Stephen Wyatt
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STEPHEN WYATT Co-existence of Atikamekw and industrial forestry paradigms Occupation and management of forestlands in the St- Maurice river basin, Québec Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université Laval dans le cadre du programme de doctorat en Sciences forestières pour l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) FACULTÉ DE FORESTERIE ET DE GÉOMATIQUE UNIVERSITÉ LAVAL QUÉBEC AVRIL 2004 © Stephen Wyatt, 2004 Résumé Les territoires forestiers canadiens sont d’une grande importance pour l’industrie forestière, l’économie nationale et les Premières Nations, leurs occupants traditionnels. Au cours des vingt-cinq dernières années, les Premières Nations ont pris une part grandissante à la gestion forestière par le biais des partenariats, des batailles juridiques et des ententes négociées. L’affirmation des droits aborigènes est une tendance mondiale, entraînant des avantages et des défis pour les gouvernements et l’industrie. Suivant cette tendance, les Atikamekw du Québec créent des liens avec les compagnies forestières et planifient un partenariat pour construire une scierie. Cependant, l’industrie et les peuples indigènes comprennent et utilisent certainement de façon différente les forêts. Cette étude de cas explore les paradigmes forestiers propres aux Atikamekw et à l’industrie forestière : leurs systèmes de valeurs, de connaissances et de pratiques qui dirigent leur compréhension et leur utilisation des territoires forestiers. Des méthodes de recherche en sciences sociales ont été utilisées pour cinq sous-études complémentaires : le développement historique de l’utilisation et de la gestion du territoire; la collaboration industrie – Atikamekw; l’occupation contemporaine Atikamekw du territoire; les processus de consultation entre les groupes; et les entrevues avec des membres de chaque groupe. Je propose un cadre analytique afin de décrire chaque paradigme, d’examiner les différences entre les groupes, et de considérer des pistes de rapprochement. Le paradigme industriel et le régime forestier québécois sont fondés sur l’aménagement scientifique de la forêt, principalement pour la production soutenue de matière ligneuse. Par contre, les Atikamekw sont engagés avec notcimik, leur territoire, lié avec leurs connaissances, leurs valeurs et tipahiskan, leur propre système de gestion. Les projets telle que la scierie peuvent répondre aux intérêts spécifiques de chaque groupe. Cependant, le régime forestier restreint la participation Atikamekw ainsi que la capacité des industriels à modifier leurs pratiques. La reconnaissance de différents paradigmes n’exige pas qu’un groupe adopte les croyances de l’autre, ni que les groupes s’entendent sur une seule représentation. Néanmoins, la coexistence souligne le besoin de développer des pratiques et des systèmes de gestion novateurs qui pourraient répondre aux valeurs, aux connaissances et aux compréhensions des différents groupes. iii Abstract Canada’s forestlands are of great importance for the forest industry, the national economy, and for First Nations, the traditional occupants of these lands. During the last twenty-five years, First Nations have become increasingly involved in forestland management through business ventures, legal proceedings and negotiated agreements. This is an international trend as indigenous peoples assert customary rights to forestlands, and as governments and industry recognize potential benefits of collaboration. Within this trend, the Atikamekw of central Québec are building closer links with forestry companies and planning a joint venture to construct a sawmill. But forest industries and indigenous peoples may have quite different ways of understanding and using forestlands. This case study explores the different forestry paradigms held by the Atikamekw and the forest industry; their systems of values, knowledge and techniques that direct their understanding and use of forestlands. Research techniques from the social sciences were used for five complementary sub-studies: the historical development of forestlands use and management; recent Atikamekw-industry collaboration in forestry; contemporary occupation of forestlands by the Atikamekw; consultation processes between industry and Atikamekw; and interviews with members of each group. I propose an analytical framework to describe each paradigm, examine the differences between the groups, and consider ways of bridging these differences. The forest industry paradigm and Québec’s forestry regime are based on the scientific management of forests, primarily to provide sustainable supplies of wood fibre. In contrast, Atikamekw are engaged with notcimik, forestlands, through their knowledge, values and tipahiskan, their traditional approach to management. Projects such as the sawmill joint venture can respond to particular interests of both groups. However, the forestry regime constrains both Atikamekw participation in management of forestlands and industry capacity to adjust practices to Atikamekw interests. Recognizing different paradigms does not require that one group accepts the beliefs of the other, or that they develop a single common understanding. Rather coexistence emphasizes the need to develop innovative practices and management systems that can respond to values, knowledge and understandings of different groups. Foreword This thesis examines different ways of looking at forests. It is a project originating in my own experiences as a professional forester who realised that the way that I had been taught to think about and manage a forest was quite different to that of non-foresters. This observation appeared to underpin numerous conflicts and problems associated with forest management and society’s interests in Australia, in Québec and elsewhere. Accordingly, I embarked on this research to try and understand why I had a different view of forests, and what this could mean for forest management. The opportunity to work with the Atikamekw and the forest industry in the St-Maurice river basin provided two quite different ways of looking at forests. The nature of this research has required that I step outside the bounds of traditional forestry. In particular, research techniques such as hypothesis testing, numerical data and statistical analyses - the usual application of the scientific method in forestry – are not appropriate. Instead, I have had to deal with ideas and perceptions, with ways of knowing and understanding, and with systems and processes. I have had to examine my own profession’s way of seeing the forest, as well as that of the Atikamekw. Accordingly, I have used qualitative research methods and techniques from the social sciences, as will be explained in detail in Chapter 2 and elsewhere. I wish to warn the reader that this is an interdisciplinary study. Whether you are a forester or an anthropologist, you may find that I have belaboured points that you consider to be obvious; but please consider the understanding of another reader. Equally, you may find that you disagree with some of my conclusions; if so, please review the data and the method that led me to these. Some of my conclusions challenge existing approaches to indigenous involvement in forest management, and I have tried to ensure that the reasons behind these challenges are clear. An interdisciplinary study means drawing on the complementary strengths of several scientific disciplines, but the researcher cannot be a master of all these. This project has helped me to understand the importance of different ways of looking at forests. I hope that it helps you to recognize your own vision of the forest, as well as that of others. v Acknowledgements Congratulations! Today is your day. You’re off to Great Places! You’re off and away Like all good adventures, this thesis has been a journey. A journey implies places, people, stories and experiences. Some journeys revisit familiar terrain, while others explore unknown lands. Most have highpoints and lowpoints: there are stumbling blocks, and the people who help you get past them; periods of darkness, followed by light; and frustration intermingled with hope. The journey of this thesis has included all of these, but most of all it is people and experiences. You’ll get mixed up, of course, as you already know. You’ll get mixed up with many strange birds as you go. Critical in this journey were two groups of people, the Atikamekw of Wemotaci and the foresters who manage the forests of the Haute-Mauricie. They guided me and helped me to understand both their own points of view and those of others. Numerous members of the Atikamekw nation helped me in this journey, but I especially acknowledge the contributions of Simon Coocoo, Claude Quoquochi, Jean-Paul Néashish, Alex Coocoo, Mary Coon, Gilles Ottawa and Thérese Niquay. Among the foresters, Réjean Godin, Luc Richard, Denis Jutras and Luc Palmer were instrumental in this research and I admire their vision in seeking closer ties with the Atikamekw. Two people, more than anyone else, taught me about being nehirowisiw, and this thesis would have been impossible without the contributions of Yvon Chilton and Marthe Coocoo. You’ll get so confused that you’ll start in to race down long wiggled roads at a break-necking pace At Université Laval, Luc Bouthillier in Forestry and Sylvie Poirier in Anthropology acted as guides, helping to establish the directions of my journey (along with several places to avoid). I would like to thank Luc for his ideas and his support during my voyage, and for vi accepting an Australian