A Case Study of the Individuality of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
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Pakistani Politics 1243 Pakistani Politics the Lesson of Gramdan 1244 ERSONALITIES Count in the Politics of Every Country
(Established January 1949) September 28, 1957 Volume IX—No, 39 Price 50 Naye Paise EDITORIALS Pakistani Politics 1243 Pakistani Politics The Lesson of Gramdan 1244 ERSONALITIES count in the politics of every country. But in WEEKLY NOTES P Pakistan, politics seem to centre mainly around personalities. Thin Kandla Nearing Capacity- explains the frequent changes in party tactics and the policies of parties. Reassessment Necessary In such circumstances, as is only to be expected, political stability eludes —Pibul Goes — Welcome the country. It is tempting to draw a parallel between Pakistan and Rapprochement — P r o- Prance. There are some similarities in the underlying conditions in blem of Housing—Scarcity Pakistan and Indonesia. But there are limits beyond which such com of Material — U P's Tax parisons are misleading. Even as President Soekarno experiments with on Large Holdings Bank "guided democracy", President Iskander Mirza talks about "controlled Rate Change and India- democracy". But the Indonesian President's policy is based on an ideal Production of Radio Re whereas the Pakistani President's interference with the affairs of the ceivers 1247 State is solely justified on considerations of that country's integrity. LETTER TO THE EDITOR That also is the main, if not the only, binding force among parties and Chair-borne Critics 1250 politicians in Pakistan. A CALCUTTA DIARY Yet, experience and developing events make it increasingly evident Not by the Police Alone 1251 that Pakistan's march to progress cannot be ensured on such negative foundations as the country's integrity, annexation of Kashmir and the FROM THE LONDON END ever-present problem of maintaining a precarious balance between the Seven Per Cent and the country's two wings. -
Son of the Desert
Dedicated to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed without words to express anything. The Author SONiDESERT A biography of Quaid·a·Awam SHAHEED ZULFIKAR ALI H By DR. HABIBULLAH SIDDIQUI Copyright (C) 2010 by nAfllST Printed and bound in Pakistan by publication unit of nAfllST Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto/Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Archives. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. First Edition: April 2010 Title Design: Khuda Bux Abro Price Rs. 650/· Published by: Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto/ Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Archives 4.i. Aoor, Sheikh Sultan Trust, Building No.2, Beaumont Road, Karachi. Phone: 021-35218095-96 Fax: 021-99206251 Printed at: The Time Press {Pvt.) Ltd. Karachi-Pakistan. CQNTENTS Foreword 1 Chapter: 01. On the Sands of Time 4 02. The Root.s 13 03. The Political Heritage-I: General Perspective 27 04. The Political Heritage-II: Sindh-Bhutto legacy 34 05. A revolutionary in the making 47 06. The Life of Politics: Insight and Vision· 65 07. Fall out with the Field Marshal and founding of Pakistan People's Party 108 08. The state dismembered: Who is to blame 118 09. The Revolutionary in the saddle: New Pakistan and the People's Government 148 10. Flash point.s and the fallout 180 11. Coup d'etat: tribulation and steadfasmess 197 12. Inside Death Cell and out to gallows 220 13. Home they brought the warrior dead 229 14. -
Parliamentary System and Framing of the 1973 Constitution: Contest Between Government and Opposition Inside the National Assembly
Pakistan Perspectives Vol. 25, No.1, January-June 2020 Parliamentary System and Framing of the 1973 Constitution: Contest between Government and Opposition inside the National Assembly Rahat Zubair Malik* Abstract It is generally believed that the Constitution of 1973 was passed unanimously by the parliament of Pakistan and was equally acceptable for all the federating units. While studying the processes of the approval of the said constitution inside the assembly, it becomes evident that the reality was quite different. There exists an argument that most of the Opposition members were not allowed to join the parliament’s session while the final approval of the constitution was processed. The present paper is an effort to analyse the developments that took place inside the National Assembly to pass this document which was to serve as the fundamental document of the state system in forthcoming years. In other words, the present article analyses the course of action through which the Constitution was framed. This is an analytical study primarily based on the National Assembly debates supported by the secondary sources, biographies, and autobiographies of the contemporary politicians to understand how far the amendments suggested by the then opposition were accommodated by the ruling party. Furthermore, this paper analyses the reasons for which each government has to amend the basic structure of the constitution to make it more practical and acceptable for its units. For instance the Eighteenth Amendment removed the concurrent list of the constitution but now the following governments are facing issues to implement the Amendment in detail. Keywords: 1973 Constitution, Opposition Parties, National Assembly Debates, Federating Units, Eighteenth Amendment ______ Introduction Pakistan inherited a parliamentary form of government in which there was a union of powers of Judiciary and the Executive, based on the British-built apparatus of the state, armed forces, and intelligence services along with the basic set of laws, which made the central government all-powerful. -
Students, Space, and the State in East Pakistan/Bangladesh 1952-1990
1 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 A dissertation presented by Samantha M. R. Christiansen to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts September, 2012 2 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 by Samantha M. R. Christiansen ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate School of Northeastern University September, 2012 3 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the history of East Pakistan/Bangladesh’s student movements in the postcolonial period. The principal argument is that the major student mobilizations of Dhaka University are evidence of an active student engagement with shared symbols and rituals across time and that the campus space itself has served as the linchpin of this movement culture. The category of “student” developed into a distinct political class that was deeply tied to a concept of local place in the campus; however, the idea of “student” as a collective identity also provided a means of ideological engagement with a globally imagined community of “students.” Thus, this manuscript examines the case study of student mobilizations at Dhaka University in various geographic scales, demonstrating the levels of local, national and global as complementary and interdependent components of social movement culture. The project contributes to understandings of Pakistan and Bangladesh’s political and social history in the united and divided period, as well as provides a platform for analyzing the historical relationship between social movements and geography that is informative to a wide range of disciplines. -
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution Saad Rasool* This article analyses the provisions regarding the qualifications and disqualifications for Parliamentarians set out in the constitution of Pakistan, and traces their evolution over the years. It establishes that the objective interpretation of these provisions in the past has given way to a more subjective and moralistic approach in the run-up to the 2013 general elections. It further argues that, for the most part, these provisions lay down unascertainable and subjective criteria for qualification and disqualification of a Parliamentarian. This in turn lends support to the main argument of this article that the fundamental right of an individual to contest for a public office, and an equal fundamental right of the citizenry to choose their representative cannot be refused, on the grounds of such ambiguous ideas. However, this is not to say that there should be no minimum criteria for qualifying to be a Parliamentarian; rather it is suggested that the present criteria suffer from serious defects which need to be remedied. Introduction The endeavour of law, in a democratic dispensation, is that of creating an ideal society – a society that is not simply a reflection of who we are, but, more importantly, of who we aspire to be. This endeavour, reflected in the corpus of our laws, emanates primarily from the legislature – the arm of the state that is entrusted with shaping the laws and freedoms that define the spirit of our society. In fidelity to the democratic ethos of a * Lawyer based in Lahore, and Visiting Faculty at LUMS. -
Liberation War of Bangladesh
Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 By: Alburuj Razzaq Rahman 9th Grade, Metro High School, Columbus, Ohio The Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 was for independence from Pakistan. India and Pakistan got independence from the British rule in 1947. Pakistan was formed for the Muslims and India had a majority of Hindus. Pakistan had two parts, East and West, which were separated by about 1,000 miles. East Pakistan was mainly the eastern part of the province of Bengal. The capital of Pakistan was Karachi in West Pakistan and was moved to Islamabad in 1958. However, due to discrimination in economy and ruling powers against them, the East Pakistanis vigorously protested and declared independence on March 26, 1971 under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But during the year prior to that, to suppress the unrest in East Pakistan, the Pakistani government sent troops to East Pakistan and unleashed a massacre. And thus, the war for liberation commenced. The Reasons for war Both East and West Pakistan remained united because of their religion, Islam. West Pakistan had 97% Muslims and East Pakistanis had 85% Muslims. However, there were several significant reasons that caused the East Pakistani people to fight for their independence. West Pakistan had four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier. The fifth province was East Pakistan. Having control over the provinces, the West used up more resources than the East. Between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan made 70% of all of Pakistan's exports, while it only received 25% of imported money. In 1948, East Pakistan had 11 fabric mills while the West had nine. -
The Mirage of Power, by Mubashir Hasan
The Mirage of Power AN ENQUIRY INTO THE BHUTTO YEARS 1971-1977 BY MUBASHIR HASAN Reproduced By: Sani H. Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP. CONTENTS About the Author .. .. .. .. .. .. i Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ii Acknowledgements .. .. .. .. .. v 1. The Dramatic Takeover .. .. .. .. .. 1 2. State of the Nation .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 3. Meeting the Challenges (1) .. .. .. .. 22 4. Meeting the Challenges (2) .. .. .. .. 43 5. Restructuring the Economy (1) .. .. .. .. 64 6. Restructuring the Economy (2) .. .. .. .. 85 7. Accords and Discords .. .. .. .. 100 8. All Not Well .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 9. Feeling Free .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 10. The Year of Change .. .. .. .. .. 167 11. All Power to the Establishment .. .. .. .. 187 12. The Losing Battle .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 13. The Battle Lost .. .. .. .. .. .. 209 14. The Economic Legacy .. .. .. .. .. 222 Appendices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 261 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Mubashir Hasan is a well known figure in both academic and political circles in Pakistan. A Ph.D. in civil engineering, he served as an irrigation engineer and taught at the engineering university at Lahore. The author's formal entry into politics took place in 1967 when the founding convention of the Pakistan Peoples' Party was held at his residence. He was elected a member of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970 and served as Finance Minister in the late Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Cabinet from 1971-1974. In 1975, he was elected Secretary General of the PPP. Following the promulgation of martial law in 1977, the author was jailed for his political beliefs. Dr. Hasan has written three books, numerous articles, and has spoken extensively on social, economic and political subjects: 2001, Birds of the Indus, (Mubashir Hasan, Tom J. -
Political Fields and Religious Movements: the Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
POLITICAL FIELDS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: THE EXCLUSION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY IN PAKISTAN Sadia Saeed ABSTRACT This paper examines the Pakistani state’s shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state’s policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-a` -vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 23, 189–223 Copyright r 2012 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0198-8719/doi:10.1108/S0198-8719(2012)0000023011 189 190 SADIA SAEED referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the ‘‘Ahmadi issue’’ as a national question pertaining to democratic norms. In 1953, a group of prominent ulema1 in Pakistan launched a social movement demanding that the state forcibly declare the heterodox Ahmadiyya community (in short Ahmadis) a non-Muslim minority. At this moment, state authorities explicitly rejected this demand. In 1974, Pakistan’s National Assembly responded to the same demand by con- stitutionally declaring Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority. -
Bhutto a Political Biography.Pdf
Bhutto a Political Biography By: Salmaan Taseer Reproduced By: Sani Hussain Panhwar Member Sindh Council, PPP Bhutto a Political Biography; Copyright © www.bhutto.org 1 CONTENTS Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 1 The Bhuttos of Larkana .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 2 Salad Days .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 3 Rake’s Progress .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 28 4 In the Field Marshal’s Service .. .. .. .. .. 35 5 New Directions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 6 War and Peace 1965-6 .. .. .. .. .. .. 54 7 Parting of the Ways .. .. .. .. .. .. 69 8 Reaching for Power .. .. .. .. .. .. 77 9 To the Polls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 102 10 The Great Tragedy .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 114 11 Reins of Power .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 125 12 Simla .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 134 13 Consolidation .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 147 14 Decline and Fall .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 163 15 The Trial .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 176 16 The Bhutto Conundrum .. .. .. .. .. 194 Select Bibliography .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 206 Bhutto a Political Biography; Copyright © www.bhutto.org 2 PREFACE Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a political phenomenon. In a country where the majority of politicians have been indistinguishable, grey and quick to compromise, he stalked among them as a Titan. He has been called ‘blackmailer’, ‘opportunist’, ‘Bhutto Khan’ (an undisguised comparison with Pakistan’s military dictators Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan) and ‘His Imperial Majesty the Shahinshah of Pakistan’ by his enemies. Time magazine referred to him as a ‘whiz kid’ on his coming to power in 1971. His supporters called him Takhare Asia’ (The Pride of Asia) and Anthony Howard, writing of him in the New Statesman, London, said ‘arguably the most intelligent and plausibly the best read of the world’s rulers’. Peter Gill wrote of him in the Daily Telegraph, London: ‘At 47, he has become one of the third world’s most accomplished rulers.’ And then later, after a change of heart and Bhutto’s fall from power, he described him as ‘one of nature’s bounders’. -
LJMU Research Online
LJMU Research Online Craig, MM ‘Nuclear Sword of the Moslem World’?: the United States, Britain, Pakistan, and the ‘Islamic Bomb’, 1977–80 http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/id/eprint/4612/ Article Citation (please note it is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from this work) Craig, MM (2016) ‘Nuclear Sword of the Moslem World’?: the United States, Britain, Pakistan, and the ‘Islamic Bomb’, 1977–80. International History Review, 38 (5). pp. 857-879. ISSN 0707-5332 LJMU has developed LJMU Research Online for users to access the research output of the University more effectively. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LJMU Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of the record. Please see the repository URL above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information please contact [email protected] http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/ ‘Nuclear Sword of the Moslem World’?: America, Britain, Pakistan, and the ‘Islamic bomb’, 1977-1980 Malcolm M. Craig Email: [email protected] This article appeared in The International History Review, Vol.38, No.5 (2016) http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07075332.2016.1140670 1 Introduction In advance of Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s March 2015 address to the US Congress, an editorial in the conservative Washington Times commented: Mr Netanyahu has the opportunity to talk in plain speech with no equivocation about the threat that Iran, armed with the Islamic bomb, poses to the survival of the Jewish state and perhaps the United States as well. -
Yunas Khan* Ashfaq Ali**
PAKISTAN–Bi-annual Research Journal Vol. No 56, January- June 2020 ISKANDER MIRZA: A PROFILE Yunas Khan* Ashfaq Ali** Abstract This study aims to descriptively analyze the profile of Iskander Mirza in the light of available information to give a clear picture about the subject matter at hand. Iskander Mirza was a West Bengali politician with rich experience in bureaucracy in British India and witnessed the partition. He was the person who lent support to the cause of the Muslim League and won the confidence of a cantankerous leader like Mr Jinnah in united India. With the passage of time and changing environment, he became a political elite and a power monger. He played havoc with democracy in Pakistan by pulling the military in Politics in Pakistan, particularly General Ayub Khan, who banished democracy for long. The role of Mirza Iskander was simply that of a "lord creator" who played the round of 'find the stowaway' with the popular government of Pakistan in collusion with different lawmakers, which later on destroyed democratic culture in Pakistan perpetually and praetorian rule turned into fait accompli. Mirza detested politicians and democratic governments in Pakistan and instead, preferred military rule in synchronization with civil administration, as the panacea for all the maladies of Pakistan, in order to remain intact in politics and spare his position. Iskander was not only physically overthrown from Pakistan but was permanently banished from the psyches of Pakistanis, too. Despite the fact, Mirza was the guru of Pakistan’s politics he grabbed no academic eye. On dismissal from Presidency Mirza fell from favours and was deported from Pakistan despicably and was not permitted internment. -
Benazir Bhutto.Pdf
BenazirBhutto Benazir Bhutto KATHERINE M. DOHERTY and CRAIG A. DOHERTY Reproduced in pdf form by Sani H Panwhar Introduction The first time that we saw Benazir Bhutto we were greatly impressed by her poise, beauty, and youth. Here was a woman a couple of years younger than us who had lived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, at the same time we did, appearing on the news as the leading opponent of the military dictator General Zia in Pakistan. It was exciting to listen to the accolades the press bestowed upon her. After she had become prime minister and our editor suggested that we do a book about her, we began to look more seriously at the first woman to head a modern Islamic state and the youngest head of state in the world. The more research we did, the more struck we were with the adversity that Benazir Bhutto had faced and overcome in her long struggle with the military powers of Pakistan. She has inherited her father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's political legacy and sits as only the second popularly elected head of state in her country's brief history. It is a precarious position, as she well knows. Military coups, assassinations, the exiling of leaders and, in the case of her father, kangaroo court sentences and executions are commonplace in the political arena in which she operates. The fact that she is a woman adds to the insecurity of her position. Many on Pakistan's religious right feel that women should be restricted to activities within the home. General Zia had done much during his eleven-year reign to reinforce that position.