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Aspects of Indian Diaspora in the Asean-Pacific Region

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Aspects of Indian Diaspora in the Asean-Pacific Region Jain 1 ASPECTS OF INDIAN DIASPORA IN THE ASEAN-PACIFIC REGION Prakash C. Jain Jawaharlal Nehru University India This paper highlights the salient features of the Indian Diaspora in the ASEAN-Pacific region in the context of the on-going globalisation as well as historically. It briefly discusses the origins and evolution of the Indian diaspora in a dozen odd countries of the region. It is argued that the modern Indian diaspora was caused by the British colonialism in India and the region. Indians emigrated as indentured, kangani/maistry and voluntary labourers to work on rubber, rice, sugar, tea, coffee, and oil-palm plantations in various British colonies. The Indian traders and various categories of office workers also migrated to Hong Kong, Philippines, Japan, Burma, Malaya, Singapore and Fiji. Indians in these countries have been part of the so-called “Old Indian Diaspora”. Elsewhere in the region, namely Australia, New Zealand and Thailand the Indians have been a part of the “New Indian Diaspora” that included engineers, doctors, accountants, managers, IT professionals, etc. Migration patterns and population estimates apart, the major focus of the article however would be on impact of the Indian Diaspora on the economic development, political processes and socio-cultural affairs of the host countries. The analysis will be done in the political economy conceptual framework. “Diaspora” means dispersal and until recently the term referred to the Jews living in different parts of the world outside Israel − their ancestral “homeland”. Of late, however, Jain 2 the purview of the term diaspora has been broadened to refer to any population group settled abroad but maintaining close links with its homeland. As such diasporas can be defined as “ethnic minority groups of migrant origins residing and acting in host countries but maintaining strong sentimental and material links with countries of origin − homelands” (Sheffer 1986). A diaspora can be defined as an ethnic minority group of migrant origins residing and acting in host country but maintaining strong sentimental and material links with its homeland. Modern diasporas constitute trans-state triadic networks involving ethnic diasporas, their host countries and homelands, and as such they have significant ramifications for international relations and international politics, and other activities. The ties diasporic communities maintain through visits, marriages, trade networks, transfer of technology and skills and political lobbying for homelands are some other aspects of diasporic activities. The Global Indian Diaspora The modern Indian Diaspora is about 200 years old – largely a creation of British colonialism in India and some other countries of Asia, Africa, Oceania and the West Indies. Modern emigration form India was completely a British creation. It began in 1834 following the abolition of slavery in the British Empire. Labour was needed to work on the sugar plantations in the various British colonies. Without dependable supplies of labour, survival of plantations would have been extremely difficult. Consequently, the British colonists followed the practice of Latin American and Cuban colonists who were importing Chinese indentured labour from the Portuguese settlement of Macao (Campbell, 1969). Indian labourers had already been found useful in various colonies where as slaves Jain 3 and convicted prisoners they were employed in public works – roads, harbours, offices and jails (Sandhu 1969: 132- 140; Tinker 1974: 44-46). In India, as Kingsley Davis (1968: 99) has pointed out, “Pressure to emigrate has always been great enough to provide a stream of emigrants much larger than the actual given opportunities”. Large scale Indian emigration, however, did not take place until the establishment of British imperialism in India as well as many other parts of the world. Burma, for example, is a case in point where Indian emigration was numerically insignificant, and only seasonal in nature until the annexation of the Irrawaddy Delta and northern territory by the British East India Company in 1852 (Andrew 1933). Pearn (1946: 5) notes the presence of only 19 Indians in Rangoon in 1838. Similarly, Indian labour emigration to Malaysia, Ceylon, Mauritius and the West Indies and petty bourgeoisie emigration to East Africa had to wait for British colonial settlement in these places. Thus Indian overseas emigration is obviously the result of the workings of British colonialism both in India and abroad which is highlighted by the fact that the vast majority of Indians migrated only to the British colonies. Only two exceptions in this regard were the Reunion Islands and Surinam – French and Dutch Colonies respectively. The historical background against which the Indian overseas emigration was intensified was the penetration of British mercantile capitalism in Asia. In the second half of the nineteenth century, as a result of the communication revolution and the opening of the Suez Canal the Asian peripheral economies were fully integrated into the world capitalist system with the result that Britain earned a considerable surplus on her trade with Asia in general, and India in particular (Latham 1978: 175). Jain 4 The profits from imperial trade were invested by the British in the mines and plantations in Asia and Africa, which created a further demand for labour throughout the British Empire. While the expanding capitalist economy in the British Empire created a great demand for labour and trading classes, in India a combination of the following factors led to the Indian exodus overseas: the distress of the small peasantry, frequent and widespread famines in the throughout the nineteenth century, the decline of the handicraft industry, and slugglish and enclavist industrialization. Excessive dependence on agriculture, seasonal unemployment, mass illiteracy and a caste- bound occupational structure, were additional contributory factors in creating a class of proletarians, a fraction of which was compelled to seek sustenance abroad. Under these circumstances, the British Indian government was readily persuaded by the imperial and other colonial governments to export Indian labour abroad. Until the World War II Indians emigrated mainly as indentured labourers to British Guiana, Trinidad, Surinam (then a Dutch colony), South Africa, Fiji, Mauritius and Reunion Islands, and as kangani/maistry labourers to Burma, Malaysia, Singapore and Sri Lanka. Indians also emigrated as traders and government employees to the East and South African countries besides Fiji and South Africa. Following the World War II Indian migration to the industrially advanced countries of Europe and North America, Australia, New Zealand etc. had also begun to gain momentum. The post-war economic expansion in these countries created heavy demand for skilled labour and professionals. Simultaneously, immigration laws were also relaxed in Canada, UK and the US. This form of overseas Indian migration of skilled and educated personnel, popularly known as the “brain drain”, thus resulted in the formation Jain 5 of sizeable Indian communities in Australia, Britain, Canada, New Zealand and the US. Since the early 1970s Indians have also been migrating in large numbers to the oil-rich West Asian countries. There are about 5.0 million non-resident Indians working in the Gulf countries (Jain 2007). The total strength of the Indian Diaspora is presently estimated at 30 million. Thus historically, five distinctive patterns of Indian emigration can be identified: (1) indentured labour emigration, (2) kangani/maisry labour emigration, (3) ‘free’ or ‘passage’ emigration to East Africa, South Africa, Fiji etc, (4) ‘brain drain’ or voluntary emigration to the metropolitan countries of Europe, North America and Oceania, and (5) manpower emigration to West Asia. Whereas the first three patterns are often categorized as colonial and the resultant diasporas as “old”, the last two patterns are post-colonial that gave rise to the “new” diasporas. The “new” Indian diasporas have clear linkages with the process of globalisation that can be defined as “the intensified and deepened cultural, economic, political and institutional interconnectedness and interdependency that has developed between corporations, communities and states, particularly since the 1970s” (Walton-Roberts 2004: 54). Globalisation implies that there is worldwide financial, economic, technological and ecological interdependence”, and as such “goods, capital, knowledge, images, communication, crime, culture, pollutants, drugs, fashions and beliefs all readily flow across territorial boundaries” (Cohen 1999: 155). So much so that some scholars argue that globalisation is leading to the emergence of “the first global civilization” – a discrete world-order with shared values, processes and structures (Ibid). It must be pointed out here that there have been observable and countertendencies to globalization that often Jain 6 manifest themselves in the form of nationalism and sub-nationalism, racism, religious fundamentalism, sexism etc. Thus both universal and parochial tendencies are at work in the process of globalization. Within these broad parameters it can be argued that certain aspects of globalization are particularly relevant to the study of diasporas in terms of their emergence, survival and success. Following Cohen (1999: 157) these are briefly discussed as follows: (1) A world economy with quicker and denser transactions between its sub-sectors due to better communications,
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