The Timurid Court: Life in Gardens and Tents." Iran, v.17, 1979, pp. 127-33. Zambaur, E. de, Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour /'histoire de /'Islam, Hanover, 1927. Zestovsky, P.I., "Esquisses d'Architecture Afghane: Herat-Kaboul-Herat," Afghanis­ tan, v. 4, no. 3, 1949, pp. 1-25.

Maps, Photographs, Drawings, and Watercolors North, Charles F., "Herat and its Environs. Surveyed in 1839-40," 1 :31680. The version I have used is the one reprinted and "corrected" (in rhe form of added comments) in Calcutta, 1885, under T. H. Holdich's supervision. India Office Library and Records, London (no reference no.). -, and Edward Sanders, "Plan of Herat Fort, Shewing Proposed Modifications," 1842, 1 :4800. I have used a copy of the Calcutta, 1879, reproduction, in the India Office Library and Records, London (no reference no.). An 1885 edition in rhe Bibliography 91

Public Record Office, London, is labelled "Plan of Herat Fort" only, and bears t no. FO 925/2014. -, and Edward Sanders, untitled map, [London], 1840, ca. 1:3750, British Library, no.51995 (2). Holdich, T.H., "Herat & Environs (A.B.C. 57),'' 1885, l :31680, working Afghan Boundary Commission copy, no place of publication. British Library, no. 51.800 (36). -, "Plan of Herat Fort, Shewing Recent Modifications," Calcutta, 1886, l: 4800, India Office Library .ind Records (no reference no.). Afghan Cartographic Institute, Kabul, 1: l 00,000 series, 1960. I have used the two sheets labelled 409 C and 409 E. -, "City of Heriit,'' K.1bul, 1967, l :5000. Survey of India, quarter-inch ( l: 253,440) series, many eds. I have used the sheets labelled '' Heriit," ~ Ghurian," and "Obeh."

Unpublished photogr.1phs by Eric Schroeder, presently in the Islamic Dept., Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge. :\lass., are referred to in the Catalogue, as are various watervo­ lors by E. L. Durand and T. H. Holdich, in the Royal Geographic Society and the India Office Library and Records, London. The works listed below include photographs, drawings, or watercolors of Heriit, but otherwise are of little value for Herat's histo­ ry.

English, Barbara, John Company's Last War, London, 1971, also published as The War for a Persian L.idy, Boston, 1971. Foucher, A., and E. B.1zin-Foucher, La vieille Route de /'Inde de Bactres a Taxi/a; Paris, 1942 (Memoires de la Delegation Archeologique Franfaise en Afghanistan, v.1). Hill, Derek, and Oleg Grabar, Islamic Architecture and its Decoration A. D. 800- 1500, Chicago, 1964. Lefevre, Georges, L.i Croisiere Jaune, Expedition Citroen Centre-Asie, Troisieme Mission, Paris, 1933. Williams, Maynard Owen, "Afghanistan Makes Haste Slowly," National Geographic Magazine, v. 64, December, 1933, pp. 731-69. ;' ~ , i Illustrations J t 'i Figure 1 Aerial photograph oi the G:'izorg:1h slope. i 41 Figure 2 Her'1t in 782/ 1380. Figure 3 Her;1t in 850/1447.

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