- 19801No. 2 by Howard Handelman PERU: THE MARCH TO South America [HH-1-'801 CIVILIAN RULE'

When I left Peru in July 1969-after Peru and the giant of the critical nation, and an air of political a year's residence-the nation's copper mining and refining tension, reflected the collapse of the military government had just industry), and the takeover of the Peruvian economy. Economic promulgated the most sweeping fish meal industry (controlled by the declines since 1975 had produced land reform decree in Latin America most dynamic sector of the national vast state indebtedness amounting since the Cuban evolution? The bourgeoisie). By 1975, then, the to $6 billion. Harsh austerity immediate seizure of the giant, state controlled production in Peru's measures undertaken at the behest coastal sugar plantations-owned three dominant export sectors: of the International Monetary Fund by the most powerful sector of the mining, sugar, and fish meal.3 (IMF) had intensified an ongoing Peruvian oligarchy-demonstrated deterioration of living standards the seriousness of the government's These reforms, though worrisome such that the real income of the intent. During the next five years the to United States policy-makers and urban working class declined by 40 "revolutionary" military regime, terrifying for the Peruvian economic percent between 1973 and 1978. headed by General Juan Velasco elite. received the endorsement of a The military regime, headed since Alvarado, introduced a series of large portion of the population. 1975 by General Francisco Morales programs designed to alter the Indeed, one American journal of Bermi3dez and more conservative economic and political structure of political analysis insisted in 1971 that officers, had lost all the popular Peruvian society. Urban reform laws the Velasco government had the support it once enjoyed. gave the vast population of support of the Catholic Church, squatters, on the peripheries of the much of the Marxist and Christian The causes of the collapse of Peru's nation's major cities, titles to their left, the lower middle class, most of military revolution-once hailed as a homes and the promise of more the urban poor and industrial model for political-economic change direct participation in the political working class, and the majority of in the hemisphere-are complex system. The Industrial Community peasants and plantation workers. and somewhat beyond the scope of law, loosely based on the Thus, said the author, only the this Report. Opponents on the right Yugoslavian model, sought economic elite stood squarely attribute the country's economic (unsuccessfully) to establish some against the revolutionary regime4 decline, and the concomitant form of worker self-management political crisis, to the "misguided When I returned to Peru in August and partial ownership of the means socialism" of the Velasco regime. 1978,l was greeted at the Plaza San of production. Critics on the left respond that the Martin in the heart of downtown problem was rather that the Every major sector of society - Lima by the pungent odor of tear military's "revolution" was not agrarian, urban, commercial, and gas as guardia civil (national police) radical enough-that a revolution industrial-was scheduled for dispersed government bureaucrats directed entirely from above, which serious transformation, just as all who were demonstrating against never came to grips with the sectors of the traditionally powerful the administration's announced plan problem of mass political Peruvian oligarchy were being to lay off thousands of public mobilization, and which based challenged. The agrarian reform employees. At almost the same development on loans from the program-which eventually time, teachers throughout the international banking community, destroyed the base of the landed nation were engaged in a prolonged, was doomed to fai~ure.~ elite-was followed by the industrial bitter strike and troops were reform, the expropriation of major violently dislodging striking miners The fact of the matter is that the banks, the nationalization of the who were staging a sit-in in the government had managed to Cerro de Pasco mining corporation nation's capital. The intense labor alienate Peru's industrial- (the largest foreign firm operating in unrest that was sweeping the commercial elite and foreign corporations-thereby decreasing both) decimated Peru's traditionally place. During the height of the investment from the capitalist strong export sectors, while at the Velasco regime's popularity in the sector-while at the same time same time petroleum finds were early 1970s, the President and his refusing to take the kinds of radical extremely disappointing. political strategists had toyed with measures necessary to bring about a By 1975, then, the Peruvian the idea of creating a mass party- socialist transformation. Political economy was clearly on the loosely modeled on the Mexican scientist Liisa North notes that the downslide-increases in the GNP PRI-which would include peasant, military itself was divided into failed to match population growth urban shantytown, worker, and competing factions having very and inflation reached double-digit middle-class sectors under some diverse, and generally poorly levels (common in other Latin type of control by velasquista formulated, ideologies. American nations but not in Peru (pro-Velasco, military progressives) Consequently, policy was marked until that point). At the same time, leadership. To be sure, as late as the by inconsistencies and wavering the ailing President Velasco was final year of Velasco's presidency from left to right6 In addition, the losing his grip on leadership while there was talk of creating a government suffered from the his administration became Movimiento de la Revoluci6n political incompetence, nepotism, increasingly intolerant of criticisms Peruana which would allow for the and corruption characteristic of expressed in the media or in popular permanent institutionalization of the many Latin American military demonstrations? Consequently, the military revolution through a regimes. Finally, the regime's own August 29 "internal coup," which dominant political party. Even after failings were exacerbated by a toppled Velasco Alvarado and the 1975 coup, centrist officers in a number of exogenous factors brought General Morales Bermfidez the Morales Bermudez faction which it could not control. Huge to power, was initially hailed by a shared the progressives' desire to foreign loans-largely invested in wide spectrum of Peruvian public preserve critical elements of the capital-intensive projects using opinion ranging from left to right. "military revolution" -the agrarian highly "inappropriate" During its first weeks, the newjunta reform, state control of key sectors technology-during the first years responded by freeing a number of of the economy, and so on. of the "revolution" was based on jailed labor leaders and opposition projected high sugar and copper leftists while simultaneously As the prospects of a military- dominated, mass party became prices and the anticipated extraction reducing restraints on conservative more remote, most officers were still of significant amounts of petroleum and leftist news magazines. in the eastern jungle region. The anxious that any elected Within months, however, the collapse of sugar prices after 1974, government give the armed forces government began to alienate the the decline in world demand for "due credit for its labor movement as well as its own copper, and the disastrous drop in accomplishments." Less politicized mass organizations in the the anchovy fish meal catch (due and less "idealistic" officers were countryside and urban either to previous overfishing, a equally concerned that the new shantytowns, as it began phasing shifting of the Humboldt Current, or administration not investigate too out Velasco's more radical carefully government corruption innovations. The regime's shift to during the military's reign.8 For all the right and the ongoing erosion of these reasons, then, many military living standards cost Morales men felt the best elected president Bermudez his initial support. By to succeed General Morales mid-1976, as the generals moved BermCidez would be Francisco toward their eighth anniversary in Morales Bermudez. Several power, the President and his inner "insiders" have indicated that the circle resolved that continuing original transition scenario sketched military rule was undermining the by administration officials in 1976 institutional legitimacy of the armed called for appointment of a forces and contributing to internal well-controlled commission which dissension within the officer corps. would draft a new constitution to Some means of restoring elected be submitted to the electorate for civilian government seemed in approval in 1978. Approval of that order. document, which would The Decision to Restore Civilian institutionalize and pay proper Government homage to the military's major The major decision facing the reforms in a national referendum, administration was at what rate and would be followed by a presidential in what form the transition to election in which General Morales elected government should take would stand as the candidate of a President Morales Berrniidez newly formed populist party. While such a plan may have been On August 28,1977 the government slow transition process. Holding a feasible in the heyday of the Velasco lifted the state of emergency which Constituent Assembly before, rather regime, by 1976 it was no longer had been in effect for some 14 than after, the investiture of a new viable. The introduction of strict months and restored constitutional civilian government, say these economic austerity measures in the guarantees. This action followed on critics, guaranteed that the resulting middle of that year, ensuing popular the heels of the release of various document satisfied the armed unrest, and the imposition of a state labor union militants jailed during forces. Moreover, they charge, the of emergency limiting civil liberties the July general strike. Two months long transition period permitted the for over one year, all further eroded later, government spokesmen military to arrange a deal with the the military's already limited base of announced that elections for the major civilian parties protecting out- support. Though President Morales Constituent Assembly would be going government officials from Bermudez apparently continued to held on June 4, 1978. Finally, in prosecution for corruption. entertain dreams into 1979 of December 1977, the laws and The Context of the Constituent running in a popular election, his regulations governing that election Assembly Elections aides looked for more realistic were issued. A 100-seat Assembly The promulgation of the December alternatives for a "satisfactory" would be elected through 1977 election law opened Peru's first transition. proportional representation. The national campaign in over 15 years. voting age for the Assembly was Unfortunately, Peru's worsening lowered to 18 years, but, contrary to economic crisis, its ongoing In the early months of 1977, the popular expectation, illiterates were negotiations with the IMF on debt President indicated that an elected not granted suffrage at this point. refunding, and the protracted labor Constituent Assembly (rather than Finally, the nation's political parties conflict hardly created an auspicious an appointed commission) might were given until February 1978 to atmosphere for the restoration of write the new constitution. On July secure the 40,000 signatures civilian government. Hard-line 28, in a speech marking national required for inclusion on the ballot. conservative, military officers were independence day, Morales allegedly questioning the decision to BermCidez announced that elections The decision to elect a Constituent step down, and rumors of coups of delegates to that Assembly would Assembly before holding general elections for the presidency and were rife throughout the electoral be held in the second half of 1978 campaign. and that the formulation of a new congress was partially motivated by constitution would be followed by the military regime's desire to institutionalize the Velasco reforms The debt negotiations, which began general elections, no later than 1980, in the new constitution. At the same three months before the President's for the presidency and congress. time, the election would serve as a July 1977 call for Constituent The pronouncement came at a test run for general elections, elections, lasted until the close of particularly difficult time for the thereby giving the country's political the campaign.10 The Morales government. Emergency austerity parties-dormant since the 1968 BermGdez government was faced measures introduced the previous coup-time to reorganize. Finally, a essentially with two alternatives: month (featuring a 15-30% rise in more prolonged transition process either renounce the debt (estimated the prices of rice, bread, noodles, would buy the military time-a to be some $5 billion) -a move that and other basic foods) had led to "decent interval1'-for a graceful no nation had dared try to that rioting in several provincial cities departure from power. point-or submit to the IMF's (Huancayo, Cuzco, Sicuani, demands for harsh austerity Arequipa, and Tacna) and had Observers sympathetic to the measures as a precondition for debt produced a July 19 national strike Morales Bermudez government refinancing?' The first option, that paralyzed Lima and Peru's argue that the military recognized renunciation, would be tantamount other major cities. The that Peru's huge external debt and to a declaration of the government's administration obviously hoped that economic crisis would require fiscal bankruptcy and would make the declaration of a concrete further unpopular austerity Peru an outcast in the Western transition schedule would reduce measures imposed by the economic community. It was a popular discontent and divert International Monetary Fund (IMF). move advocated only by the attention from the nation's Consequently, the president Peruvian radical left and was never economic woes. Moreover, the decided to "swallow the bitter pill" seriously considered by the military promise of elections (and the himself (after softening the IMF's government or advocated by the underlying threat of their terms as much as possible) and major political parties. The cancellation in the event of thereby hand over power to the new alternative was implementation of sufficient unrest) would possibly civilian government after the worst the hard-line economic policies the induce moderate labor unions (the of the economic crunch was over. IMF had already imposed on several aprista CTP and the communist Those Peruvians less well-disposed other Latin American nations. The CGTP) to control more radical rank- toward the military regime suggest IMF was demanding that Peru and-file elements? more cynical motives behind the reduce government subsidies for food and other necessities, lower manifestation of unrest was Two months later, however, the IMF expenditure for basic services, presented to the IMF negotiating refused to offer Peru further impose tight wage restraints, and team (and to more sympathetic ears standby credits unless the military dismiss large numbers of public in the Carter administration) as imposed sharp cuts in the 1978 and employees. The consequence of evidence for the need to modify the 1979 government budgets. such measures would be further IMF's tough position. Desperate to renegotiate the debt, deterioration of the population's the Morales administration removed living standard. Coming on the heels subsidies from public transportation Thus, the June 1977 agreement by of a 30 percent decline in urban real and a number of basic foods Finance Minister Walter Piazza to incomes since 1974, the austerity (thereby immediately increasing reduce government subsidies for program would undoubtedly their cost by 50-60%) only weeks food and gasoline (thereby provoke additional labor unrest. before the scheduled Constituent increasing their prices by up to 30%) elections. The government's action produced popular demonstrations, In Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and precipitated an 11-week teachers' the July 19 general strike, and Uruguay, similar austerity and strike and riots in Lima, Cuzco, declining living standards had been Piazza's resignation. The strike-the most broad-based in Peruvian Arequipa, HuGnuco, and imposed on the working class Huancavelica. Approximately 35 history-and the accompanying through the dissolution of unions, persons were killed in the series of prohibition of strikes, imprisonment riots in several provincial capitals forced the new Finance Minister, riots and the southern city of Cuzco of labor leaders, and generalized was closed off to outsiders for abrogation of civil liberties. Rightists General Alcibiades Saenz Barsallo, to restore some price subsidies and several days. On May 22-23, yet within the Peruvian military-such another general strike was called- as General Pedro Richter (then chief to renegotiate a more moderate IMF standby agreement. In a further the third in less than a year. It was of staff and subsequently named less successful than the July 1977 Prime Minister in early 1979) and concession to popular discontent, imprisoned strike leaders were strike but more extensive than the General Luis Cisneros (then Minister one called earlier in 1978. of Interior) -were apparently willing released in August. At the same to restrict civil liberties in order to time, however, the government Once again, the government reacted clamp down on labor unrest. refused to reinstate thousands of with a mixture of repression and However, while President Morales public and private sector workers concessions. A number of leftist Bermudez and his Prime Minister, who had been suspended from their labor union and political party General Oscar Molina Pallochia jobs during the general strike. leaders (including several (who served for most of 1978) candidates for the Constituent accepted the need for tough Governmental policy continued its Assembly) were deported, while austerity and endorsed a crackdown oscillation into 1978. Following a others went into hiding. Several on the most militant unions bloody January labor clash at the dozen officials of SUTEP, the radical (teachers, miners), they were Chimbote steel mills and the threat teachers' union, and of other unwilling to impose broad-scale of another general strike, the militant unions were imprisoned, political restraints which would be administration decreed a national and the national state of seige-only incompatible with their commitment pay increase of 27 percent, but at recently lifted-was reinstated. In to restoring civilian government. the same time allowed the prices of another indication of its hardening Given the conflict between the public transportation, rice, bread, line, the government closed down IMF's preconditions for debt and milk to rise 20-30 percent. all the nation's major political refinancing and the political Consequently, on February 27-28, journals for the last month of the tranquility conducive to a smooth 1978, another, far less successful, electoral campaign.12 Strict limits transition to civilian rule, and given general strike was called by the were also placed on public the military regime's internal nation's leftist unions in order to gatherings and other aspects of ideological divisions, it is not protest the surging cost of living. political activity as the campaign surprising that government policy The government's reaction was drew to a close. Less than two during the Constituency election mild; Morales Bermfidez and Prime weeks before the scheduled June 4 oscillated between concessions to Minister Molina rejected rightist elections, the military government labor and consumers at some points military demands to jail strike announced that the vote was being and iron-fisted austerity at others. leaders or to suspend the June set back to June 18. The While the administration accepted elections. Indeed, following the postponement, though rather the inevitability of belt-tightening, official start of the Constituency modest, had great symbolic import its negotiators repeatedly tried to campaign in March 1978, the since the administration had made a soften IMP'Sterms. Each new government sought to mollify'radical major pointof retaining the original austerity measure imposed by the opposition by permitting 20 exiled election schedule. Consequently, government unleashed popular leftists to return to the country the change of date-coupled with discontent and labor strife. Each and participate in the campaign. the deportation of some leftist candidates, the closure of political supporters of the more radical election under the leadership of its journals, and the suspension of pre-1975 "revolutionary" impulse)?3 founder and guiding spirit, Fernando constitutional guarantees-raised At the February filing deadline, no BelaGnde Terry.14 A non-Marxist, fears that the election might actually less than 13 political parties politically articulate, reformist party, be cancelled by an internal coup. (including several that were actually AP presented the progressive, but alliances of many smaller parties) nonrevolutionary, image so popular President Morales BermOdez and had collected the required 40,000 in the era of the "Alliance for Prime Minister Molina continued to signatures for placement on the Progress." BelaGnde was a North resist pressure from the right for a American-trained architect from one more intensive crackdown. They ballot. The contestants included APRA and Acci6n Popular (the two of Peru's more distinguished refused to order massive dismissals political and intellectual families (his or arrests of participants in the frontrunners) in the center; four rightist parties; three on the left of father had served as prime minister general strike, or to prohibit Marxist center; and four parties on the in the 40s). A former Dean of the parties from participating in the radical left. One month later, Faculty of Architecture in Lima, he Constituent election, or to cancel however, the entire complexion of attracted the active support of the the election itself -all measures that progressive sector of Peru's middle were being advocated by military the June election was changed when Acci6n Popular withdrew class, including many non-Marxist hard-liners. In short, the Morales university students and much of administration maintained its from the race charging that there were insufficient guarantees the Lima's professional strata. Some commitment to the restoration of observers categorize AP as a civilian government. As the first Constituent Assembly would be protected from interference by the technocratic party which eschews a election data approached, however, true ideology and seeks to by-pass the political and economic military regime. AP's decision to boycott the election put perhaps Peru's internal class conflicts by atmosphere was hardly auspicious offering technological ("scientific") for a smooth transition. 20-25 percent of the electorate (the proportion that AP might have solutions to the nation's problems. expected to receive) up for grabs. But BelaGnde's advocacy of The Election Campaign The withdrawal left three major agrarian reform, his commitment to As Peru's many political parties contending factions in the race: the expanding the nation's educational (both old and new) began the task rightist Popular Christian Party network, and his invocation of of gathering the requisite signatures (PPC), APRA in the center, and a youthful idealism (including the for a place on the ballot, they loose conglomeration of four radical creation of "Popular Cooperation," encountered an electorate that was parties on the left. a Peruvian domestic peace corps) woefully uninformed about the placed Acci6n Popular on the liberal details of the coming campaign. A Acci6n Popular: The Politics of side of the political spectrum. survey of adults in the capital city of Abstention Attracting strong peasant support Lima (presumably better informed Created in the late 1950s, Acci6n through his promises of rural than the country at large) revealed Popular (Popular Action) came into development and agrarian reform, that, as of late 1977, only 30 percent its own in the 1962 presidential Belahde swept the southern and of the respondents knew what a central highlands in the 1963 constitution was and only 29 presidential election and added percent were aware that the June sufficient urban lower class support vote was to elect a Constituent to his middle class constituency so Assembly. A mere 10 percent as to win a close three-man race.l5 understood that it was the task of Once in office Belakde Terry found the Assembly to write a new many of his reformist programs constitution. Since over half the stymied or gutted by the opposition potential electorate had never majority (including APRA) in the previously voted, party recognition congress. Though obviously well- was also quite low. Fully 23 percent intentioned, he was considered had never heard of the nation's ineffective by his critics. In October largest, mass-based party, APRA, 1968, he was ousted by the Peruvian which had been a major political armed forces both because of force for decades before the 1968 dissatisfaction with some of his coup. Forty-three percent had never policies (currency devaluation, heard of Acci6n Popular (AP), the failure to purchase aircraft desired party ousted from power in the 1968 by the military, an "unsatisfactory" military takeover, and 85 percent resolution of a dispute between did not know of the Revolutionary Socialist Party (PSR) recently Fernando Beldnde Terry,former formed by militant ve/asqu/stas (i.e., president and AccGn Popular founder. Peru and a subsidiary of Standard Belaunde's erstwhile supporters in The Popular Christians (PPC): Oil) and because of the military's the left-of-center Christian The New Right anxiety that APRA would win the Democratic Party -the former Whatever the accomplishments and presidential elections scheduled for president remained resolute in his failures of the Peruvian "military 1969. Following his ouster, refusal to legitimize the government revolution," its sweeping agrarian Belafinde accepted a teaching which had removed him from office. reform law, nationalization of major position in the United States and When President Morales Bermudez banks, mining and the fishing waited for his country's "call to announced plans for the industry, and the takeover of the duty." Constituent elections, therefore, AP press (particularly Lima's La Prensa Today, Fernando Belaunde remains was the only major party that and El Comercio, the voices of the the dominant figure in Acci6n insisted on having a general election Peruvian economic elite) had Popular. While the party is not (for president and congress) at the accomplished one thing: they had "personalistic" in the traditional earliest possible date and prior to destroyed the power base of the Latin American sense (i.e., it is a the revision of the constitution. Yet, nation's oligarchy and with it the programmatic party based on more the party waited for eight months strength of traditional parties of the than the personal following of its after plans were announced for the right. The expropriation of Peru's leader), its popular support is still Constituent elections (and one latifundia had accelerated the tied to its standard bearer since it month after the start of the ongoing political decline of the has failed to establish an effective campaign) before withdrawing from gamonales, the rural bosses.'' organizational base among the the race. Apparently that decision Similarly, the increased politicization peasantry, working class, or urban was made by BelaCnde himself and of the urban poor meant that the poor (though it continues to elicit surprised most populists (AP) political chieftains of the rightist their support). Thus, through the activists who were gearing up for Uni6n Nacional Odriista (UNO) years of military rule, as APRA and the campaign. Party leaders whom I could no longer trade jobs and other the Marxist left battled for influence interviewed subsequent to the favors for votes in the slums and and power in the nation's labor Constituent elections insisted that shantytowns.18 Two, old-style, unions, urban shantytowns, and the Assembly was an unnecessary right-wing parties fielded candidates school system, AP sat somewhat on diversion from the important for the Constituent Assembly: the the sideline, still very "middle class" business of restoring civilian UNO (originally a personalistic party in its political style. government as soon as possible. formed behind former dictator, But they offered no convincing General Manuel Odrfa) and the MDP Fifteen years after his electoral (the Peruvian Democratic victory and a decade after his ouster reason as to why the party had waited so long to withdraw, nor why Movement, founded by another from office, BelaGnde Terry (and his former president, Manuel Prado). party) has lost some of his glamour. AP had pulled out after the decision to hold a Constituent election was a But neither was of much The defection of BelaCnde's former consequence. They represented a vice president, Edgard Seoane, with fait accompli (thereby denying itself a role in the writing of the new political era in Peru that was now AP's most progressive (left-of- dead. center) activists to form Acci6n con~titution).~~Some analysts have ' Popular Socialists had probably not suggested that AP had withdrawn seriously weakened AP's electoral when its top leadership belatedly If the Peruvian political spectrum strength, but it had moved the party concluded that it would not do well. had shifted to the left under the further toward the political center. A more likely explanation is that military-and undoubtedly it had- Though the party has failed to Belakde had decided it would be and if the traditional right was no present any dramatic new ideas, politically prudent to stay clear of longer viable, an important new conservative political force now Belafinde continues to command the Assembly's prolonged considerable respect and is backed constitutional debates. By appeared on the horizon. The by a highly competent team of continuing to reject any institution Popular Christian Party (PPC)was professionals. "tainted" by association with the founded in 1967 and has been led military government and by avoiding largely by conservative, Catholic, Throughout his career, starting with the squabbles which would Lima-based businessmen and his opposition to the OdrTa obviously split the Assembly, lawyers. Many of its founders had dictatorship (1948-19561, Fernando BelaGnde Terry apparently felt he been active in the Peruvian Christian BelaGnde has made a political virtue could enter the subsequent general Democratic Party, but had left that of his refusal to compromise with elections with "clean hands." Critics party because of its increasingly military regimes. Even during the of the party, however, argued that progressive political stance. Unlike height of the Velasco regime's AP had abrogated its responsibility the traditional Peruvian oligarchy, popularity -when the to partake in the transition process PPC leaders come out of the urban "revolutionary government" drew and to take a clear position on the industrial and commercial elite of the support and advice of the critical issues being debated in the Lima and, to a lesser extent, the Seoanista defectors from AP and of Constituent Assembly. industrious southern city of Arequipa. Their conservatism is not elite, party activists include many generally accompanied by a distrust based in medieval Catholicism or petite bourgeoisie while voting of independent mass mobilization- rural feudalism, but on hard-nosed support can be found in Lima's sought to organize this growing capitalism-laissez faire when it middle class and even the urban political force and control it from seems suitable and somewhat poor. The party's electoral above. By creating SINAMOS (the statist when the private sector prospects in the Constituent National System of Support for needs external support. Mario Polar, Assembly elections were greatly Social Mobilization) and the a leading party figure, told me that enhanced by the withdrawal of National Agrarian Confederation the PPC feels the major task of the Acci6n Popular. Many populista (CNA), the government hoped to new civilian government will be to middle class supporters, who were create a corporatist structure restore the confidence of the not comfortable with the through which the growing political business community, woo back pugnacious populism of APRA and dynamism of the peasantry and capital that had fled the country could never vote for the radical left, urban lower classes could be under the "pseudo-Marxist," had nowhere to turn but to the PPC. mobilized in support of the military military regime (Polar's term), and regime? When the leadership and strengthen the private sector.19 The Popular Christians' strongest thrust of SINAMOS (led by General electoral asset, however, was its Leonidas Rodriguez)and the CNA For the most part, the PPC stresses leader, Luis Bedoya Reyes. Bedoya (headed by Avelino Mar) proved far the need for economic growth and had served two terms as mayor of too radical and independent for the rejects the call of the left-and even Lima during the 1960s, securing new Morales Bermfidez of AP and APRA-for more re-election in 1966 with the backing government, both mass equitable distribution. "You must of the Christian Democrats (to organizations were officially first create wealth before you can which he still belonged at the time) disbanded.22 The collapse of the distribute it," said ~olar.~ONot all and Acci6n Popular (which was Peruvian economy, the failure of the the party's leaders or activists are then allied with the Christian military -even under Velasco- to staunch economic conservatives, Democrats). As mayor he had create an effective political base, however, and one spokesman for developed a reputation as a skilled and massive popular disillusionment the opposition Acci6n Popular organizer and administrator. He was with the Morales Bermddez admitted that the PPC's "left" a builder whose major landmark was government all contributed to the probably overlaps with the AP's the expressway through Lima's radicalization of significant right. Most party leaders favor some center into the middle- and upper- segments of the Peruvian working limited economic role for the state class suburbs. Bedoya Reyes is a class, peasantry, and urban poor. and reject the uha-laissez-faire polished orator and debater who philosophy of Milton Friedman, so established himself during the The orthodox Peruvian Communist popular within the Argentine, Constituent campaign as one of the Party had been an important force Brazilian, Chilean, and Uruguayan most effective radio and television within certain sectors of the nation's right. For the most part, the PPC performers. With its big business labor unions long before the sees itself as ideologically congruent backing, the PPC was able to buy "military revolution." In the with the Christian Democratic Bedoya considerable media time. southern Andean city of Cuzco- parties of West Germany and Italy Building on its personal popularity in capital of the Inca Empire-the and with the conservative wing of Lima (where almost half the nation's communists had dominated the the Chilean CD. Polar insisted, voters reside), he was able to trade union movement for decades. however, that it rejects the overcome the party's weak In the central highlands, portions of "socialistic" tendencies of the organizational base, stressing the the aprista miners' and metal Peruvian and Ecuadorian Christian Popular Christians' opposition to the workers' union had broken away to Democrats or of the progressive military regime. Downplaying its support more radical Marxist (Tomic) wing of the Chilean CD. economic conservatism, Bedoya leadership. For the most part, While the party criticizes most of the emphasized the party's commitment however, prior to the 1960s APRA's Velasco reforms, for the most part it to the restoration of civil liberties. grip on the sugar workers' union accepts the agrarian reform and the and the neighboring urban workers The New Left: nationalization of mining and other of the northern coast and the more critical sectors of the economy as Growth and Internal Division generalized influence of the APRA- If the military's structural reforms irrevocable accomplishments. It dominated CTP (Peruvian Labor coupled with the growing does, however, favor selective Confederation) had contained the reprivitization of the cement and politicization of the Peruvian lower influence of the communist-led fishing industries, newspapers, and classes had weakened the CGTP.~~Indeed, APRA had some banks; traditional right, it had also opened traditionally co-opted much of the up new possibilities for mass left's potential constituency within While the PPC's top leadership is mobilization. The Velasco the lower middle class and working drawn heavily from the higher government-whose strong class, thereby undercutting echelons of the business and legal antioligarchical ideology was potential Marxist electoral strength. In the 1962 and 1963 national political leanings.24 Indeed, the Marxist parties both in terms of the elections, the left received negligible lion's share of their votes in the 1962 age of the organization and of its voter support. and 1963 presidential elections had leadership. Its balding or gray-haired By 1978, however, the Peruvian gone to rightist candidate, General spokesmen, dressed in jackets and political panorama had changed Manuel Odrfa. During the 1960s and ties, contrast sharply with the significantly. As aprista influence in '70s, however, the degree of younger (usually blue-jeaned) the critical miners' union had independent political organization leaders of the UDP and FOCEP. The declined, the rank-and-file had among the urban poor advanced most moderate party of the left, the moved rapidly leftward. Led by its considerably, often led by radical Communists retain a political base in the unions and in sectors of the old charismatic Secretary, Victor university students coming out of "intelligentsia." However, their Cuadros, a Marxist with a Maoist the pueblos jovenes. As rampant orientation, the union had become inflation (reaching 70% in 1978) and close association with the military the government's recent austerity one of the most militant labor regime and timidity in criticizing program cut sharply into urban even the most conservative groups in Peru. So, too, was the living standards, as social services of the Morales BermCidez 120,000-member SUTEP (also were cut back and as government not only has made Maoist oriented), the union unemployment rose, the representing approximately them pariahs among the younger, shantytown population became more militant radicals, but also one-third of Peru's schoolteachers. increasingly receptive to the In short, the radical left was vitiated their appeal to the electoral appeals of Peru's various disgruntled electorate as a "party of mounting a serious challenge, not leftist parties. the opposition." only to the aprista CTP but also to the relatively moderate, communist While the economic crisis and The recently formed PSR was CGTP, for influence in the labor increased lower-class politicization founded by men associated with the movement. presented obvious opportunities for most radical wing of the Velasco Peru's more radical parties, the government. They include a number In the countryside, the dramatic incessant squabbles and countless of former military officers-most spread of education (particularly at Talmudic debates between notably the flamboyant former the primary levels) dating at least as contending Marxist groups director of SINAMOS, General far back as the Belaunde era, had weakened their electoral strength Leonidas RodrTguez-and civilian substantially increased the number and cast doubt on the left's ability to officials of the CNA and SINAMOS. of potential voters among the unite into a viable political force. Though originally the only peasantry as well as the peasants' non-Marxist party in the radical left level of political consciousness. Pro-Soviet orthodox communists, (after the Constituent elections it While it was extremely difficult to Maoists, "Pekinistas" (adherents of split into Marxist and non-Marxist gauge the degree of support for the the official Chinese position factions), the PSR was always more Marxist left among the peasantry including its recent anti-Maoist militant than the Communist Party. and rural workers, important nuclei turn), Trotskyists, Fidelistas, and Moreover, because many of its of radicalization clearly existed. even adherents of the Albanian leaders are former military men who Many peasants were organized into model vied for power in the labor have "fallen from the fold," the the Velasquist-oriented CNA unions, peasant federations, party inspires a particular antipathy (whose leadership was becoming shantytown organizations, within the conservative wing of the increasingly militant) while others universities, and within the electoral armed forces. Following the May belonged to the Peruvian Peasant process. 1978 general strike, PSR leaders Confederation (CCP) led by the Basically, the radical left was Guillermo Faura Gaig and Jose Arce independent-MarxistVanguardia represented in the Constituent Larco (both retired Admirals) were Revolucionaria. elections (and in many mass-based sent into exile while party President Finally, with the demise of the old organizations) by four groupings: RodrTguez and former General the pro-Soviet, Peruvian political machines and paternalistic Arturo Valdez Palacio went into Communist Party (PCP-Unidad); the controls in the urban shantytowns hiding to escape similar fates. Three Velasquista, Socialist Revolutionary ringing Lima, a new generation of days before the June Constituent Party (PSR); the Popular voters had emerged within the elections, General Rodriguez (a PSR Democratic Union (UDP); and the sprawling pueblosjovenes ("young candidate), carried out one of the Peruvian Worker, Peasant, and towns," the name given by the campaign's most dramatic gestures. Student Front (FOCEP). FOCEP and Velasco government to the areas Still "wanted" by the police for his the UDP, in turn, were each a formerly deprecatingly called association with the general strike, somewhat tenuous coalition of a barriadas). In the mid-1960s, he rode up to the presidential palace dozen or so radical factions, often political sociologist Franqois on his motorcycle, signed the guest having differing orientations25 Bourricaud had described the book, and announced to waiting capital's barriada population as The orthodox Communist Party reporters (apparently forewarned by somewhat conservative in their (PCP-Unidad)is the oldest of Peru's his party) and unsuspecting palace guards that he wished to speak with the President. By the time the guards had realized who he was, Rodrrguez had ridden off, eluding arrest. When he appeared to vote on election day, however, the General was seized and deported. Benefiting from the electoral appeals of RodrTguez-who had built a personal following as leader of SINAMOS-and CNA leader Avelino Mar, the PSR hoped to receive strong peasant support from the state of Cuzco (the home state of both men) and within the slums of Lima. The UDP ranks with FOCEP as the most radical of the parties participating in the Constituent elections. It is a coalition of ideologically diverse factions including pro-Chinese (the most influential sector of the UDP), the independent Marxist Vanguardia Revolucionaria, some Fidelistas (pro-Cuban), and such respected nonaligned Marxists as attorney Alfonso Barrantes and author Carlos Malpica. Despite its ideological diversity, the UDP has been more adept at resolving its internal differences and working as a coherent unit than has FOCEP or the PSR. It entered the Constituent elections with more grassroots organizational strength than any other leftist party, with considerable influence in the labor movement (particularly among the miners), the shantytowns of Lima, and the Peruvian Peasant Confederation (CCP). However, its campaign suffered from a lack of nationally known personalities. Finally, FOCEP is another Marxist coalition constituting the most heterogeneous and internally divided of the electoral contestants. Its largest ideological contingent is Trotskyist, but also includes Fidelistas, independent leftists, and even some pro-Albanians! If the party suffered from continual internal conflicts and lacked the UDP's organizational base, it benefited electorally from the personal popularity of its Hugo Blanco, leading FOCEP vote getter. well-known leaders, Trotskyist Borrowing from Marx (but rejecting with the center and right. In 1946, it Hugo Blanco and independent Marxism as inappropriate for solving supported the centrist candidacy of leftist Genaro Ledesma. Blanco, a Peru's problems), Hegel, Spengler, Jose Luis Bustamente in order to legendary peasant leader in the early Albert Einstein, and others, Victor regain legal status. In 1956, after 1960s from the state of Cuzco, now RaGl produced a vague populist eight years of renewed persecution, enjoys a massive following in Lima's ideology encompassing nationalism, APRA supported the conservative pueblos jovenes. His many years in pan-Latin-Americanism, Indianism, candidacy of Manuel Prado for the prison and exile, his several close and modified corporatism attracting same objective. Later, during the escapes from death (including his to the party people of highly diverse Belahde administration, it joined flight from Chile after the 1973 beliefs. APRA's core base of with the party of its old adversary, coup), and his uncompromising support has always come from the General Manuel OdrTa (who had opposition to the military regime- northern coast (particularly the city imprisoned large numbers of APRA he refused a position in the Velasco of Trujillo and the sugar-producing activists during his 1948-1956 administration after he was released state of La Libertad) where it enjoys dictatorship) to undercut the from prison in 1970- had earned the undying loyalty of large numbers president's agrarian reform and him great popularity and respect of sugar workers, urban workers, other progressive legislation. By that among the Peruvian masses. and the lower middle class. To this point, most of the more radical Genaro Ledesma, the former mayor base it has added support in Lima young apristas had left the party of the central Andean mining city of and the central highlands, again (some to form the guerrilla-oriented Cerro de Pasco, brought with him a particularly among the organized Apra Rebelde 1. strong following in his home state as working class and the lower middle Contemporary critics of APRA well as considerable parliamentary class. (particularly those on the left) insist skills lacking in Hugo Blanco. For more than four decades the that the party has failed to develop a In all, the left's strongest political party has commanded the firm new leader or a new idea for assets in the campaign were its support of nearly one-third of the decades. Indeed, a look at its young and energetic leadership electorate, a record no other leadership on the eve of the (other than the Communists) in a Peruvian party has matched. Yet, it Constituent Assembly elections is country with substantial numbers of has long faced equally entrenched revealing. Haya de la Torre, subject young voters; the fanatical opposition and hatred from both the at the age of 84 to occasional commitment of its cadre (students nation's left and right. Indeed, it memory lapses (and, unknown at and young, skilled workers would not be an exaggeration to say that time, the early stages of cancer) particularly); its growing that modern Peruvian political still ruled the party with an iron organizational strength among the history has largely involved an hand. His adulatory followers could lower classes; and, perhaps most ongoing battle between those who scarcely imagine APRA without him important, its intransigent love APRA and those who detest and, in May 1979, they nominated opposition (other than the it.26A deep-seated enmity between him for the presidency despite the Communists) to the Morales APRA and the armed forces dates strong possibility that he would BermGdez regime's highly to the apristas' unsuccessful Trujillo never live to take office and would unpopular economic policies. Its uprising of 1932 in which several greatest weakness was obviously its military officers were killed and large internal disunity, manifesting itself numbers of apristas massacred in both in ideological divisions and retaliati01-1.~~Alienated by the personality conflicts (the latter being party's fiery radical rhetoric in its particularly relevant in the PSR and early years and by its obvious FOCEP). capacity for mass mobilization, the military repeatedly blocked Haya de The Old APRA la Torre's presidential bids and with "Only APRA can save Peruf'-so them APRA's aspirations for goes a basic article of faith for political power. hundreds of thousands of Peruvians, now and through much Never as radical as its rightist of the 48 years since the party's opponents (or some of its legendary (and perennial) leader, supporters) believed, APRA moved Victor RaGl Haya de la Torre, first steadily toward the center from at ran for the presidency. Founded in least the mid-1940s. Over the years, Mexico City in 1924 by Haya de la its desire for some share of political Torre and his fellow exiled student power led it into a series of leaders, the American Popular compromises and strange alliances Revolutionary Alliance was anti- Vector dl Haya de la Torre,founder imperialist and anti-oligarchical. of APRA. certainly never complete a machinery (and the aprista unions) other party legends with the presidential term. Indeed, he was to restrain, as best it could, popular rhythmic aprista applause. the only presidential candidate the unrest caused by economic party had ever had in 50 years. austerity and to contain leftist To understand the fierce Beneath Victor RaCl in the aprista opposition to the government within commitment of the young women hierarchy were Luis Alberto the labor movement and in the outside the Constituent Assembly, Sanchez (nearly blind at age 751, Constituent Assembly. Finally, were who declared themselves to me Ramiro PrialS (also 751, and the APRA to win the general elections, 'apristas hasta la muerte" (apristas "younger" Armando Villanueva and it would not prosecute high-ranking until death), one must visit the Casa And& Townsend (both in their late officials of the out-going military del Pueblo ("People's House") in sixties). The party seems government for corrupt practices. downtown Lima. Here, night after psychologically rooted in its past night, hundreds, sometimes with aprista speeches and literature Of course, APRA leaders thousands, of working- and middle- constantly harking back to earlier vociferously deny the existence of class apristas aged 12 to 80 come for glories. When I asked one of such an agreement. As party their various needs. At the Casa's APRA's highest-ranking spokesmen spokesman AndrSs Townsend library, elderly people read popular what new ideas or programs the insisted to me, "just because we are magazines or, if they are true party had formulated in response to talking civilly with the armed forces believers, lead through party current problems, he could only after decades of conflict, people say histories, while high school students refer me to a collection of Haya'de la there must be a deal." But even if no use the reference material for their Torre's speeches, none of which formal accord was established, courses. In the next room an aprista was less than ten years old. almost all impartial observers agree volunteer teacher works extra hours that an informal accommodation tutoring secondary students from It was within this context, then, that was reached. the slums of Rimac who need President Morales BermGdez additional help at school. Across the determined to breach the gap One could easily dismiss APRA, Casa's massive interior courtyard between the armed forces and then, as a stagnant party that has are game rooms and vocational Peru's leading populist party. training classes in nursing and Realizing that a military candidate sold out its original ideals and lost its electronics, and a large auditorium could never win a popular election, way. Civil libertarians speak warily where workers can listen to the President sought an alliance of the party's goon squads (called concerts or lectures bv APRA with APRA, a party that still could "bufalos") that intimidate luminaries. Much smaller, but often claim the largest grassroots opposition (leftist) forces in the equally ambitious, Casas del Pueblo organization in Peru. Victor unions, universities, and public are found in cities and towns Villaneuva, a leading Peruvian forums. Others criticize APRA throughout the country. In these military historian and former APRA opposition to any reformist "Peoples' Houses," one can talk to supporter, maintains that a pact programs- be they Beladnde's or middle-aged party loyalists who will between Morales BermGdez and Velasco's-which the party did not explain how the Casa gave them Haya de la Torre was initiated in originate. (Indeed, many aprista free food in the 1940s at its early 1976 and cemented on April 30 leaders had accused Velasco of low-priced workers' cafeteria, or of that year when the President "selling the country out to the helped them when they were young traveled to Trujillo and received a communists.") Finally, one could point to the party's willingness to orphans, or offered free tumultuous welcome that could join forces with the far right, not immunization in times of epidemics. only have been orchestrated by only to block the left but Acci6n One can talk to young workers who APRA. It is thus one of the great Popular as well. All these are salient listened to aprista "folklore" in their ironies of the current political scene criticisms, but they fail to come to teens, belonged to the party youth that the cornerstone of the account for the intense loyalty movement, played in an aprista transition process (to civilian which a third of the Peruvian soccer league, and now belong to government) depends heavily on an electorate, including large numbers an aprista union and get their news accommodation between these of working-class people, feel toward from the party newspaper and historically antagonistic forces. APRA. They fail to explain why taxi magazine while they eat lunch in the For its part, the Morales BermCidez drivers and construction workers Casa's cafeteria. These people are administration apparently pledged would put in hours of volunteer not particularly receptive to the that it would not only allow APRA labor for the party late at night after criticisms of Peruvian leftists or finally to take power should it win a hard day's work or why dozens of liberals who talk of APRA the eventual presidential election, young men and women would stand corruption, sordid deals, and goon but that the military government for hours (till 2:00 A.M., if squads. They live in a political would actively promote such a necessary) in the dark outside the subculture unmatched in Peru and victory. In return, APRA leaders Constituent Assembly waiting to rarely approached anywhere in Latin apparently pledged to use the party greet Victor RaGI, Sanchez, and America, a subculture that has catered to their needs when nobody Table 1: Results of the 1978 Constituent Assembly Election else was there to do it. June 18,1978: The People Vote Votes Assembly As more than 3.5 million Peruvian Seats voters finally went to the polls, APRA 1,241,174 37 supporters of the return process The Right were pleased that the Constituent Popular Christians (PPC) 835,294 25 Assembly election, which had Odristas (UNO) 74,137 2 appeared at times so close to being MDP 68,619 2 cancelled, was taking place only two MDRP 19,594 0 weeks behind schedule. While Left of Center limited opinion polls and a few Christian Democrats (PDC) 83,075 2 political pundits had made APS 20,164 0 projections, the fact that no The Left Peruvian had voted for 15 years and FOCEP 433,413 12 that over half the electorate PSR 232,520 6 (including anyone under the age of Communists (PCP-Unidad) 207,612 6 36) had never voted before made UDP 160,741 4 the outcome highly uncertain. FNTC 135,552 4 - The results demonstrated both important continuities and TOTAL 100 potentially significant changes in the (such as Blanco and Ledesma) orientation of the Peruvian proportion of the national vote might carry more weight than electorate. As expected, APRA unmatched by the left in any grassroots organization. Hugo finished first in the party voting and comoetitive election in Latin Blanco-finishing with the third Haya de la Torre received the largest ~mericasave Allende's Chile. While highest total of any individual number of votes of any individual the left had been expected to make and id ate?^ a significant showing, several candidate (behind Haya de la Torre FOCEP and UDP leaders admitted and Bedoya Reyes)-attracted large The PPC ran somewhat stronger to me they had not expected the numbers of votes for his party in the than many analysts had originally combined radical vote to exceed 25 shantytowns of Lima and the expected, capitalizing on the percent. In the wake of their peasant villages of Cuzco. campaigning skills and personal victories, FOCEP leaders Hugo For the moment, one must remain following of Luis Bedoya Reyes. Blanco and Genaro Ledesma and cautious about projecting long-term With Acci6n Popular not entered, the PSR's Leonidas RodrTguez trends from the Constituent the Popular Christians swept the returned from exile to triumphant Assembly results. The proportion of middle-class districts of Lima and its receptions and seats in the the vote going to APRA (about suburbs. To this it added a Constituent Assembly. Other newly one-third) and to the right (30%) significant number of the capital's elected left delegates (such as the was strikingly close to their low-income voters. The PPC did PSR's Avelino Mar) came out of respective strength in the 1962 and well in Arequipa (a city with a strong hiding to claim their seats.29 1963 elections. But with Fernando Christian political tradition) and Among the Marxist contenders Belaunde and the AP running in the picked up scattered votes there had also been some surprises. 1980 national elections, the right's elsewhere. Still, nearly 60 percent of The UDP finished worse than share of the vote (particularly the party's total vote came from the expected (as did the PSR) while middle-class support for the PPC) is Lima area where it finished first, FOCEP fared better than had been likely to fall next year. Moreover, the some 100,000 votes ahead of its predicted. With its strong PPC's new right politics are far more nearest rival (APRA). organizational base among the modern and creative than the old Perhaps the most dramatic aspect lower classes (a dominant role in the positions of the UNO. Thus, the of the election results, however, was Peruvian Peasant Confederation Popular Christians' more moderate the nearly 1.2 million votes (33% of and in 14 labor unions including the conservatism coupled with the the total) and 32 seats won by the miners), the UDP was expected to substantial growth of the radical parties of the radical left. In the last finish first among the parties of the vote indicate a clear shift to the left national elections of 1962 and 1963, left. Instead it finished a weak in the Peruvian political spectrum the left had been an insignificant fourth, behind the aging Communist over the past decade. How far that electoral force. Now, after ten years Party and with only 35 percent of shift has been is difficult to say. The of military reforms, the various FOCEP's total.By finishing third voting strength of FOCEP and other Marxist parties (and the non-Marxist among a// parties, FOCEP suggested radical parties in this election FNTC and PSR) attained a that having "big name" candidates partially reflected a popular protest against unemployment and simultaneously debate major commissions held regularly declining standards of living. If socioeconomic and political issues scheduled hearings with expert economic conditions begin to of the day. While not challenging advisers. Occasionally they bottom out or to improve, the the military government's authority, commissioned independent study protest vote in 1980 will probably therefore, the leftist motion would groups to explore particular issues in decline30 Moreover, AP's entry allow the Constituent Assembly to greater depth. Once the committees into the electoral race will criticize administration policies and had finished their work, their undoubtedly diminish the left's vote to offer alternatives. In short, the proposals would be taken up by the among the urban poor and, radical opposition could use the entire Constituent Assembly. especially, the peasantry among Assembly as a platform for Thus, in mid-September 1978, whom Belaflnde still attracts much attacking the government's highly nearly two months after it had taken support. unpopular economic program. office, the Assembly passed beyond The Constituent Assembly (1978-79) APRA was now placed in a very the issues of objectives, rules, and On July 28,1978-exactly one year uncomfortable position. On the one procedures, and began its work. after President Morales Bermudez's hand, Haya de la Torre had Haya de la Torre and the aprista announcement of Constituent promised President Morales leadership were determined to get elections-the newly elected Bermfldez that he would contain the the new constitution written and Assembly opened its first session. leftist delegates. Apristas were passed quickly so that the country APRA was clearly the pivotal party: desperately anxious to prevent the could move to the next stage of the it not only held the largest single Constituent Assembly from transition process-general bloc of delegates, but also occupied antagonizing the military lest it call elections for the presidency and the ideological center between the off the general elections, thereby congress-as soon as possible. Until PPC and the left. With the support snatching from APRA, once again, the commissions finished their of the Popular Christians, APRA the power it had so long been work, the full Assembly would leaders Haya de la Torre and denied. On the other hand, Haya did convene only one night per week. SSnchez were elected President and not wish to seem excessively Haya de la Torre expected that, with Vice President of the Assembly beholden to the military regime or to the support of the PPC, he could (when Haya had to travel to the deprecate the importance of the keep the leftist bloc under control in United States for prolonged cancer Assembly. The PPC also was Assembly debate. treatment, the aging Sanchez took uncomfortable with the left's But all did not go exactly according over as presiding officer). proposal. While it generally to Haya's plans. While APRA During its initial weeks of endorsed the government's controlled the general direction of deliberation, the Assembly's debate austerity program and the military's the Assembly, the Popular was confined to setting its rules of tough line against radical labor Christians occasionally sided with procedure and, more important, unions, it too did not want to be the left in order to show their own delineating the body's powers and seen as the underling of an independence. Article 3 of the objectives. Hugo Blanco and his unpopular regime. Moreover, much Assembly's rules specifically Trotskyist faction of FOCEP insisted more so than APRA, the Popular allowed that body to debate issues that, as the state's only elected Christians wished to express their of national importance other than body, the Constituent Assembly own criticisms of particular the constitution itself -exactly what should immediately replace the government policies. the left had wanted. During the next military junta as Peru's legitimate six months-as the commissions After weeks of debate, the governing authority. Blanco was worked on the draft delegates resolved that the central well aware that such a move was constitution -the Assembly's task of the Assembly would be to out of the question. Indeed, even Tuesday night meetings featured write a new constitution. Most of most of the leftist delegates failed to spirited debates on major national the work on the document would be support his position. However, his issues. Beginning roughly at 8:00 carried out by a series of proposal was designed to embarrass P.M., the sessions often lasted until "commissions" (Assembly the military regime as well as the 2:00 or 3:00 in the morning. When committees), each charged with APRA and PPC delegations by political crises arose-the mass handling a specific issue area such "unmasking the Assembly" as a arrest of striking miners or as civil liberties, education, or the "tool of the military." suspension of the nation's major decentralization of government political magazines-the left was A more serious challenge to the power. The commissions were able to convene additional, Morales Bermfldez administration composed of Assembly delegates emergency sessions. and to APRA, with objectives similar from the various parties, usually to Blanco's was proposed by the represented in rough proportion to In many ways, the full Assembly entire left bloc. They insisted that their strength in the Constituent meetings were a microcosm of the the Assembly go beyond the role of body. During the closing months of Peruvian political scene, with all the writing a constitution and 1978 and early 1979, these drama of the best theater. Arriving at the National Congressional For the left, the Assembly sessions major political issues. It is not clear, Palace in downtown Lima, the represented a political forum and a however, how much they gained delegates would pass through a means of educating the masses. from their efforts since the Peruvian crowd of partisans and two or three Consequently, leftist delegates masses whom they wished to reach tanks outside the building, file past tended to dominate speaking time, generally lacked the opportunity to the ceremonial military guards, and addressing themselves at great listen. With the closing of Peru's enter the ornate congressional length to the government's political news magazines, and with tight chambers where the three tiers of and economic policies or defending government control over radio, spectators' galleries were invariably strikes and other antigovernment television, and the newspapers, already filled, mostly with aprista "popular protests." Leftist attacks coverage of the Assembly's debates militants? were also frequently directed was extremely limited. The radical against APRA, drawing whistles and bloc also suffered from a lack of jeers from the well-orchestrated parliamentary skills (with the galleries. Indeed, as aprista exception of the unofficial left floor Beneath the spectators, the leadership tried to prevent Assembly leader, Genaro Ledesma) and found delegates' chairs were arranged in a debate from offending the military itself continually out-maneuvered semicircle with a raised table at the regime, the critical cleavage in the on critical issues by the more front of the chamber for the Constituent body was not so much politically experienced aprista Assembly officers and their aides. leadership. The APRA delegation sat at one left versus right, but rather left side of the chamber, the various against aprista center with the The New Constitution parties of the left directly across rightist PPC providing the swing If the weekly sessions of the from them, and the PPC and several votes. Constituent Assembly provided the minor parties in the middle. Even During the sessions I attended in major drama during that body's first before the night's debate began, March 1979, FOCEP and UDP six months of operations, it was in much was revealed by the style and delegates spoke against the the committees where the new physical appearance of the administration's shut-down of news constitutional draft was forged. delegations. The aprista bloc was magazines and its suspension of Here there was more interparty composed of 37 men, most of them constitutional rights after the cooperation and less APRA-left in their sixties (only 2 of the 100 January 1979 general strike. APRA confrontation than in the floor delegates to the Constituent representatives responded with debates. By early March, the various Assembly were women - one from impassioned descriptions of commissions had drafted their FOCEP and one from the PPC). The government persecution against proposed constitutional chapters apristas generally wore dress slacks their party in the 1930s and 1950s and passed them on to the principle and sport shirts-appropriate garb (apristas seem most eloquent when commission chaired by Assembly for members of a populist party- discussing events at least 20 years Vice-president Alberto Sanchez. although Haya de la Torre, Sanchez, old). Even the most mundane APRA Some of the commissions-such as Townsend, and other top leaders speeches were repeatedly the one dealing with education- wore jackets and ties. The PPC interrupted by rhythmic applause were able to submit single drafts delegation, composed principally of from the bufalo-directed audience in endorsed by the left, right (PPC), slightly younger, middle-aged men the galleries. and APRA. In other cases, the (typically aged 45-65) looked much In most instances, APRA could commission submitted majority and like the businessmen and lawyers draw on PPC votes to defeat leftist they were-impeccably dressed in minority drafts. The principle motions. On some occasions commission then drew from these their 2 or 3 piece suits. Finally, the involving issues such as press reports and wrote a single left delegates of FOCEP, UDP, and freedom, however, the Popular constitutional draft which it passed PSR -mostly in their thirties (some, Christians joined with the left to on to the full Assembly for debate. like the UDP's fiery orator Javier carry motions critical of the On April 2, 1979 the Constituent Diez Conseco, even younger- government. Following the Assembly began nightly sessions for usually wore jeans and pullovers. A imprisonment of miners' leader (and the purpose of debating the few "elder statesmen" such as UDP delegate) victor Cuadros proposed constitution. Carlos Malpica (at 48, the oldest during a March 1979 strike, all three UDP delegate) and Genaro Ledesma A number of issues provoked blocs joined together to protest the (like Malpica, a member of the heated debate both in the regime's violation of National Congress dissolved in commissions and in the full "congressional" immunity (Cuadros 1968) wore sports jackets. Only the Assembly. One critical question was released the next day). Communists stood out from the involved the granting of suffrage to leftist bloc. For the most part, they Through the early months of 1979, illiterates. With perhaps 30 percent were over 55 and far more formal in then, the left was able to take the of Peru's adult population their attire than their enfante terrible offensive in floor debate and to use functionally illiterate (and a far compatriots. the Assembly as a public forum on higher percentage among those in the rural areas), enfranchisement the electorate (a situation analogous presidential candidate receiving 36 would add hundreds of thousands of to the Allende victory in Chile), they percent of the vote will be declared peasants to the voting roles. It was a argued, he would lack the legitimacy the winner. Should no candidate change strongly endorsed by the left to govern. Consequently, PPC receive that proportion of the vote, but feared by conservatives, leader Bedoya Reyes proposed a the choice will pass to the congress. particularly the Popular Christians second round, run-off between the On July 12,1979-only 16days and right elements within APRA.?~ top two vote-getters should no before its one-year mandate ran candidate receive a majority on the out-the Constituent Assembly Other constitutional questions first round (the so-called French dividing the Assembly included the passed the final version of the new system). constitution. Though the left was issue of "human rights" (i.e., civil able to win some points (on those liberties), the relationship of the Bedoya's position also reflected his occasions when APRA did not want state and the press, and the role of ongoing interest in forging an to project too conservative an image the state in the economy. For the election alliance with Belahde's to the electorate), it generally found most part, APRA was able to Acci6n Popular (AP) against the left itself out-maneuvered. The leftist dominate Assembly negotiations and, to a lesser extent, against bloc boycotted most of the final over such points. On occasion, APRA. A two-round system would deliberations and refused to sign the however, younger, more progressive give the PPC additional room for document.34 aprista delegates induced the party political maneuver. AP, which had to vote with the left against the no votes in the Assembly, added its The Coming General Election PPC. More frequently, APRA joined support to the run-off proposal With the new constitution finally with the Popular Christians in a since it would clearly benefit completed, the military regime center-right coalition which easily Belaunde, the apparent consensus announced that the general election out-voted the left. Concessions choice against APRA in a potential for congress and the presidency will were made by the aprista leadership second round. The left found itself be held in May 1980 and that the to the left on some occasions and to split on the electoral issue. On the actual transfer of power to a civilian the right on others. On rare one hand, should the left ever unite government will take place on July occasions the left and PPC joined to behind a single candidate, it hoped 28, 1980. Given the highly unstable forge a left-right coalition against eventually to gain an electoral political atmosphere prevailing in APRA. On the most important plurality either in the coming Peru, any predictions regarding the issues, however, the APRA bloc presidential race (a slim possibility, coming campaign are extremely prevailed. As debate wore on, the but not totally out of the realm of precarious. Serious conflict left increasingly boycotted possibility) or in some future between the more radical labor Assembly debates, trying to campaign when its strength had unions and the government has disassociate themselves with a increased. A second-round, run-off persisted into the closing months of constitution over which they were system would effectively bar a leftist 1979. The date of the national exercising little influence. victory in the future since the right election-which the aprista and center would obviously unite in leadership originally hoped to hold The most explosive and immediately the run-off against the left. For in late 1979- has been pushed back relevant debate concerned the these and other reasons, FOCEP's on several occasions. Thus, there is manner by which the new president Trotskyist faction (led by Hugo always the possibility that the would be elected. Since it was Blanco) announced its opposition to election or the transition date may widely recognized that APRA would the Bedoya proposal. On the other be further postponed or even - in receive the largest number of votes hand, most of the leftist delegates- the event of a right-wing internal of any party in the presidential race, including their parliamentary leader, coup-be cancelled. As of the but could not come close to a Ledesma-believed that run-off writing of this Report, however, majority, the issue had obvious would not only add to their own indications are that the transition partisan overtones. The apristas bargaining power, but could be used will take place as scheduled. maintained that any candidate to block an APRA victory. A receiving a plurality of 33 percent or majority of left representatives thus Two factors dominated the more of the national vote (a backed the second-round plan.33 presidential race even before the proportion APRA felt confident it campaign had begun. The first was could attain, particularly if Haya de Initial indications suggested that a APRA's successful championing of la Torre were its candidate) should left-right (PPC) alliance would carry a plurality system for selection of be declared the winner. Opponents enough Assembly votes to approve the chief executive. Less than two of the APRA position insisted that a a two-round election. In the end, months before the Constituent candidate with only 35-40 percent of however, aprista leaders were able Assembly voted on this issue, the vote would be a "minority to bargain for sufficient votes to various political insiders suggested choice." Should a "plurality carry a modified plurality system: to me that the Assembly was likely winner" take office against the the electoral law applicable to the to vote for a two-round, run-off strong desires of 60-65 percent of 1980 election states that any (backed by the PPC delegation and most of the left). Had a run-off outright victory. In the likely event likelihood of a unified campaign for system been passed, the second that no candidate receives that a single radical candidate. As this round would have probably margin, aprista leaders still expect to article is being written, there seem matched the frontrunning secure the presidency in the to be two certain candidates: APRA candidate (then expected to congress, where they will Alfonso Barrantes of the UDP and be Haya de la Torre) and AP's undoubtedly have the largest bloc of Genaro Ledesma of FOCEP. Hugo Fernando Belahde. In such a race, delegates. Blanco (the most widely recognized Belafinde might have been expected and popular of the Marxist leaders) Acci6n Popular's Fernando and his Trotskyist party have been to attract the support of much of the Beladnde is likely to finish second in expelled from FOCEP. Blanco, who left (which is strongly opposed to an the presidential race. Ironically, he has blocked unification with the APRA victory) and most of the right will pick up much of his support Communist Party (PC-Unidad) or (with PPC leader Bedoya Reyes from voters who selected the left in with the PSR, will likely either stand having shown a clear preference for the Constituent elections as a third leftist candidate or will the AP), thereby securing a (particularly peasants) and from presidential victory. The approval of those who supported the rightist back Barrantes. In any event, the the single-round plurality election PPC (particularly the Lima middle left's only hope of exercising system, then, changed the former class). Beladnde is campaigning electoral power lies in the congress, president from a potential favorite under a cloud of poor health (he is where the selection of members into an underdog. rumored to be suffering from through proportional representation Parkinson's disease) and has lost (and the absence of any minimum Within weeks of its tactical victory percentage needed for (and on the heels of the much of his earlier glamour. Yet he and his party still command representation) has improved its promulgation of the new electoral electoral prospects. law), APRA faced a severe setback considerable respect, and he with the death of its party titan. For remains the second choice of most Beyond the 1980 Elections some 50 years Vfctor RaGl Haya de non-apristas on the right and left Of course, the left will continue to la Torre had cast his giant shadow (APRA militants presumably have exercise some influence outside the over Peruvian politics. Now, no second choice). Beladnde's electoral system through their seemingly on the verge of the chances hang on denying Villaneuva important role in the labor unions presidential victory that had so long 36 percent of the popular vote and and other mass-based organizations eluded him, he succumbed to picking up sufficient PPC and left of peasants or shantytown dwellers. cancer. His death created further support in the congress to secure a It is here that Peru's most delicate uncertainty regarding the transition majority in that body. and pivotal political battle may yet process since he had been the The Popular Christian's Luis Bedoya be engaged. Articulate Marxist linchpin of the understanding can count on continued strong intellectuals expressed to me strong between APRA and the Morales support in Lima, its twin city of apprehension over the prospects of Bermfidez government. In addition, Callao, and in Arequipa. However, an APRA presidential victory. They Haya de la Torre's demise Beladnde's candidacy will greatly felt, apparently with good reason, (anticipated by all but the most undercut the PPC, and Bedoya is that an aprista administration would optimistic apristas since his relapse likely to finish third or fourth. He has launch a strong assault on its in late April) set off an internal shown continued interest in an long-time leftist opposition in the struggle between his party's electoral alliance with the AP, but so unions, universities, and conservative and progressive wings. far has been rejected by Beladnde. shantytown organizations. After postponing its choice several Bedoya's greatest hope also lies in Foreseeing aprista intimidation and times, the APRA party congress met APRA's failure to win the popular violation of civil liberties, many in October to select Armando election outright. In the congress, leftists would prefer a Beladnde Villanueva - head of the aprista the PPC would be open to political victory or even Bedoya Reyes over party machinery and leader of its overtures from both APRA and AP an APRA administration.35 more progressive members-over possibly permitting Bedoya Reyes to Conversely, should the most militant conservative leader Andr6s play the role of a kingmaker. Townsend. Marxist unions (particularly the The left continues to speak bravely miners and teachers) seek a Given APRA's firm hold over of uniting behind a single confrontation with the new civilian one-third of the Peruvian electorate, presidential candidate and thereby government, the results could be the party is still expected to receive mounting a strong electoral highly destabilizing. While the a plurality in the May election. challenge. Given the intense radical left lacks the strength to win Despite Villaneuva's greater ideological commitment of the a national election at this point, it acceptability to the left, however, he major Marxist factions and their has the ability to undermine any is less likely than Haya de la Torre inability to compromise over future government. Continued labor would have been to attain the 36 philosophical and political unrest could further undercut an percent of the vote needed for an differences, however, there is little already weak economy, thereby precipitating repressive measures remain the same." Had the has emerged as the major new force from the civilian government or the presidential elections been held one in the electoral sphere, it shows little return of military rule through a year earlier (as APRA had hoped), likelihood of achieving power in the rightist coup. the two leading candidates would foreseeable future (it is highly have been Haya de la Torre and doubtful that the military would The agrarian reform and other Belaflnde, the same men who permit it to take office) and has programs instituted by the military finished on top in 1962 and 1963. displayed little evidence of a regime of Juan Velasco Alvarado APRA and Acci6n Popular remain capacity to rule even if it did37 have changed Peru greatly over the the nation's leading parties, but past decade. Yet, in the realm of the neither offers creative new solutions nation's major political parties, "the for the country's current more things change, the more they problems.36 While the Marxist left (October 1979)

NOTES 1. This Report is intended as a sequel 4. George W. Grayson, Jr., "Peru's been far greater than during the to Thomas G. Sanders, "The Politics of Military Populism" in Current History Belaunde regime, I suspect that the two Transition in Peru" [TGS-10-771, AUFS (February 1971 ), pp. 71-77 and 116. military administrations (Velasco and Reports, 1977. Readers not familiar with Morales BermGdez) were not the Peruvian military "revolution" of 5. For left critiques of the Peruvian substantially more corrupt than many 1968-1975 are referred to that Report military experiment, see: Anibal Quijano, other Latin American regimes, including (though I take a more positive view of 'Nationalism and Capitalism in Peru,'' the elected civilian governments of the Velasco reforms than does Monthly Review23 (July 19711, No. 3; Colombia and Venezuela. Sanders). The best English-language James Petras and A. Eugene Havens, 9. Under Velasco, the government had work on the Velasco era is Abraham F. 'Peru: Economic Crisis and Class tried to play off the nation's major labor Lowenthal, The Peruvian Experiment Confrontation," Monthly Review30 federations-the CTP (led by APRA, a (Princeton University Press, 1975); the (February 19791, No. 9 best Peruvian analysis of that period is populist party long the subject of probably Henry Pease GarcTa, El Ocaso 6. Liisa North, "Perspectives on military enmity) and the CGTP (led by del Poder Oligarquico (Lima: Desco, Development Policy and Mass the communists) against each other and 19771, which contains an exhaustive 60 Participation in the Peruvian Armed to strengthen the regime-sponsored page bibliography; see also, works cited Forces" (Washington: Woodrow Wilson CTRP. As of 1977-78, however, the CTRP had still failed to amount to in Sanders' footnotes. On Peruvian Center, Latin American Program anything and the CTP and CGTP were society and politics in general (prior to Working Paper, 1978). For the way in being careful not to alienate the military the military revolution), see Francois which these ideological divisions regime lest it hurt their respective Bourricaud, Power and Society in influenced the military's inconsistent Contemporary Peru (Praeger, 1970). policy on rural mobilization, see (APRA and communist) chances for Handelman, op. cit. power in the new civilian government. The major opposition to the regime's 2. For a recent analysis of the current 7. The expropriation of national economic policies came from militant, state of the Peruvian agrarian reform, newspapers in July 1974 was hailed by Marxist unions independent of the labor Howard Handelman, "Peasants, the Peruvian left since it struck a blow confederations. These included the Landlords and Bureaucrats: The Politics against the major spokesmen for the miners' union and the teachers' union of Agrarian Reform in Peru" (AUFS oligarchy (particularly Lima's La Prensa (SUTEP), both with Maoist leanings. Report, forthcoming). The best and ElComercio). Shortly thereafter, the 10. After 16 months of negotiation, summary through 1976 is Mariano government turned with equal energy to Peru finally reached agreement with the Valderrama, 7 Anos de Reforma Agraria harassing left journals, such as Marka, IMF on the terms of debt refinancing on Peruana (Universidad CatOlica, 1976) as well as jailing or exiling selected leftist August 6,1978-seven weeks after the which includes an appendix of some 700 union and political party leaders. Constituent Assembly elections. See, newspaper articles and official Compared to military regimes such as New York Times (August 8, 1978). documents tracing the reform and Brazil's, Chile's, Argentina's, or associated political conflict. For earlier Uruguay's, however, political repression 11. The $5 billion represented only analysis, see Harding in Lowenthal, op. in Peru under Velasco or Morales Peru's public (state) debt- Wall Street cit. There is an abundance of excellent Bermfidez has been very light. Journal (August 23, 1978). The Latin recent analyses of the agrarian reform American Economic Report estimates by Peruvian scholars. See footnotes in 8. Despite government attempts to Peru's public and private debt at $8 Handelman, op. cit., especially works by keep them out of the press, reports have billion. Debt servicing alone cost Peru 55 Jose Maria Caballero and Fernando surfaced regarding several scandals. In percent of its 1978 export earnings. Eguren. the Agriculture Ministry, government officials apparently collaborated in 12. Since the expropriation of the speculation and hoarding of condensed national newspapers in 1974, the daily 3. There continued to be significant milk (widely used in Peru). Government press-along with radio and television- foreign investment in mining, but the officials were also apparently bribed had been government mouthpieces. Peruvian state dominated the sector. prior to Aeroperu's purchase of Critical opinion in the media came only Recently, there has been reprivitization Lockheed tri-stars. While critics claim from news magazines. The Morales of a portion of the fishing industry. that corruption under the military has BermGdez administration, as noted earlier in this Report, had initially been (low value) land on the periphery of 24. Bourricaud, op. cit. more tolerant than the Velasco Lima. See David Collier, Squatters and government of press criticism, but this Oligarchs: Public Policy and 25. Another leftist (but non-Marxist) party was the FNTC (National changed quickly. Jorge Flores, editor of Modernization in Peru (Johns Hopkins Peru's leading left political journal, University Press, 1976). That policy and Federation of Workers and Peasants). The FNTC eventually secured four seats Marka, told me that his magazine was the trading of jobs and political favors in the Assembly (with 3.8% of the vote), shut down (for varying periods of time) for votes built Odria and his UNO party a but, contrary to its name, it is a four times between 1975 and 1979 strong constituency in the Lima shantytowns in the 1962 and 1963 regionally based party with most of its 13. The survey was conducted by presidential elections. By 1978, that strength in the department of Puno. Its Lima's Catholic University. Given that support had totally eroded. fortunes were heavily tied to the there had been no national election in 15 CSceres family. The left-center includes years, it was not surprising that party 19. The analysis of party positions the Christian Democrats and the recognition should be low. The survey presented here is based, in part, on politically insignificant AP-Socialista. was conducted before the rules for the interviews conducted with a number of Constituent elections were even set and Peruvian political leaders. They include: 26. There is voluminous literature on before the political parties began Mario Polar, PPC deputy in the this fascinating party, most of it highly collecting signatures, much less running Constituent Assembly; And& partisan. For an excellent review of the their campaigns. Undoubtedly public Townsend, a leader of the APRA literature and the nature of the debate awareness of what the Assembly would delegation; Genaro Ledesma and Hugo over APRA, see Liisa North, "The do and what the parties were increased Blanco, leaders of the FOCEP Peruvian Aprista Party and Haya de la during the campaign. delegation; Carlos Malpica, UDP Torre," Journal of Inter-American deputy; Avelino Mar, PSR deputy; Elfas Studies (May 1975); on the development 14. For an excellent analysis of Acci6n Mendoza, AP Secretary General for of APRA, see: Bourricaud, up. cit.; Peter Popular and Belacnde, see Bourricaud, Lima, and a number of other political K la r6n, Modernization, Dislocation, and op. cit., pp. 229-62. leaders, journalists, and academics who Aprismo (University of Texas Press: 1973); Liisa North, "Orfgines y 15. After the 1962 elections resulted in a prefer to remain anonymous. crecimiento del partido aprista y el virtual deadheat between AP and cambio socioecon6mico en el Peru," APRA, the military stopped the recount 20. World Bank data for 1971 shows the Desarrollo EconOmico 38 ( 19701, pp. through a coup. New elections were poorest 40 percent of the Peruvian 163-214. held in 1963 in which Belaunde received population receiving 6.5 percent of the 34.2 percent of the vote and APRA's national income. That figure tied Peru 27. The details of the Trujillo uprising Haya de la Torre 30.1 percent. See with Ecuador and Honduras for the and subsequent massacre remain Sanders, op. cit. and Carlos Astiz, lowest proportion of national income subject to intensely partisan debate. The Pressure Groups and Power Elites in going to the bottom 40 percent in any evidence seems to suggest that the Peruvian Politics (Cornell University Latin American nation and was uprising was initiated by aprista militants Press, 1969). exceeded only by South Africa (with without support from Haya de la Torre 6.2%) among the nations of the world. 16. Populista experts did play some role and the top party leadership. However, See World Bank, Redistribution with the aprista martyrs of the massacre are in drafting the constitution by testifying Growth (Washington, 1974). Income before committees of the Constituent revered in party histories. I was distribution in Peru changed little from introduced (at APRA headquarters) to a Assembly. However, they obviously had 1961 to 1973 under the BelaGnde and no votes in the Assembly. Ironically, survivor of the military assault who was Velasco governments. See, Richard given all the reverence afforded in China APts boycott of the Constituent Webb, "Government Policy and the to survivors of Mao's Long March. An elections may have cost them the Distribution of Income in Peru, 1963-73, unsuccessful, APRA-supported, military presidential elections since they were in Lowenthal, op. cit. unable to vote for a form of electing the uprising in Callao in 1948 further chief executive that would have favored 21. See Julio Cotler, "The New Mode inflamed military antagonism toward the Belaiinde over the aprista candidate. of Political Domination in Peru" in party. Lowenthall, op. cit.; David Chaplin (ed.), 17. The control of Peru's highland 28. Voters for the Constituent Peruvian Nationalism: A Corporatist Assembly selected the party of their landowners over the peasantry was Revolution (Transaction Press, 1979). already in a state of decay prior to the preference and individual candidates within those parties. passage of the agrarian reform. Indeed, 22. On the military's contradictory the reform tended to fill a rural power attitude toward mass mobilization, see 29. A number of leftist leaders in exile vacuum by asserting the dominant role North, op. cit.; on the rise and fall of the or in hiding were granted immunity and of the state in the countryside and CNA, see Handelman, op. cit. allowed to take their seats in the preventing the growth of an Constituent Assembly after their 23. APRA union strength was greatest independent, peasant political election. movement. See, Henry Pease GarcTa et in those sectors of the industrial, mining a/., Estado y Politica Agraria: 4 Ensayos and rural work force organized during 30. Rising copper prices and an (Lima: Desco, 1977). the earlier stages of Peruvian capitalist improved fish catch have strengthened development (1930-19551, while the left Peru's balance of trade in 1979 and her 18. During the dictatorship of General was stronger in the more recently debt standing. However, such Odria (1948-19561, the President gained developed sectors: the bank workers improvements have not been reflected support in the shantytowns by and miners in the southern Cajone in rising living standards. Minister of endorsing squatter invasions of unused region, for example. Finance Javier Silva Rueta indicated in mid-1978 that the average worker's strong showing in the June 1978 political overtures to more moderate standard of living had declined by 40 election undoubtedly induced APRA to Marxist spokesmen (particularly the percent between 1973 and 1978 and that support several more "radical" clauses Communists and PSR) and to the left- there would be no marked improvement in the constitution so that the apristas of-center Christian Democrats. for three more years. However, the could compete in the 1980 national bottoming-out of the decline and a elections for the votes that had 36. In a marked contrast to Belaunde's certain popular resignation to austerity previously gone to the left. Four of the 1963 campaign (which spoke of new may decrease the protest vote in 1980. clauses in the constitution brought the jungle frontiers and a glowing, ever- In the meantime, militant labor protests entire Assembly (including APRA) into expanding, future for Peru), AP is now have continued through October 1979. conflict with the Morales Bermudez stressing the limited ability of any administration. The military regime government to resolve Peru's economic 31. APRA controlled most of the objected to clauses which would crisis in the near future. AP spokesmen visitors' tickets and made sure that its exempt peasants from further payments call for "appropriate technology" in the militants dominated the galleries. I for their agrarian reform land (a clause nation's development and draw received my admission ticket through an which the government felt would extensively from Schumacher's Smallis APRA leader. weaken the already shaky treasury); ban Beautiful. 32. While the left (particularly the UDP capital punishment except for treason in 37. In the flush of the left's strong which dominates the Peruvian Peasant war; allow government employees to showing in the June 1978 Constituent Confederation-CCP) hoped to get a unionize; prohibit summary arrests and elections, Marxist sociologists Petras large portion of the illiterate, peasant deportations. The Constituent Assembly and Havens up. cit. predicted that Peru vote, it is not clear where those votes insisted that the new constitution- was on the "crossroads of either a will actually go. BelaCinde and AP will including these four clauses-should go socialist revolution or a fascist probably benefit as much as any party. into effect immediately. The military takeover." I see little prospect of the In any event, enfranchisement of regime, fearing that the last two clauses former, either through the electoral illiterates would reduce Lima's would impair its ability to deal with process or armed struggle. Indeed, one disproportionate role in national continuing labor unrest, insisted that the Marxist deputy in the Constituent elections. In the June 1978 Constituent constitution not go into effect until the Assembly confided to me that it was elections, the capital and its new civilian government took office. fortunate that the left stood no chance metropolitan area-with 20 percent of When the military sent these clauses of winning the 1980 presidential election the nation's population-contributed 40 back to the Assembly for revision, the since such a victory at thepresent time percent of the vote. entire body (including APRA and the would only bring about a rightist coup. PPC) refused to amend them. He expressed the belief that that 33. From APRA's perspective, this was situation would change in the future. one more instance of the opposition 35. The nomination of Armando ganging up to block aprista electoral Villanueva as the aprista candidate may aspirations. have allayed the left's fears somewhat. 34. The left did have an indirect Villanueva and his more progressive influence on the final document. Their supporters have allegedly made some