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Trípodos, número 32 | Barcelona 2013 | 93-111 Rebut / Received: 15/02/2013 ISSN: 1138-3305 Acceptat / Accepted: 29/04/2013 93 The Public Sphere and Normalization of Minority Languages1 An Analysis of Basque Television in Light of Other Experiences in Europe TRÍPODOS 2013 | 32 Esfera pública i normalització de llengües minoritàries Una anàlisi del cas basc (EITB) a la llum d’altres experiències europees Josu Amezaga, Edorta Arana, Bea Narbaiza, Patxi Azpillaga NOR Research Group. University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU Television channels in minority langua- Les televisions en llengües minoritàries ges are frequently the only television són, sovint, les úniques televisions channels specifically targeting the who- que tenen com a objectiu primordial le population of the territory in which el territori de la llengua. Això significa that language survives. This means que poden ser vistes no tan sols com that they can be seen not only as tools a instruments de normalització lin- for linguistic normalization, but also güística, sinó també com a mitjà per as means for the building of a public a la construcció d’una esfera pública sphere open to the whole population. que englobi el conjunt de la població In cases where the linguistic community d’aquest territori. En els casos en què is a minority within the whole popula- la comunitat lingüística és una minoria tion, the problem of how to deal with dins d’aquesta població, pot sorgir el the building of the public sphere in a problema de com servir a la construc- language that is spoken by only a part ció d’una esfera pública en una llengua of the population may arise. An analysis que només és parlada per una mino- of the cases of Scotland, Wales and Fin- ria. Una anàlisi dels casos d’Escòcia, land shows us that minority language Gal·les i Finlàndia ens mostra com es television can develop strategies that desenvolupen estratègies que perme- will enable them to be accessible to tin a la televisió en llengua minoritària the whole territorial community. In the obrir-se cap a la comunitat territorial. case of the Basque Country, however, En el cas basc, però, s’ha optat per un the approach has been a dual model model dual segons el qual l’objectiu according to which broadcasting in the lingüístic és cobert en la llengua mino- minority language is used to fulfill lin- ritària, mentre que l’objectiu de cons- guistic goals, and broadcasting in the truir una esfera pública és afrontat en JOSU AMEZAGA, EDORTA ARANA, BEA NARBAIZA, PATXI AZPILLAGA I NOR RESEARCH GROUP THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND NORMALIZATION OF MINORITY LANGUAGES 94 mainstream language is used for the la llengua majoritària. Com a resultat, The problem of a relationship between language and the public sphere has 95 building of the public sphere. As a re- podem afirmar que la llengua minori- been raised in various guises from place to place. Indeed, in some cases, the sult, the model is certainly damaging tària surt certament perjudicada per minority language community has no particular nationalist aspirations, which for the minority language, since it is aquest model, en ser condemnada a lends a certain character to the local media. In some other cases, on the other condemned to a situation of diglossia. una situació de diglòssia. hand, when nationalist sentiment is greater, the nature of the problem takes on a different form. There is a vast casuistry between both extremes and although Key words: minority language, televi- Palabras clave: llengües minoritàries, every situation is unique, they share various characteristics. Indeed, the public TRÍPODOS 2013 | 32 sion, public sphere. televisió, esfera pública. sphere that can be built based on a minority language will always be weaker ac- TRÍPODOS 2013 | 32 cording to Cormack; especially when, at the same time, the speakers of that lan- guage are able to take part in another public sphere by using the main language since they are bilingual. In order to be able to better analyze this relationship between the construc- tion of the public sphere and the normalization of a minority language, we have analyzed how the issue has been raised in four countries (Finland, Scotland, Wales, and the Basque Country) by laying special emphasis on the fourth. In- elevisions broadcasting in minority languages are, generally speaking and deed, it is in the Basque Country where the contradiction between using televi- by definition, televisions broadcast in non-hegemonic languages. In this sion as for normalization of the language and for the building up of a political Tsense, they may be considered to be media with the main goal being lar- public sphere appears more clearly. In order to draw some conclusions about gely cultural and providing public service. All too often, nevertheless, there are this relationship, we will analyze both the objectives that each television other things happening behind the scenes. Said television stations, aside from claims regarding the different language groups and the strategies directed to operating in minority languages, are often also the only television stations ope- such goals; we will put them in the context of the sociolinguistic situation rating in the territory of the language. This is attractive to those who believe that and —in the Basque case, evolution— will have a look at the linguistic pro- the territory should have its own public sphere, especially in nationalist circles.2 files of the audiences. When the minorized language3 is a language of a minority within its territory, on In our opinion, this is important since the role that the media should take the other hand, a problem arises: How to make use of a television service opera- both in the normalization of the minority language and in nation building lies ting in a minority language as a television station for the population as a whole, in the discussion on surging nationalist aspirations that is gaining strength in a part of which does not know that minority language. Europe. Cormack aptly raised this question when analyzing minority language media in Europe as well as the relationship between minority languages and the public sphere (Cormack, 1998). Language, in his words, is per se a key component in the MINORITY LANGUAGE TELEVISION IN EUROPE public sphere as understood by Habermas, that is to say, a speech community in which every participant takes part by making use of language (Habermas, 1962). If we take a look at television stations operating in European minority languages, On the other hand, the public sphere is not limited, as we may deduct from several statements may be made. Although, in theory the issue is not very clear Habermas’ work, to discussions centered around political and social issues and, as to how the media overall, and television in particular, exactly can help mino- in a wider sense, it may be understood that leisure content present in today’s rity languages, there is a kind of intuition according to which the media play an television may also be taken into account. This is how Curran understands it by exceptionally important role in the survival and development of a language. In placing said leisure content as one of the mainstays of the public sphere (Curran, this light, Cormack reminds us that the great sociolinguists (e.g. Fishman) do not 1991). lend any special importance to the media in the process of language replacement Habermas’ successful concept has been valuable in understanding the rela- and renaissance; they are placed on a secondary level (Cormack & Hourigan, tionship between nation building and the mass media. Moreover, together with 2007). Nonetheless by having a reality check, we can find that, at least in Europe, the importance that Anderson lends to the press in building up a national com- most communities with a minority language have tried to have their very own munity (Anderson, 1983), both academics and political operators have come to media. In such ventures, some have got further along than others (Amezaga & highlight the important role that the mass media, in general, can play (Schle- Arana, 2012). singer 1991). Likewise, among several minority nations that have clamored for The second piece of evidence is that in the case of communities with their their own state, the concept of a communication space as proposed by Catalans own television —that is, those with broadcasts not coming from another has been successful (Gifreu, 1989). state— the main initiative has come from the public administration. That is to JOSU AMEZAGA, EDORTA ARANA, BEA NARBAIZA, PATXI AZPILLAGA I NOR RESEARCH GROUP THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND NORMALIZATION OF MINORITY LANGUAGES 96 say, if we look at television aimed at the whole body of speakers in a community BBC itself there might have been layoffs. This was hardly helpful in winning 97 —thus apart from local stations—, there is hardly any private channel for mino- legitimization of the new project and there was some criticism about the public rity languages. The sole exceptions are the following: TV Breizh, a satellite TV financing of 16 million euros for a small minority (Some 1.8% of the population station that wished to gain an audience by using Breton to gain viewers, which, of Scotland understands Gaelic).6 in the very end, shunted that minority language aside; and Barça TV which is In order to reach such a hard-to-reach goal to gain viewers, BBC Alba resorted a thematic channel connected with the football club; as well as the partially to subtitles in keeping with what BBC usually does in its channels. In that way, Catalan-broadcasting 8TV, BOM TV and RAC 105 TV—in the last one just the with the exception of children’s programming and live broadcasts, all the rest TRÍPODOS 2013 | 32 promotionals, being the rest music videos—, linked to the same company as the of the programming is subtitled in the wish to make it attractive to those who TRÍPODOS 2013 | 32 football channel (Godo Group).4 In the rest, it is public initiative —that is to say knew nothing or little of the language (Murray, 2009).

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