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THE IRISH in BRISTOL, 1938-1985 by Nick Conway BA (Swansea) MA (Liverpool)

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THE IRISH in BRISTOL, 1938-1985 by Nick Conway BA (Swansea) MA (Liverpool) 1 THE IRISH IN BRISTOL, 1938-1985 by Nick Conway BA (Swansea) MA (Liverpool) Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Arts and Cultural Industries, Faculty of Arts, Creative Industries and Education, University of the West of England August 2018 2 Contents List of Tables and Figures – 4 List of Abbreviations - 5 Abstract – 6 Acknowledgements - 7 Introduction - 8 Research Aims - 9 Research Methodology -9 Definition of terms and census data -13 Importance of the research - 14 Historiography - 18 Chapter 1: Irish Emigration and Bristol - 22 1.1: Leaving Ireland - 23 1.2: The Irish in Bristol - 32 1.3: Patterns of settlement in Bristol - 37 1.4: Experiences of Bristol - 45 1.5: Conclusion - 53 Chapter 2: „Factory and building site fodder‟? - 56 2.1: World War Two workers - 58 2.2: Wartime Irish labour in Bristol - 59 2.3: Transport and housing problems - 61 2.4 Building labourers - 67 2.5 Post-War rebuilding - 68 2.6: NSHC Hostels for Irish building labourers - 72 2.7: Irish nurses in Bristol -79 2.8: Nursing shortages - 83 2.9: The Glenside Irish - 86 2.10: Religious affiliation and geography - 87 2.11: Working at Glenside and further migration - 91 2.12: A positive stereotype? - 92 2.13: Conclusion - 95 Chapter 3: Twentieth century Anglo-Irish relations in the Bristol context - 98 3.1: Irish neutrality - 99 3 3.2: The Treaty Ports - 101 3.3: Loyalists and Nationalists - 104 3.4: Fifth column fears - 107 3.5: The American Note - 110 3.6: Volunteers and emigrants - 111 3.7: Condolences and speeches - 113 3.8: The Republic and the Commonwealth - 115 3.9: The Troubles - 117 3.10: Civil rights to Bloody Sunday - 121 3.11 Park Street and Birmingham - 128 3.12: The Prevention of Terrorism Act - 135 3.13: The Mountbatten assassination - 145 3.14: The Hunger Strikes - 147 3.15: The Brighton bombing - 152 3.16: The Hillsborough Agreement - 153 3.17: Conclusion - 155 Chapter 4: Social and cultural developments - 158 4.1: Irish spaces - 159 4.2: The importance of Irish centres -161 4.3: The Catholic church and Irish clubs - 163 4.4: Irish pubs - 168 4.5: Retaining ties with Ireland - 174 4.6: Holidays and „the myth of return‟ - 177 4.7: The second-generation - 185 4.8: Assimilation and integration -191 4.9: Conclusion -196 Conclusion -198 Main findings - 198 Research aims and conclusions - 200 Recommendations for future research – 203 Appendix A: Irish-born population of Bristol by council ward, 1971-1981 - 206 Appendix B: Research Participant Biographies - 207 Appendix C: Sample consent form for participants – 209 Bibliography - 210 4 List of Tables Table A: Irish-born population in England and Wales: selected cities - 18 Table 1.1: Irish-born population of Great Britain as a percentage of total population - 33 Table 1.2: Ireland net migration by decade (per 000) - 34 Table 1.3: Irish-Born population of Bristol, 1921-1991 - 35 Table 1.4: Irish-Born Population of Bristol by Gender, 1921-2001 - 36 Table 1.5: Irish-Born Population of Bristol by country of birth, 1921-2011 - 36 Table 1.6: Irish-born population of Bristol by area - 40 Table 1.7: Original and main areas of settlement in Bristol for the participants of this study - 43 Table 2.1: Direct passenger movement by sea from Ireland to Great Britain and Northern Ireland 1939-1945 - 59 Table 2.2: National Service Hostels Corporation and Ministry of Supply Hostels and capacities, 1944-45 - 64 Table 2.3: Principal Occupations of Irish-born Males in Great Britain, 1961 - 70 Table 2.4: Females in receipt of Irish travel permits and identity cards by last occupation, 1940- 46 (%) - 82 Table 2.5: Principal Occupations of Irish-born Females in Great Britain, 1961 - 82 List of Figures Figure 1.1: Irish-born population of Bristol by council ward, 1971 - 38 Figure 1.2: Irish-born population of Bristol by council ward, 1981 - 39 Figure 1.3: Distribution of participants for this study, by area - 41 Figure 1.4: Initial area of participant settlement - 44 Figure 1.5: Main area of participant settlement - 45 Figure 2.1: Irish-born nurses as a proportion of total nursing staff at Glenside Hospital, 1920- 44, 1947-57 - 87 Figure 2.2: Irish-born nurses at Glenside, 1920-44, 1947-57 by country of birth (%) - 88 Figure 2.3: Irish-born nurses at Glenside by country and province of origin, 1920-57, (%) - 89 Figure 2.4: Irish-born nurses at Glenside hospital by county of origin - 90 Figure 2.5: Religious affiliation of Irish-born nurses at Glenside Hospital, 1920-57 (%) - 91 Figure 2.6: Length of employment of Irish nurses at Glenside, 1920-44, 1947-57 (%) - 92 Figure 4.1: Adult sample (immigrants only): Original intention to settle permanently and future intentions in 1965, by birth-place (%) - 182 5 List of Abbreviations BBC – British Broadcasting Corporation. BCC – Bristol City Council. BEP – Bristol Evening Post. BIS – Bristol Irish Society. CHAS – Catholic Housing Aid Society. CSI – Chief Sanitary Inspector. DUP – Democratic Unionist Party. EU – European Union. G2 – The Directorate of Military Intelligence, Ireland. GAA – Gaelic Athletic Association. HA – Hillsborough Agreement. HEC – Bristol City Council Health Committee. HOC – Bristol City Council Housing Committee. IEC – Irish Emigrant Chaplaincy. INLA – Irish National Liberation Army. IP – Irish Post. IRA – Irish Republican Army. MG – Manchester Guardian. MI5 – The United Kingdom‟s domestic counter-intelligence and security agency. MOA – Ministry of Aviation. MOH – Medical Officer of Health. MOL – Ministry of Labour. MOS – Ministry of Supply. NICRA – Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. NSHC – National Service Hostels Corporation. OIRA – Official Irish Republican Army. PIRA – Provisional Irish Republican Army. PTA – Prevention of Terrorism Act. RTÉ - Raidió Teilifís Éireann. UUP – Ulster Unionist Party. WDP – Western Daily Press. WMN – Western Morning News. 6 Abstract The main focus of this thesis is the Irish population of Bristol from 1938 to 1985. Up to now, the twentieth century Bristol Irish have been largely absent from the historical and sociological discourse on both Bristol and the Irish in Britain. This thesis seeks to address their absence as well as to locate the experiences of the Bristol Irish within the context of the Irish in Britain through comparisons to similar studies conducted in other British cities. In addition, it seeks to ascertain to what degree the Bristol Irish have integrated or been assimilated into the native populace. It centres on several key issues such as the lived experience of the Bristol Irish, as well as the homogeneity of the migration process and the Irish experience in twentieth century Bristol. This necessitated an in-depth investigation relating to residential patterns in the city and the predominance of traditional Irish occupational groupings such as nursing for females and building work for males. It was also necessary to ascertain the importance of Irish spaces in the city. These include pubs, clubs and associations as well as the role of the Catholic Church. This was achieved through several strands of investigation, which included several types of primary and secondary sources, as well as both quantitative and qualitative analysis. As we will see in Chapter Four, Bristol‟s Irish population have not always had the same level of cultural organisation as exists in British cities with higher Irish populations such as London and Birmingham. As a result of this, individual experiences became vital to the research. In fact, several historians have argued that the true details of migration can only be revealed by the migrants themselves. To this end, new interviews were undertaken with Irish- born people living in Bristol contacted through friend and family links as well as the snowballing technique. This allowed for a qualitative analysis of individuals‟ experiences of migration, housing and employment as well as social and cultural life in Bristol. This included an examination of the extent to which the Bristol Irish have integrated or been assimilated into the native populace. This original material was supplemented by previously overlooked archival material which casts light on the experiences of Irish nurses and building labourers in post-war Bristol. These data also revealed further detail on the migration process during the Second World War, before any of the research participants came to Bristol. In addition to this, a quantitative investigation of two local newspapers allowed for an analysis of public opinion in Bristol on key points in twentieth century Anglo-Irish relations. 7 Acknowledgements It would not have been possible to complete this thesis without the incredible support – both financial and emotional - that I have received from my family, particularly my parents Nick and Ellen, my brother Simon and my Uncle Martin and Auntie Jane. The importance of their patience and belief in me is impossible to quantify. Immense gratitude is due to my three supervisors. To Madge Dresser and Phil Ollerenshaw for their expertise, constant encouragement, reassurance and invaluable advice throughout. Thanks are also due to Kent Fedorowich for seeing me over the line as my third supervisor and for his feedback and advice throughout my time at UWE. The importance of their kindness, guidance and patience has been immeasurable. I would like to thank all of the participants for this thesis who gave up their time to talk to me about their experiences in Bristol. Their stories, support and openness made this project possible. Thanks are also due to the Bristol Irish Society, staff at the Bristol Record Office, Bristol Central Library, Gill Hogarth and Canon Harding at the Clifton Diocesan Archives and Fiona Overbeke at BBC Bristol. Joseph Horgan, from „A Memo Regarding Those of Indeterminate Status‟ and „Swift‟, from Slipping Letters Beneath the Sea, (Doghouse, 2008), reproduced by permission of Joseph Horgan.
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