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University Microfiims 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor. Michigan 48106 A Xerox Education Company 72- 26,989 CHAN, Ping-leimg, 1935- CH^U TZ-U AND aiAMANISM IN ANCIENT CHINA.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1972 Language and Literature, classical

University Microfilms, A >(ERQ\ Company. Ann Arbor. Michigan

Copyright by Ping-leung Chan 1972

t h t c nTCCrcTATTOM HiR PPPM MTrPnPTT.MPn F.VArTT.Y AS RKP.KTVED CHȆ TZȆ AND SHAMANISM IN ANCIENT CHINA

DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Ping-leung C h an s B.A» H ons.$ M.A.s D ip. Ed. *****

The Ohio State University 1972 RApprovea oy Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures PLEASE NOTE:

Some p a g es may have

indistinct print.

Filmed as received.

University Microfilms, A X erox Education Company ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

At the completion of this dissertation, I wish to express my gratitude to my adviser. Professor Tien=yi Li, for his assiduous guidance, enlightening discussions, and critical suggestions. I also wish to thank the other faculty members, particularly Professor David Y. Ch’en and -Professor Yan-shuan Lao, who have read and corrected various parts of my dissertation. I am fortunate enough to receive some advices from other famous scholars through correspon­ dence. They are Professor Kwang-chih Chang of Yale Univer­ sity, Professor Yasushi Fukino of Kokugakuin University, Professor Tsung-i Jao of the University of Singapore, Pro­ fessor Yasutaro Mori of Kyoto Women's University, Professor Ts'un-yan Liu of The Australian National University, and Professor Shisuka Shirakawa of Pitsumeikan University. To them I am greatly indebted. I am also thankful to the staff of the libraries to which I have access for their indispen­ sable assistance. VITA September 12, 1955 . . . Born - Canton, China 195 9 ...... B.A. Hons. (1st Class), The Univer­ sity of Hong Kong 196 0 ...... Diploma in Education, The Univer­ sity of Hong Kong 1 9 6 2 ...... M .A ., The U n iv e rs ity o f Hong Kong

1960=1962 ...... Assistant Education Officer, Edu­ cation Department, Hong Kong 1 9 6 9 ...... M.A., Yale University 1969-1 972 ...... Graduate Research Associate, The Ohio State University PUBLICATIONS ”A New Interpretation of Two Ancient Chinese Myths," (in Chinese) The Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies. n.s. Vol. VII, no. 2, ppV 'àOô-252, August, 1969 "Chinese Popular Water-god Legends and the Hsi yu chi," Essays in Chinese Studies Presented to Processor Lo Hsiang- TInrpp7-279^‘317, T970 ------"On the Location of the Ch'ung Mountain," (in Chinese) Ta-lu tsa-chih, Vol. XLI, no. 10, pp. 25-24, November, 1970 FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Chinese Literature Studies in Chinese Literature, Professors Tien-yi Li, David Y. Ch'en, and Yan-shuan Lao Minor Fields: Chinese Language and Chinese History Studies in Chinese Language. Professors Eugene Ching and Feng-sheng Hsueh Studies in Chinese History. Professor Tien-yi Li TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... i i VITA ...... i i i ABBREVIATIONS ...... v C h ap ter I . INTRODUCTION...... 1 I I . SHAMANISM IN ANCIENT CHINA...... 36 I I I . WAS CH'tJ YÜAN A SHAMAN...... 10? IV . SHAMANISM SEEN IN THE CH'U T Z 'P ...... 157 V. CONCLUSION...... 211 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 219

IV ABBREVIATIONS m Asia Major

â 2 Archiv Orieatalnl BMFSA Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities CHEF Ch'ine-hua hsueh-nao W M HJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Journal Asiatique JAFL Journal of American Folklore JAGS Journal of the American Oriental Society JNCBRAS Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society JOS Journal of Oriental Studies JRAI Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society MTHCK Chung-yang yen-chiu-yuan min-tsu-hsueh yen-chiu-so

RHR Revue de l'histoire des religions TLTC Ta-lu tsa-chih WHNP Wên-hsüeh nien-pao SPFY Ssu pu pei yao ^ SPTK Ssu pu ts'ung k'an WSCHP Wen shih che hsueh-pao -3r ^

g— # # % u . V — Ji2»i X A YCHP len-ching hsueh-pao CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

Students of Chinese literature can hardly fail to notice that there are shamanlstlc elements In some of the Sh'u ts'ù poems* Nevertheless» until recently, there had not been any In-depth study on this topic* Schol­ ars in this field merely echoed the statement of Wang I 5. ( f l* A*D* 125- 144) Of the Later Han Dynasty that the ’■Chiu ko A , " ("Nine Songs") are closely related to sha­ manism*^ Their afe Intra evidence is naturally far from satisfactory, to say nothing of convincing* In 1951 a mon­ umental work, fujino Iwatomo's A. Fukel bunaaku

Z2XL ^ (On Ü1Ê. jjLteratVU:? O l Shamanistlc Tradition) was published, in which the author confirms the shamanistlc elements in the Ch’u tz ’u by comparing it with P the shamanlstlc literature of Japan* This book has exerted great influence on Ch'u tz'u studies in Japan* In 1955 Arthur Waley published his book. The Nine Songs: a Study of ShawflTi-ftfeH in. Ancient China *^ Despite his impressive title , Waley’s "study" is not very profound, though David Hawkes h ^ ls this work as a "landmark," which is "invaluable for its correlation of tbs relevant anthropological informa­

1 tion»"^ Yet, Waley’s book at least gives its readers some idea of shamanism in ncient Chinese society* For the more advanced students of Chinese literature, a book is s till needed which can shed new light on the relationship between the Ch'u tz*u and shamanism, inasmuch as the Japanese schol­ ars have used only Chinese and Japanese m aterials in their works = This dissertation, therefore, aims to broaden our knowledge of this subject and deepen our understanding of the Ch'u tz'u itself through a comparative study of shaman­ ism in China and other non-Chinese societies*

It would be platitudinous to say that the materials for the study of ancient Chinese shamanism are insufficient* One can s till, however, study the legends and myths which reflect the religious beliefs and rituals of ancient times* Admittedly, for more than two m illenia Chinese mythology has been submerged in a sea of incomprehension* Some myths have been rationally and expediently expia:' ,d, resulting in distortion of the true picture * One example of the rationalization of ancient myths is the explanation, allegedly given by Confucius (551-479 B*C*), of the legend of the "one-legged" musician, K'uei (K'uei i ifiji ^ /< ) * According to this explanation, i. tsu means "one would be enough," which is obviously too superficial and simplistic*^ The hidden meaning of such a myth, which is vital to our understanding of Chinese antiquity, has not been seriously 3 searched for* Many myths have likewise been considered as fables or, at most, allegories*

During recent decades, as a result of the impact of the West, Chinese scholars, such as Shen Yen-ping : better known as Mao-tun ,° Cheng Chen-to ^'p and Wen I-to f^j ^ have endeavored to study Chinese mythology* Unfortunately, they lack sufficient knowledge of "primitive" society and religion, so they fail to give full explanations of the myths they have chosen to study* On the other hand, some scholars in the field of anthropo­ logy- have also tried their hand at unravelling the mystery of ancient Chinese myths, yet most of them use totenism to explain the myths* Of course, one cannot discredit their efforts, but one should keep in mind what 1* E* Faraell says, "No great results are likely to be reached by the application of a single idea or a single method*"^

Apart from the lack of sufficient knowledge of "primitive" society and religion, and the emphasis on one single method mentioned above, there are s till at least two other factors which have contributed to the limited develop­ ment of the study of ancient Chinese mythology* The first is the withdrawal of this study into self-imposed isolation* Many scholars use only Chinese m aterials in their study * Since many myths have been lost or distorted, as stated 4 above 1 it is difficult to have a full understanding of or to reconstruct- fros the fragmentary Information the mystery of antiquity without making references to the mythologies of other places» The second is the "antiquity-doubting" attitude of some of the Chinese scholars » As this attitude is s till maintained by some scholars-it deserves further discussion »

The "antiquity-doubting" attitude was popular in th e 1930 's among the Chinese scholars who» influenced by the philosophy of pragmatism imported from the United States by Hu Shih (A»D. 1891-19&2), tried to prove that the history of ancient China was nothing but a mirage—a re­ flection of the minds of some Confucian or non-Confucian scholars in the past who wanted to paint their own picture of ancient China» Although these skeptics might have been successful in discerning the mirage » they failed to under­ stand how the mirage was formed» owing to their lack of sympathy and humility» qualities Nora K. Chadwick has sug­ gested are required of scholars in the field of primitive ^ » societies= ' The classic example Is that of Ku Chleh-kang standard-bearer of the "Antiquity-doubting" School, who has deduced from the legends of Yu the con­ clusion that Yu was but a reptile » Even if his conclusion were correct, he s till fails to uni*avel the significance of the apotheosis of such a reptile* Rather than trying to 5 understand ancient Chinese society, these skeptics aim to caricature it in order to show that ancient Chinese civil- ization was merely a farce. I cannot agree with these skeptics, not because I try to glorify the past, but be­ cause I want to reveal the true historical picture of the p a st*

In this connection, it is perhaps relevant to discuss the propriety of the "antiquity-doubting" attitude in the study of the prehistory and protohistory of China* According to Hu Shih, it is better to be overly skeptical than to be credulous*^^ He summed up his methodology in his famous slogan, "to hypothesize boldly, and to prove carefullyThis attitude which was adopted by scholars of the "Antiquity-doubting" School may be considered the continuation of the "history-conscloueness" of traditional Chinese scholarship* Their discussions of ancient Chinese Bwthology are confined to the historical context, totally ignoring the socio-religious significance of the myths* In reconstructing the true history of ancient China, they have discredited a ll the myths, which, in their opinion, are nothing but "fiction" and "imagination*"^^ Apparently, what they mean by "history" is "the written record of the past*" According to this narrow view, the prehistory of China consists only of a few reports from the archeological finds* It is amazing that these Western-trained scholars 6 still cling to this narrow definition of "history*" In facts mythology, like Pandora's box, attracts scholars of various disciplines^^ but in China, this study has not developed very well in the "antiquity-doubting" atmosphere

The methodology of this school is not beyond dis­ pute = For example, in proving that Yu was a reptile, Ku Chieh-kang and others are inclined to think that the myths about Yu are forgeries of later times, and thus unbelieva­ ble* They base their assertion entirely on the graphic form of the character yü and its definition in Hsu Shen's

T f '[-$ (A*D* 30- 124) Shuo sia chieh iaiL ^ ^^ This method has been reproved by L* R* Farne11, because it throws darkness, not light, on the development of the myth*^^ Hargrave Jennings likewise points out that the majority of modern practical philosophers argue "from below to above, and not, in the higher way, from above to below, or . * * from generals to particulars, or from the light of inspiration into the sagacities of darkness, as we may call unassisted world's knowledge—always vain * David Sidney also says, "Myth is beyond truth and falsity *" "The effectiveness ef myth depends in large measure upon ignor­ ance or unconsciousness of its actual motivation* That is why myth tends to recede before the advance of reason and self-conscious reflection*"^^ The Chinese skeptics notice the "humanisation" of Yu, and the excrescence and accretion 7 of the simple myths of earlier dates, but they ignore the significance of these myths in the "primitive" society, a significance which Sir James îVazer, Mircea Sliade and many others have diligently searched for and expounded. The skeptics think that myths are made to glorify the p^t* The shortcoming of their methodology is that they rely too much on the Confucian Classics as evidence* These Classics were probably w ritten and compiled in the Late Chou period* Because of the rational attitude of the Chou people, almost all the mythological and supernatural elements in the stories were expurgated* How can we expect to find in these books the myths current among the Shang people, who were very religious? Modern ethnological researches have proved that oral transmission of the myths of a people can go on from generation to generation, especially when the myths have been combined with rituals* As to the question of forgery, L* R* Fam ell says that no one would maintain that any particular myth gives us veracious history» and that what is important to maintain is that certain complex myths of the historic type could not be invented de aihilo* Hence, the methodology of this school is in- applicable* Furthermore, as T'ung Shu-yeh ^ "W and Kao Hing r% j have contended, Hu's methodology is not commendable * "To hypothesize boldly" means that he does not have the prima facie evidence to establish a case, and "to prove carefully" often results in subjective selection 8 of evidence

An objective historian should be neither overly skeptical nor credulous* It seems that a comparative study of Chinese and non-Chinese mythology might possibly increase our understanding of Chinese antiquity* It would be hazard­ ous, however, to identify some Chinese mythic hero with so- and-so in non-Chinese mythology, as Su Hsueh-lin W 'W tries to do,^^ in the absence of substantial evidence prov­ ing that cultural intercourse between China and other old civilizations existed before the Chan-kuo period* For instance, if we learn that in the mythology of an African tribe, the four directions are represented by the colors, green, red, white and black,we cannot really say that this representation is influenced by the Chinese ’’wu-hsing 3- " ("five elements") theory, or vice versa » Yet, in her study of the Ch'u tz'u. Su, who is prepossessed by the theory of the We-tern origin of Chinese civilization, or the monism of the origin of world civilization, makes the mythology of ancient South China a confluence of Indie, Greek and Semitic mythologies* In formulating her thesis, she has taken for granted many things which we are in no position to assume*

A study of the stories about K'uei reveals how people in ancient China translated ^^elity into myths on the 9 one hand, and how scholars in later ages stripped them of any mythical color in order to rationalize them on the other* The rationalization distorted the true picture of history* This is because, in the first place, those schol­ ars tried to fit their interpretations into the framework of their own society, which was built on the ethics of Confucianism and gave little room for imagination, and, secondly, they tried to describe the past as the golden age, on account of what Mircea Eliade calls "the nostalgia for the lost paradise*" The discussion of the K’uei myth in the following pages serves to illustrate that studying Chinese mythology through the perspective of primitive religion w ill enable us to penetrate the mist which en­ shrouds the ultimate truth, and apprehend ancient people's beliefs concerning the universe, as they understood it*

According to the Shu ching (Book of Docu­ ments), K'uei was the m inister of the Music Bureau under the reign of Shun ^ *^^ Shun asked K'uei to teach the princes to be upright but mild, magnanimous but cautious, forceful but kind, and unceremonious but modest, and told him to play music harmoniously in order to build a peaceful relationship between spirits and men* Moreover, whenever 28 K'uei struck the stone* all the animals would dance* In this anecdote, there is nothing strange, besides some hyper­ bolic description of the unsurpassed ability of K'uei* 10 This is to be expected, because this story was rationalized by many a scholar during the period of transmission» The theory of the function of music, as postulated in this story, is typically Confucian» Although the Shu ching is free from any mythological element, we cannot take the above episode as a historical fact»

The musician’s name is the same as the name of a one-legged animal, which, according to the Chuang tzu ^ , lived in the mountainThe expression "K*uei i. tsu ." which has been coined according to the myth that K’uei had only one leg, is explained in the Ija. shih ch’un-ch’iu % ^ as "A single /person as able 3 .s J K’uei is suffi­ cient,"^^ or in the Han Fei tzu ^ as "It would be sufficient for K’uei to have a single virtue, namely, faith­ fulness»"^^ Wang Ch’ung ^ (A.D. 2?-91 ) also contends that the story of the one-legged K’uei is a fiction, because if K’uei had had only one leg, he would not, and should not, %2 have served in the royal court»*^ Wang’s contention exem­ plifies the rational attitude of traditional Chinese schol­ ars toward mythology = Because of their lack of interest, there had not been any other explanation given rn til the recent years » Carl Hentse was perhaps the first to offer a new interpretation- He maintains that K’uei’s wife, the Dark Wife (Esuan ch’i represents the new moon or the dark side of the moon and K’uei, the waning moon»^^ 11 Later* Yaag K’uan ^ in his "Preface" to the 7th Volnme of the Ku-shih -pien asserts that K'uei 55 was the personification of a mythic animal* Another explanation» offered by Bernhard Karlgren» is that it was "the popular imagination of Chou time C sicj” that "made him into a magi.cal figure with 'one foot*'"^^ The fourth ex­ planation» suggested by T'ien Ch'ien-chun 12? » is that perhaps in ancient times the monkey (since the charac­ ter k'uei is similar in form to the character yu » mon­ key) was the symbol of wisdom and that perhaps for this reason he was called k'uei to symbolize his unusual ability in music *^^

All four of these theses are far from satisfactory* Hentze's theory is subjective, because K 'uei's wife does not have to represent anything and K 'uei's single foot is capa­ ble of other interpretations » as we shall see later* Yang's explanation» like Ku Ghieh-keng's theory of the origin of YÜ» does not reveal the reasons behind the personification of the aniTTifll k'uei* As to Karlgren's theory, we do not know what roused the public imagination* And I think that T'ien has gone too far into pictograph-anaiysis and forgot­ ten to tackle the "i tsu" problem *

As we cannot agree with the above-mentioned explan­ ations, a new interpretation is in order* According to the 12 Shang oracular inscriptions» K'uei might be one of the ancestors of the Shang people-"''^ Although there is no way to know whether there is any connection between him and the Minister of Music* it is clear that the Minister was not an animal- In studying ancient myths» we should not try to rationalize them with the mentality of a modern man- We should, instead, try to understand the "collective thinking" of ancient people through them- In K’uei's case, the "i. tsu" problem is not so simple as some people would believe* It embodies an important feature in the life of ancient people- In archaic Chinese, the word kung can mean %Q shaman or m usician-^ Thus K'uei, being a great musician, might also be a shaman- Moreover, in the îia shih eh'un- ch'iu Shun appointed K'uei as a court musician on the re­ commendation of Ch'ung ^ end Li who- according to the Kuo ya, » are the intermediaries between the spiritual and the human world, or, simply, shamansFrom their relationship with K'uei, we may infer that K'uei was also a shaman «

As a shaman usually dances during a religious cere­ mony, we may assume that the qualifier, "one-legged," refers to dancing- In the ^ yen , Yang Hsiung (55 B-C—A-D. 18 ) says that the footwork, of the shaman is the legacy of Yu-^^ The uniqueness of Yu's footwork lies in the fact that Yu hopped, rather than walked-Yu may have 13 hopped in order to im itate the bird’s way of walking. In ancient China the snn was symbolized by the bird, and was worshipped by the Shang people-Therefore, i t was natural for a shaman to imitate the bird on the occasion of a religious ceremony. When the shaman is transported from reality into the realm of religious fantasy, he becomes a bird.^G Unfortunately, we do not know if Yu ever im ita te d the bird; yet the following legends provide us sufficient ground to suspect that Yii, the legendary founder of the Hsia I^asty , might have assumed the bird form: (l) Yii had a long neck and a bird's b e a k ; (2) Some b ir d s h e lp e d Yii farm his land.^^ In fact. Shun also appeared in bird form. He has been identified with Chiin ^ who, according to •* -h Yuan K'o ^ , is a strange animal with a bird’s head, two horns, a monkey's body, and a single leg. This animal CQ always holds a staff, bends his back, and lim psM ore­ over, he is the only friend of the five-colored bird (i.e. the phoenix), who takes charge of /the ceremonies a%/ his two a lta rs.T h e Lü shih ch’un-ch'iu also tells us that Emperor K’u , who is identified with Shun,^^ orders •phoenixes and heavenly pheasants to dance- 33 From these examples we can assert that the Yu step, which fs in imita­ tion of the bird walk, means a dancing step and that the shaman-dancer may put on a bird costume-

It is of interest to note that in Siberia, one of 14 the shaman’s accessories Is a one-legged Bucu* Obviously, this serves as an aid in his ascension to H eavenFur­ thermore, among the three principal kinds of costumes (bird, reindeer, and bear) used by the shaman to provide him with a new body with magic power, the bird costume is more commonly used in North Asia* Mircea Eliade sums up the ethnographic accounts, given by many scholars, as follows: The Altaic shaman puts on bird-like costume; the Manchu shaman has his headdress made with feathers to im itate the bird;- the Mongol shaman has wings on his shoulders so as to be transformed into a bird; and the boot of a Tungus shaman is an imitation of the leg of a bird* The main function of the ornithomorphosis is to facilitate the shaman in his spiritual flight to Heaven

We should not feel it strange that the shaman hops* Ancient Jewish people and the aborigines in New Guinnea also performed a limping dance* The following quotations are given as illustrations:

/In the Old '’’estam en^ there was a peculiar kind of limping dance performed, as it would appear, or. special occasions by the prophets of Baal* This began with a limping step round the altar as though the performers were lame, but soon de­ veloped into a wild jumping about on the altar, and culminated in self-laceration with knives and th e l ik e *57 In New Guinnea the Elema-maskers "hop about as is eharacteristle of gods;" it is proof of their di­ vine nature .that they do not walk og the soles of their feet as do ordinary m o r t a l s *58 15 Daring a religious ceremony, a shaman usually has to perform some kind of dance The close connection between shamanizing and daaciag has been pointed out 1;^ L. V. ^pkins^® and Fukino Yasushi &3wever> because of their rational attitude» the Chou people per­ formed the bird dance (or pheasant dance) only for enter­ tainment*^^

The assertion that S 'u e ii^ a shaman can further be substantiated by the following quotation from the Shan hal

In the East Sea there stands the Flowing Wave Mountain, which is 7,000 ^ from land. There­ upon exists a hornless, one-legged animal, in the shape of a bull, with a black body. When it goes into and out of the water, there must be storm. Its brightness is like the sun and the moon. Its sound is like thunders. Its name is k'uei. When the Yellow Ebperor captures it, he uses Its hide to make a drum, which he beats with the bones of the thunder-animal* The sound /of the drum/ is heard within 500 Ü» and it overawes the world.o5

The drum is an important part of the shaman's paraphernalia - V* M. M ilkhailovskii remarks that the most important appur­ tenances of the shaaanistic profession are the tambourine and drum-stick, and the various parts of the shaman dress, and that besides its power in calling up spirits, the tam­ bourine has the miraculous power of carrying the shaman

In the "Chiu ko," which is generally recognized as 16 a group of shamanistlc songs, we find the following lines-

Raise the drumsticks and beat the drums- ("'fung- huang t ‘ a i - i ^ K — * " 1 » 9 • ) At the conclusion of the rites, the drums roll- (”Li hun 1- 1.)

These two lines are quoted from the first and last poems of this group respectively- They indicate that the sacri­ ficial ceremony was opened and closed with the rolling sound of the shaman's drum- In Chou times, the drum was frequently used in rites and rituals- The following exam­ ples are taken from the Shih ching -Tf --x (Book Odes) • (l) During the sacrifice to the ancestor, the drum, to­ gether with the bell, was sounded when the ghlk T (" th e 'incarnation' of the dead") entered and left the hall- (2) A drum was beaten during the sacrifice to the vegetation god to pray for rain- (5) The drv -as also used in the aristocrats' feastsAs to the ^c*er of the drum. I- M- Gasanowiez comments,

without which /the drum/ his /the shaman's/ conjurations have no force and his soothsaying is without validity- The mighty sounds of the magic drum penetrate into the world of spirits, causing them to submit to his w ill- Besides its power to call up and gather into it the spiritis, it serves the shaman as a vehicle in his flight to heaven or in descending into the dark realm of Erlik-66

Frank G- Speck also points out that the Penoscot shaman is denoted by the term m adel'olinu, which means "drum-sound 17 p ersonIn Siberia, the drum is also a symbol of the universe» Although little is knoTm about the use of the drum in the shaaanistic practices of ancient China, the important part played by it in music is recognized by Wang Ch'ung, who says, "/The sound o t / the drum does not fit into a r without /the sound o f/ the drum »

According to Chang Hua's ^ (A»D. 232-300) ^ wu c h ih ^ ^ and Ko Hung's ^ (A»D. 284-363) Pao-n'u- tz u ^ , K'uei locked like a drum (kü. ) »^^ Marcel Granet remarks, "Faut-il s'étonner si, lorsque le Chan hai king décrit K'ouei, il donne à ce musicien l'aspect d'une forge?"^^ If we take the meaning of the word k21 as "a 72 bellow which is used in metallurgy," we can assume that K'uei is a smith» This assumption is based on the follow-

(1) Eephaistos, the Greek celestial smith, was also one-legged' Moreover, "the Toradja's of Celebes has a subterranean smith-god, called Langkoda ('the lame ' ) • Even in Japanese folklore the first smith was also a one- 75 legged and one-eyed monster» ^ (2) As A. Popov points out, the Yakuts believe that shamans are introduced into the world by the blacksmith Mircea Eliade elaborates this point further» He asserts that there probably existed in ancient times an intimate 18 relation among the blacksmith*s art, the occult sciences (shamanism, magic, healing, etc.) and the arts of song, 77 dance, and poetry, (3) Although we cannot accept Kato Joken's thesis that every ancient Chinese shaman was either a dwarf 78 Or"a hunchback, we s till cannot ignore the examples he cites. Indeed the combination smith-dwarf is known in many 79 countries.^ In spite of the fact that we do not know whether K*uei was a dwsirf or not, the following inter-rela­ tionships seem to indicate that the professions of shamanism and smithery are of the same origin. shaman

Of course, the above interpretations of the K'uei Q p myth are by no means definitive. “ Yet, they can at least restore the poignancy of ancient myths and help us under­ stand certain aspects of life in a primitive society.

It is worthy of note that there is a silk painting S ' ' J ^ of the Late Chou period from Changsha in the ancient 19 Ch'u area» In this painting# a woman is standing, and a phoenix is hovering over her head* By the side of the bird, there is a one-legged reptile* Liang Ssu-yung 4^’ and Kuo Mo-jo Identify the reptile with k'uei, and they offer the following explanation of the meaning of this painting* the phoenix symbolizes "life" and k' ^ "death," and it is "life" which gains the upper hand over "death" in the struggle*^^ As to the bird-reptile struggle, W* Deonna points out that the association of the bird of prey with the reptile is instinctive and universal*^^ Because of its universality, the association of bird and dragon is capable of many interpretations, as Mircea Eliade s u g g e s t s I think, however, that the theory of Liang and Kuo goes a little too far* The dichotomies of "light" and or "dark," "good" and "evil," and the like are ever present* The subdual of one by the other is within the realm of pro­ phecy, but outside of common religious belief* For example, in ancient Egypt people believed that sunrise and sunset illustrated their conception of the "recurring cycle of 87 descent into death for the reascent into renewed life*” ' Another example is found in ancient Mexico where people thought that the burning water represented the union of 88 water and fire* At this juncture, I may venture an ex­ planation of the Changsha painting* I would say that the woman is a shamaness, and the phoenix is her vehicle to the other world, while the reptile, k'uei, represents the drum, 20 which is used in sacrificial ceremony. Or perhaps the reptile, like the snake, represents water or rain,^^ and the phoenix, the sun*^^ I think the painting tries to con­ vey the idea that the shaman has the magic power to control the weather, on which primitive agriculture largely depends■

The discussion above approaches the topic through a study of shamanism and rituals* This is largely because the ritualistic approach to the study of mythology is preva­ lent and influential in Western academic circles* Secondly, since the Ch'u ta'u is profoundly influenced by ancient shamanism, it would be appropriate for us to use this approach to study the present topic* Thirdly, as all the mythic heroes are of pre-Chou times, no perspective is more fitting than the present one of primitive religion, for the Shang people were known to be religious, or, if you wish, superstitious *

Finally, we should discuss briefly the sources we are using* Bernhard Earlgren classifies the sources into three categories: (1) Free texts of the Pre-Han era, which, he thinks, give first-hand information su passantî (2) Systematizing and Early Han texts, which "present the endeavours of the Confucian school to determine what the beliefs and rites should properly be, according to the 21 philosophy and principle of the jji scholars» *' and (3) Eastern Han and later documents» which contain "scholarly reconstruction, not documentation of early hap­ penings, beliefs and cults His classification and discreet use of these sources surely eliminate errors and avoid risking any hypothesis- but the results leave much to be desired. Admittedly, when we study ancient Chinese mythology, we sometimes fall into the realm of speculation* But, unless we risk an hypothesis, we shall only be able to obtain some fragmentary informa­ tion, which w ill not help us very much in understanding Chinese antiquity. For this very reason, the myths in Karlgren's article are insipid and uninteresting* A schol­ ar of Chinese mythology should exercise his judgment when gleaning information from various texts* Besides, as has been pointed out before, myths cannot be invented; we can­ not say that the myths in the wel-shu (the apocryphal books) are not as valuable and reliable as those in the free texts of the Pre-Han era* How do we know that the authors or the compilers of the "free texts" had not al­ tered or added some elements to the "original" myths? Sow do we knew that during the long period of transaission, these texts had not been redacted? How can we be sure that the myths and cults had not been deliberately nation­ alized to elucidate some moral or political theme? Take the example of K*uei again * Can we say that what is 22 said in the Shu chine about- him is absolutely true? Are the functions of music, given in that same book, not postu­ lated in accordance with Confucian ethics? As for the myths and cults recorded in the later texts, how do we know that they were not written down according to the old oral qp tradition? Would it not be arbitrary to pre-judge the information in the later texts as conjectural or fictitious, without making any comparison and doing some research? For sim ilar reasons Wolfram Eberhard, Chang Kuang-chih and Ogawa Tamaki disagree with Earlgren

The following example seems to justify our disagree­ ment» Although the information that the people of Kirgiz called the shaman kan was recorded in the Esin T'ane shu ^ (N§2L History the T*ang Dynasty), compiled in the 11th century, we can s till use it to prove that the minister Kan P'an ^ in the Shang Dynasty and the astro­ loger Kan in the Chan-kuo period were shamansOne o f the variants of gag., hammon. also sheds some light on the enigma of P’eng Hsien )^' If we had discredited this information because of its anachronisms, we could not have solved part of the mystery which enshrouds Chinese antiquity- Therefore, I do not believe that only the early texts are trustworthy and the later texts are always unreliable* In fact, in the course of my study, I have found that much information from the later texts complements that found in 23 the early texts- For this reason I am convinced that ignoring Karlgren's classification w ill do more good than harm in my research and interpretation♦

To sum ups I am going to study some Ch'u tz'u poems and the problems which are related to them with the insight gained from a knowledge of shamanism - As there is little direct information about shamanism in ancient China» I w ill have to use ancient Chinese myths and legends as my prime sources- To prove that these myths and legends are associated with shamanism I shall compare them with the shamanistic practices of other societies? By this compara­ tive study I hope to prove my assertion- In passing, I may point out that many Chinese and Japanese scholars have done much research in the field of Chinese mythology- If most Chinese scholars had not been obsessed with totemism and most Japanese scholars had not been too fond of the philo­ logical approach, their achievements would have been much greater than they actually are-

When I use the comparative method, I am not unaware of the fact that in the West there are different schools of thought regarding the study of mythology- Though the debate over methodology is outside my immediate concern, yet, in order to avoid making mistakes, I am very cautious when I use these scholars' materials and the interpretations of 24 them in their works-

In the following chapters I shall present the result of my research, which I hope w ill give the reader a deeper knowledge of shamanism in ancient China, and a new interpretation of the biography of Ch'u Yuan^^ (339?- 280 ? B-C-) and of some of the Ch'u tz'u poems - 25 NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

^Wang I , Saisi iz ia . (Wan-yu w en-k'a ^ ^ x ed .; ShanghaiÎ Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan * 1957), p- 2 4 . 2 Fujino Iwatomo, jnkei bhng^'ks. zaa (rev* ed*; Tokyo: Daigaku shobo , 1969) • ^Arthur Waley, The Nine Songs: A Stndv of Shamaniew in Ancient China (London: George Allen and Unwin» 1955). ^David Hawkes, Ch'n Tz'%: The Songs of the South (London: Oxford University Press» 1959), p* 21?. ^See infra, pp. 9-18. *^His work (published in 1929 under the name of Esuan-chu ) is entitled Chung-kuo shen-hua ven-chiu ABC

r?a~çbjm 7 '^His work was^published posthumously under the title T'ang tao p’ien %p (Shanghai: Ku-tien wen-hsueh oh 'u- pan-she )^^±., 1957 ; • o His articles on Chinese^mythology are collected in the first^volume of W|a I-to ch'uan-chi M - ^ (here­ after Ch'uan-chi) (Shanghai: E’ai-ming savi-tten m ^ , 1948 ). /L . R. Parnell, Greek Hero Cult anl Ideas sf Immor­ tality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921), p. p2. ‘^See,^for example, Ch'ü Wan-lijS ^ ^ , Shu-vung iua hsueh chi ^ (Taipei: K’ai-ming shu-tien, 1969 ; , PP• 362- 8 2 . '^Nora K. Chadwick, Poetry and Pronhecv (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1942), pp. x ii-x iii. '1%:u Chieh-kangs "Yü Ch’ien Hsuan-t’ung hsien-sheng lun ku-shih shu -é " Ku-shih pien -è Vol. I (reprint of 1926 ed.; Hong Kong: T'ai-p'ing shu-'cnii 1962), p. 63'

-^Laurence A. Schneider remarks in his book, gn and Chinese Bag. History: Nftti.9Bflliga Sfid Quest for Alternative Traditions (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 2 6 and London: University of California Press, 1971), "Ku’s historiography ultimately tended to discourage the investi­ gation of social structures via the study of the beliefs. • • • Ku took attention away from those primor­ dial, formative stages of Chinese civilization which were, for a time, of fundamental interest to the Social Historians (p* 255)*" Moreover, Hu Shih has advocated the Idea of "wholesale westernization;" perhaps, because of this idea, he is enthusiastic in denying the Chinese ancient civiliza­ tion? see Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Cam­ bridge: Harvard University Press, 196 O ), p» 352* ^^See Hu Shih's remark on Eu’s "Fu ^ chin wei shu Sl&g. pa K u -sh ih n ie n . I , 12- ^^This slogan is so famous that Arthur W. Hummel also mentions it in his review article, "What Chinese H istorians Are Doing Their Own H istory, " Asjencan H isrorical Beview 3k:h (July, 1929), p- 717* '^For various interpretations of ’’mythology," see Joseph Campbell, The Hero with & Thousand Faces (New York: Meridian Books, 1956), p* 582. ^^In his introduction to the Studies an Mythology pomewood, Illinois: Dorsey Press, 1968 ), Hebert A. Georges remarks, "H istorically, the study of mythology has been a continuous search for and inquiry into the nature of an entity, on the one hand, and an attempt to formulate and communicate a concept, on the other* Anthropologists, folk­ lorists, and linguists have recorded myth texts from peoples of diverse cultures and have scrutinized these texts in order to discern their intrinsic characteristics and social significance; and philosophers, theologians, and psycho­ logists have examined mythological concepts for clues to the human values and universal truths presumed to be inherent in them. The study of mythology has thus been a quest for not one, but many different things at different times (p. 1)*" ^^Hsu Shen, Shuo wen chieh tzu (3PTK ed.), 1 4 . 4a . R. Farnell, "The Value and the Methods of Myth­ ologie Study," Proceedings fii the B ritish Academy 1919^20, p . 41 • ^’^Hargrave Jennings, Rosicruclans: Their Rites and Mysteries (6th ed*? London: George Routledge; New York: E* p. Dutton, n*d.), p. 230. David Sidney, "Myth, Symbolism, and Truth," Myth: A SvanoBium, ed* Thomas A* Sebeok (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958), p* l2* E. 0. James has a sim ilar 2 7 idea; see Mxtli an! 81^3^ Î&. Ancient Near Sast (London- Thames and Hudson» 1958/» p= 309* ^^L' S« Farn*Farnell; "The Value and Methods of Mytho- lo g ic S tu d y ,” p* 4 9 .

-i ’shih hsueh' ______Che Ü: t # 1955) no* 3 (May), pp. 25“3^î Kao Eeng, "P’i-p ’an Hu Shih te k'ao-chu fang-fa ,«» ibid., pp. 33-38- See a^ so Ghien Po-ts^ V * C-hung-ku;-shih lun c h i (f: # (Shanghai: Wen-feng ch’u-pan-she < 1947)) I) 21-34- ^For Hu’s approach to Chinese history, see Irene Eber, "Hu Shih and Chinese History* The Problem of Cheng-li kuo-ku,” Monumenta Serlca 27 (1968), pp. 169-207- ^^Her method of identification is very wild* For instance, she identifies the Honored Dead with Ganeéa, the Indian god with an elephant head, and Shan-kuei ^ with Dionysus* In the former case, we cannot find any evidence to support her theory* The decapitated Honored Dead did not even have a new head. As for the latter case, could we not identify Shan-kuei with Pan, the god of forests and woods, of flocks and shepherds, or, better s till, with the Minoan Mother, as seen in the seal-impressions? Accord­ ing to E* 0* James’ description, "the Minoan Mother stands ’on a h ill in her* founcsd skirt, holding a sceptre or lance, and flanked by guardian lions, near a pillar shrine with horns of consecration*' * * * she is * * * the Earth-goddess in a ll her majestic strength and power with a male worship­ per in a state of ecstasy before her» or with a youthful male god in process of descending from the skyi evidently in a completely subordinate status» and doubtless for the pur­ pose of fertilizing her as Mother-earth *” See The Cult of the Mother-Goddees (London: Thames and Hudson, 1959), p* 2 5 0 * Joseph Campbell, Hggç with & Thousand Faces* p p . 4 4 -4 5 -

^^In Liu Hsiang’s Shuo yuantâ ji^j (SP93C e d * ), K’uei was a minister in the reign of Yao see 1 * 6b* ^•^Shu ehlng (SPTK ed*), 1 *11a-b, and 2.12b* For English translation, see Bernhard Karlgren, "The Book of Documents.” BMFBA 22 (1950), ?P- 7 and 12* ^^Ohuang tzu (SPTK ed*), 6*21b, and 7-9a* For English translation, see Burton Watson, The. Complete Works 28

of Chiiang Tzk (New York and London: Columbia University P r e s s . 1968)5 PP* 183 and 203* ^^In the ÏÜ shih ch*un-ch»iu the explanation is this: "In olden days» when Shun wanted to teach music to the world /i*e* the people/» he ordered Ch'ungand L i : ^ (or Ch'ung Li) to recommend /someone to do this job» and they recommended/ n'uei» /and by so doing they relieved K 'uei/ from his humble livelihood /and put h i^ in the court of Shun* who made him the M inister of Music Bureau. K'uei then standardized the sis tones and harmonised the five notes so as to emulate the eight winds* As a result» the whole world was pacified* Ch'ung and Li again wanted to look for more such talented men» but Shun /stopped them and/ said» 'As music is the quintessence of heaven and earth» and the regulator of loss and gain /of the public support» so none but the sage can harmonize music, because harmony is the basis of music* Now» since K'uei can har­ monize it to the effect that the world is pacified, only one man like K'uei w ill be sufficient /bo do the job/*'" See Y^ Chung-jung shih ch'un-ch'iu ch^ao shih g" iib (Taipei: Ghung-hua ts'ung-shu wei-yuan-hui f 1958 )» p* 3 0 * For the discussion of the myth of %inung and Li» see Derk Bodde» "Myths of Ancient China," Mythologies fii Ancient World» ed* Samuel Noah Kramer (Garden City: Doubleday & Co*» 1961), pp* 389-94* ^'In the Fei tzu (SPTK ed*)» it is said: "In spite of the fact that people do not like K'uei, because it is impetuous and evil-minded, people think that its only virtue, faith /in keeping its promise/» is sufficient /to offset its weaknes^ <12-4a) *" For English translation, see W. K* Liao* The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu (London: Arthur Probsthain, 19395» II» 71 * ^^Wang Hui Z » Lun hang chjao shih Si wen-k'u hulISO. ^ ed')» P* 186* For English translation, see Alfred Forks, Lun Heng: Philosophical Essays Wang Ch'ung (2nd ed*; New York: Paragon Book Gallery, 19^» II, 2 5 8 * , _ ^^The story of K'uei's wife is seen in the Tso chuar ^"if* It says that K'uei, the Minister of Music, marries the dau^ter of the Yu-jeng Clan » whose hair is so b^ck and beautiful that it can /be used to/ reflect images /like a mirror/» and that they later give birth to Po-feng who having a hog's heart which is full of such foibles as insatiable avarice and easily-triggered anger, is called the great hog*" See "Chao-kung 6-g Ÿ »" 28th year, 26*5a* For English translation, see James Legge, The Chinese Cleeeics (reprint; Hong Kong: Hong Kong university iress. 29 I960), V, 726-27- '^Carl Hentze, symboles Itmalres (Anvers: Editions "de Slkkel," 1952), p- 186- Tu Bfh-wei thinks that the legend of K'uei evolved from the myth of the moon-goddess or the thunder god; see Fêng lin kuei lusg k'ao Shik ^ (Taipei: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1966), p ♦ 128 « ^%ang K'uan, "Yang hsu Ku-shih pien. Vol» VII (reprint of 1941 ed.; Hong Kong: T'ai-p'ing shu-chu, 196 ^ ) , 1 , p . 7 . ^%ernhard Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient C h in a," BMFEA I 8 (1946), p* 258- ^^T'ien Ch'ien-chun, "Shih k'uei Chung-kuo w en-tzu 16 (Dec.; 1965)# uo pagination* This article is deluded in her Skffig-kftO wen-tzu ts'ung sMk t ^ 3^ (Taipei: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1968) » ^^See Ch'u Wan-li, Shu yung lun hsueh chi, p. 36- ^^See Juan Yuan , Chine chi tsuan ku (reiarint; 3rd ed.; Taipei: Shih-chieh shu-chu -t*" é ^ , 1969 ), l»10h-c. ' ^^See note 30 above * 4^Kuo yü (SPTK ed.), "Ch'u yu " hsia 1^ , I8*2b. In the Tso chuan, the people of Ch'u rebuked the descendants of K'uei, because they did not offer sacrifice to Chu Jung ^■%,^and Yu Hsiung see "Esi-kung 26th year, 6 . 18 a; Legge, The Chinese Classics, V, I 9 9 . ^%ang Hsiung, Fa yen (SPPY ed » ), 1Q .Jb; see also Shih tzu f 5- (SPPY ed.TT A-l 6b; Hsi^Tsung-yuan ^ , Ti vang S{}ih-chi chi ts'un ,% i tî,|| (Peking: Chung-hua sh u -ch ü 4^ ^ ^ , 1964 ) , 'pp. 49 ana 5 0 » . ^^Liang Ch ' i -hsiung ^ ^ # Hsun tzu chien shih *a 4 % ff (Wan-yu wen-k'u kyi yafi. ed.), p. 4 7 . For E n g lish ' translation, see Homer H* Dubs, The Works of Hsuntze (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1928), p* 70* ^Edward H* Schafer asserts that the step of Yu "sug­ gests a ritual sacrifice of the king-shaman for his people, resulting in his lameness or emaciation, his crookedness of back as complement to his crookedness of speech»" See "Ritual Exposure in Ancient China," HJAS I 4 (195t)> P* I 6I • However, Marcel Cranet suggests, "Le Pas de Yu fut, peut- 30 être, une danse animales." See Danses s t légendes de la ünine ancienne (Paris: Libraire Feliz Aiean» 1926), p- 5^0, note 3 • Uchida Michio <57 ^ also suggests that the "Yu step" is an im itation of the meveaent of a snake; see "Chugoka kososetsu no tenkai /f grf," Bun^ i.'ic. 23:4 (Winter, 1961), p= 9* -See Ch-en Ping-iiang &, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shen-hua hsin shih liang tse CHHP n * s . 7*2 (Aug"-*, 1969 )* pp. 206-32* In Greek mythology, Apollo is also associated with the crow; see Hebert Graves, The Greek Myths (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1955)» I» 38, 8 2, 174* and 194* In Japan, the shaman is also called hafuri #= V , because he flaps the sleeves of his robe as if they were the wings of a bird; see Nakayama Tard K Nihon fu.io shi ff :p ^ -4^-^ (Tokyo: Okayama shoten |YJ<^ ià» 1930)Tp. 261. - ^^Audrey Butt observes, "The shaman's sp irit flies by the wings of the kumalak bird, symbolized by the malik, wiag-üke arm and shoulder ornaments. The tobacco gives these wings. By food restrictions and vomiting tree bark, and so getting thin, the shaman becomes a support, vabong, for the wings, which w ill carry him on his spirit journey." See "To Ifeince Among Bird-W om an," i n S te w a rt Wave11, Audrey Butt, and Ni va Epton, Trances (New York: E* P. Dutton, 1967), P- 58. ^^shih iai, A.16b. ^^Chao Y eh#!,#, El lizeh ch'un-ch'iu (S F ^ ed.), "Yueh-wang Wu-yu wai-chuan % E »" B.Sa* ^%ang Kuo-wei ch;üas-chl ^ - ssu ^ ^ » 1968), II, 393-95 ^Yuan K'o, Chung-kuo ku-tai shen-hua (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1950;, p . 40. Wu C h 'i- ch'ang # also suggests that^the word chun indicates •h'ha'h he» on#» RAf» ”Pi,—•r.9’. • Ti sn VH n IriiTK

^^Ho I-hsing 'srf Bhan hai ching chien shu J-t JiL(hereafterafter Shan hai ching) (SPPY ed *), 14*5&, 16*2b.

3 “ Q oo WaT! £, «rai - W an a* TTiiqti —+• I ar> cr Shang- f ŸC^"20 (Dec., 19 3 6 ), pp. 4 8 8 -8 9 ' 31 ^^Tin Chung-Jung, lâl Shlh ch'un-ch'ïu chlao shih. P" 20.'

^^ing Ling of Ch'u î (r. 54O-329 B-C ) liked to dance in front of an altar, with his hands holding some feathers; see Huan T’an^isf, Hsin lun (SPPI e d .) . p . 22b* For additional information about Huan T'an (24 B-C-- A.D. 56), see T- Pokora, "The Life of Huan T'an," AÔ 51 (1963), PP' 1-79» 321-76' ^^Hno Holmberg remarks, "When a Golds shaman intends to travel to the other world, he must have the assistance of a mystic bird koori and his protecting spirit Bueu* The bird resembles a crane, • • • Bucu is a human-like image with a crooked leg and wings•" See Finno-Ugric Mythology gal (Vol* IV of the Mythology 411 Races, ed* Louis H* Gray /Boston: Marshall Jones Co-, 1916- W T y p , 5 0 9 * ^^Mircea Eliade, chamanisme g±. les techniques archaïques de extase (Paris: Payot, 1931), PP' 149-31' See also Uno Holmberg, The Shaman Costume and Its Signifi- canc^ (Anales U niversitatis Fennicae Aboensis, Series B,

^^W* 0* E* O esterlsy, The Sacred Dance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1925), P' 38* See also Graves, TjiS. Greek Myths, I, 108* ^^Stanley A* Cook, "Evolution of Primitive Thought," Essays and Studies Presented to William Ridgeway, ed- E- C- Quiggin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1914)» P= 3 9 7 .

a ^ _ ^Liu Shih-p ’ si iff , "Wu-fa ch ' iX jU 0 0 VC 0 1 4 0 X1 ev. < x\j (in Liu Shen-shu hsien-sheng 1-shu ^ ^ t '3 ^ /reprint of 1936 ed-; Taipei: Ta-hsin shu-chu ^ , 196^/)» 13'l883c-87c ♦ Lewis Spence also asserts that ritual, dance and myth are really one, and that "they were originally indivisible parts of a single thought-process *" See Myth ^ d Ritual in Dance, Game and Rhyme (London: Watts & Co-, 1947), p* 102- ^^L* C* Hopkins, "The Shaman or Chinese Wu: His Inspired Dancing and V ersatile Character," JRflS 1943» PP* 3“ 16; idem*, "The Shaman or Wu ^ : A Study in Graphic Camou­ flage," The New China Review 2:5 (O ct* , 1920), pp* 423~39' See also Ch'en Wen-po 5C , "Chung-kuo ku-tai t'iao-wu s h ih CHHP 2:1 (J u n e , 1923), PP- 407-48: Chang Chi l|.# , "Wji sa. ch'ien shuo i^-%" Chung-kuo %#&- tz u 1 (Apr*, 1961 ) , no pagination * 32 = , ^^.Fukino Yasushi» ”Obu ai kaasura ichi kosatsu 2-% Kin.10 gakuen kejitani nemao 2 (Dec, I960), p. 59* ^ ^^See^ Shih ching "tliS (SPTK ed.). Poem nos* 38 ("Chien b si'îg S ^ , 2.13a-14a; and 136 ("Wan c h 'iu ^ ü «•), ?.1a-b» For English translation, see Bernhard Karlgren, " The ^ o k sX O des: Kuo fen g and S ia o y a ," rnicjeiâ 16 11944 ) , p p . 183 and 213" ^^Shan h sl ching, 1if.6b-7a. M. M ilkhailovskii, "Shamanism in Siberia and European Russia," (being the second part of Shamanstvo, trans» Oliver Wardrop), JRAI. 24 (1893); P* 7c The drum is also indispensable in Y uka^ir shamanism; see Waldemar Jochelson, The Yukaghir (Vol. XIII of the Memoirs of the Aiaariaan Museum of Natural Kistory /Leiden: E. J. B rill, 19247 ) , p . 193" ^^See Shih ching. Poem nos. 209("Ch'u tz'u ^ ;^"), 13"10a-13a; 211^Fu t'ienifs? "), 1 4 -1a - 2b; 220 ( " ^ chih ch'u yen ^ , 14"10b-13b. See also Karlgren, "The Book of Odes: Euo feng and Siao ya," pp. 246- 4?" 248 , and 231- 3 2 . ^^I. M. Casanowicz, "Shamanism of the Natives of Siberia," Smithsonian Institution—Annual Renort 1924; p . 423" ^^Frank G. Speck, "Penobscot Shamanism," Memoirs of ibS. American ABthTg-gglgKlsal Association 6 (1919), PP- 24O- 41"

68 — _ Ye. 1). rrokofyeva says, "The drum was an indispen­ sable attribute for shamans of all categories. . . . In Enets shamanism the idea of the drum as a symbol of the universe is advanced more clearly. Naming parts of the drum (dra:?ings) 'the edge of the earth' and 'the spine of the earth,' the presence on the drum of the 'sun' and 'moon' and even 'the sky-people,' express this." See "The Costume of an Enets Shaman," Studies in. Siberian Shamanism, ed. Henry N. Michael (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1963), p p . 147- 3 0 . ^%ang Hui, Lun chiao shih, p. 1101; Forke, Lun Heng, II, 135* This is first seen in the Huai-nan tzu niif/TTspgl ed.;, 10.6b. on ' '"Chang Hua, P& 2Ü. chih, quoted in the T 'ai-p'ing vu Ian comp. Li Fang J; ,3^ Sl* (reprint of Sung 33 éd.; Taipei: Hsin-hsing sW-chü $ 4 - ^ 3 1959)» 886- 3852c» also Pal tse t*u » quoted in ibid• » 886'3853b; Ko Hung, Fao-n■ u-tz■ u T s ^ ed.), 17.7a* 71 Granet, Danses g±. légendes âS. lâ Chine ancienne, p . 3 1 3 . 7p —— ' See Juan ïuan, Ching £lii, tsuan ku, 37'485a-b. 7' 5 R. J« Forbes w rites, "He has also much in common with some of the amaereaiths of the legends like Wieland or Vonundr, Mimir, Ilnarinen and many others* Wieland is lamed to keep him, Hephaistos limps like Vulcan* But the Amazones used cripples as leather workers and copper-smiths and many craftsmen are said to be cripple in Antiquity* Just as Jacob is lamed in his struggle with God, Hephaistos is lamed by Zeus. But he is generally represented (if so) as having only one lame foot, though legends say that he is lame on both.” See Metallurgy in Antiquity (Leiden: E* J. B rill, 1950 )» P* 9 1 ' For detail study of Hephaistos, see Marie Delcourt, gêuhaistos fill légende ^ magicien (Paris: Société d*Edition "Les Belles L ettres,"19577* See also Graves, The Greek Myths, I, 88, and 315-16- ^^Forbes, Metallurgy ia Anttcuity, p. 89- ^^Matsumoto Nobuhiro $■'!%. )% , "Japanese Metalworker: A Possible Source for Their Legends," Studies in Jenaneae Folklore» ed. Richard M* Dorson (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1963)» ?* 49- *^^A. Popovi "Consecration Ritual for a Blacksmith N ovice Among th e Y a k u ts," JA il- 46 (1933)? PP- 260-61 * ^^Mircea Eliade, Fn-r-geyons et alchim istes (Paris: Flammarion, 1956), p- 102* ^^atô Joken, "Fushuku ko Tokyo Shina gaku- hâ. 1 (June, 1955 )» pp- 1- 4 8 - 90 -'Forbes, Metallurgy in Antiquity, p* 92* 80 See n o te 31 above *

Forbes, MetallWRT 3JL ABtiflttity, PP* 82-83- See also Sir James G. Frazer, Folklore in. the Old Testament (abridged ed*; New York: Tudor Publishing Co*, 1923), p . 214; idem*. The New Golden Bou^, ed* Theodor H* Gaster (New York: Criterion Books, 1959), P* 56* Moreover, sm ith's power was well respected by the Mongols, and the name Tamudjin (later Genghis Khan) means a smith; see 34 Jean-Paul Boux, "Eléments chamaniquss dans les textes pré- mongols»" Anthronos 53 (1958)» p* 454* go To show t h a t a myth may have d i f f e r e n t I n t e r p r e ­ tation» I quote Jean Herbert's remark on the study of Indian myths: "C'est d’ailleurs une des raisons pour lesquelles leur étude est difficile* Car dans l ’étude d’aucun d’entre eus on ne peut négliger les éclairecissements que fournissent les autres- Or, si chacun des personnages reste toujours rigoureusement cojoséquent avec lui-même, il ne conserve pas une forme et un rôle aussi simples et rigides que ceux que nous attribuons généralement aux dieux de l'Olympe* Le* même dieu ou démon ou héros port parfois plus de m ill noms différents qui désignent presque autant d’aspects particu­ liers de sa nature et de son action et ne sont nullement interchangeables* Inversement» le même nom peut s ’appliquer à dix ou quinze personnages différents, qui exercent alors l ’action correspondants» mais dans des conditions qui ne sont pas identiques*" See L’objet et la méthode des études mythologiques (Derain: Collection "les trois lotus," 1955)» p . 9 .

®^See Kuo Mo-jo, Wên shih. 2S3Bl c h i "K (P eking: Jên-min ch’u-pan-shê x.. ^ 1961 ), pp* 188-98* * Deonna, Dgyx, d& syfflbgüsfflg religieux (Berchem-Bruxelles: Latomus, 1955)» P* 54* ^^Mircea Eliade says, "The battle between the Dra­ gon and the God or solar hero is, as is well-known, an extremely wide-spread motif of mythology, * * * In the form of a duel between the Serpent—the symbol of Darkness— and the Eagle, bird of the Sun, it is to be found throughout central and northern Asia and even in Indonesia* The battle between the Dragon and the God champion is capable of many interpretations*" See Heuhisto-pheles and Androgyne, trans- J* M* Cohen (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), P* 92* Jao Tsung-i/fS, for example, suggests that k’uei is the symbol of exorcism and the phoenix, that of good luck; see "Ching-Ch^’u wen-hua Cbung-vang ven-chiu-vuan Lt-shih y%-yg& yga-chiiL~gQ^fhl-k,?^ fu (hereafter Chi-k’an) 41:2 (June, 1969), P' 281* ^^eraclitus says, "God is day and night, winter and summer, war and peace, satiety and want (Pr* 121 ) *" * Bambova, "The Symbolism of the Papyri," Mytho­ logical Papyri, ed* Alexandre Piankdff (New York: Pantheon Books, 1957 ), P" 49* Henri Frankfort also considers Korus and Beth the mythological symbol for a ll conflict * He says, "Strife is an element in the universe which cannot be 35 ignored; Seth is perennially subdued by Horus but never destroyed* Both Horus and Seth are wounded in the strug­ gle* but in the end there is a reconciliation: the static equilibrium of the cosmos is established* Reconciliation, an unchanging order in which conflicting forces play their allotted part—that is the Egyptian's view of the world and also his conception of the state-" See Kingshin and Integration af Society and nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19^8)» p- 22- OO Laurette Séjourné, Burning Water: 'fhought Religj.on in Ancient Mezico* trans - Irene Nicholson (New York: The Vanguard Press, 1956), pp- 99-110» go See Ernest Ingersoll, Dragons and Dragon Lore (New York: Payson & Clarke, 1928), pp- 74~8?; also Hans Leisegang, "The Mystery of the Serpent," Paners from the Eranos Yearbooks, ed* Joseph Campbell, Vol- II (New York: P antheon B ooks, 1955), PP* 194-260- on For bird^s being the symbol of the sun in Chinese mythology, see Ch'en Ping-liang, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shen-hua hsin shih liang tse," p- 213- Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," pp* 201 and 2 0 3 * 92 Joseph Fontenrose also criticises some scholars of Greek mythology that they have tended to neglect the oral transmission of myths', see Python'- A Study Delphic Myth âjli Its Origin (Berkeley and Los Angeles: university of C a lif o r n ia P r e s s , 1 959), PP* 4-5* ^^Wolfram Eberhard's review of Karlgren's "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," Artibus Asiae IX (1946),^pp- 355- 64? Chang Kuang-chih * "Chung-kuo ch'uang-shih shJn-hua chih fen-hsi yii ku-shih yen-chiu f ? iL ',S : ” Chvm^-yang ven-chlu-yü^ Min-tsu-hsueh ven-chiu-so chi-k'an %7ETEir^^?^f‘^^W hereafter^ (Autumn, 1959), P- 60; J)gawa Tamaki, Chugoku shosetspshi no kenkyu '1, (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten , 1968 ; , p * 230 -

S ^ S e e i a f r a , p p . 37-38, and 135-36. S^See iflira? pp. 132-36. CHAPTER TWO SHAMANISM IN ANCIENT CHINA

The main difficulty in studying shamanism in an­ cient China is the dearth of primary sources. With changes and reinterpretations added from generation to generation throughout the long transmission period the sources now available to us are concise and vague. Therefore, it is often necessary for us to read between the lines to find out the significance of the information given by these sources, and look for other corroborating or substantiating evidene, as well as parallels which have appeared in other "primitive" societies. Then, we need also interpret the. "established" facts. Figuratively speaking, our judgment and knowledge are like a prism, through which information passes; our interpretation is like a piece of white paper on which the spectrum is reflected.

The available m aterials are mostly related to myths and legends. From them I can learn about the ancient ri­ tuals which dramatized the myths.^ Since Clyde Kluckhohn points out that "myths and rituals are adaptive from the point of view of the society in that they promote sociaLL 36 3 7 solidarity, enhance the integration of the society by pro­ viding a formalized statement of its ultimate value-atti- tude, afford a means for the transmission of much of the culture with little loss of content—thus protecting cul- p turai continuity and stabilizing the society,” the deduced facts are therefore more reliable- I then adduce them to reconstruct at least a partial picture of shamanism in ancient China.

Before going further I would like to discuss brief­ ly the Chinese names for the shaman. There is no agreement among Western acholars about the etymology of the term shaman. Some suggest that it comes from the Sanskrit word êramana.^ while others trace it to different origins,^ I am concerned here not with an etymological discussion, but with the names given to the shaman by the Chinese. First of a ll, Paul Pelliot mentions the Jurched term, shan-m&n , in Hsu Meng-hsin»s ^ (A.D. 1126-120?) San ch*ao pei mêng hui pien ^ ^ ^ ^ S e c o n d ly , Berthold Laufer finds in the Hsin T'ang shu the word kac , which was the Kirgiz name for their sorcerers or shamans.^ According to I. M. Causanowicz, "The Altaians use the term kam, and call the shaman's dealings with 7 spirits kamlanle, i.e . kaming." Jean-Paul Bouz also points out the various transcriptions of this word—e.g. eskam, o auakam, gan, kan, qaman. These findings throw new light 38 on the name of one of the good m inisters in the Shang Dynas­ ty, Kan P*an I suspect that kan C^kam) was the title of the minister» Moreover, since the shaman Also knows astrology, it is not surprising to find in the Chan- 10 kuo period an astrology e^ert whose name was Kan. Third­ ly, the Chinese term for shaman is wu XE = Such scholars as Ch*en Meng-chia and L. C. Hopkins suggest that wi and wu have th e same meaning.Their assertion is apparently based on the definition of wu ^ given in the Shuo wên chieh tzu, which says that ^ /can/ bring down the 12 spirits by means of dancing. Besides using these terms, the Chinese people have also called the shaman pao ^ ^ , as in shen-pao ling-pao ^ wu-pao and Pao Eeng This term might have some connection with the Mongolian term buge or boge.^^

In ancient China, the shamanistic profession was 1 Q closely related to the office of historian. Since the original meaning of shih ("office of historian") has been a favorite topic of discussion among Chinese scholars in recent decades, it is appropriate for us to include and develop this topic within the context of our discussion of

The first explanation of shjh. as given in the Shuo wen chieh tzu, is that it is composed of a hand holding a 39 L • • • i» • chtmg . sysibolising the ideal of being unbiassed. At the present time, only the Japanese scholar Nakayama Hachiro > N supports this explanation.^® Those who main­ tain that shih means "to record historical events without prejudice" must have overlooked the fact that in early times there was no such thing as historical justice. In those days, the historian just put down what happened in much the same way as a modern journalist writes the headlines of the news• The Ch'un-ch'iu (Annals of Spring and Autumn) is an obvious example. With this in mind, many scholars, notably Lo Chên-yü ^ %%(A.D. 1866-1940) and Wang Kuo- wei % f (A.D. 1877 - 1927 ), maintain that it is the 21 record or the bound bamboo tablets that the hand holds. This explanation sounds very convincing, because record­ keeping was an essential part of the historian's job. On the other hand, this explanation gives us the impression that when vhe character shih was invented, there existed the practice of binding records together. This, however, contradicts the fact that the Shang oracle bones were rarely strung together, and there is no further proof to substan­ tiate their thesis. Neither is there evidence to support Ch'en Meng-chia's explanation that the hand is holding sac- 22 rificial utensils, an explanation based on his belief that the duty of shih and wu were performed by the same group o f p e o p le .A sim ilar belief underlies Lao Kan's suggestion that the upper part of the character, t|9 , 40 represents a d rill, used to bore holes in the oracle bones prior to divination, and that the diviner vas also a his­ torian who recorded the questions to and answers from the deities*^ His thesis is further elaborated by Li Tsung- t»ung ^ » who believes that the drill m i^t also have been used to kindle a fire in a seasonal ceremony piously observed by every ruler in ancient times.

To fortify Lao's theory, I offer the following ex- planations. First, the word wu (fig. 1) shows two hands are holding a j_ shaped instrument. This can be identified with the word kung JC , which has the same meaning as wu.^^ In the oracle inscriptions, kung is written with the charac­ t e r XLJ o r LJJ, We can —nrove that the little souare is a hole by compsuring this graphic form with the word chan ^ (fig. 2), which shows the cracks from a hole bored in a turtle sh e ll,S im ila rly , kung obviously represents a hole which is being bored by a sharp tool, probably an awl, (Compare kung with the variant of wu in fig. 3 s^ which re­ presents two hands using a tool to bore a hole.)

m V M Fig. 1 Fig. 2 F ig . 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5

Before the oracle bones were used in divination. 41 znany holes had to be bored in them with a d rill or an awl.^' The word shih shown in fig. 4^^ apparently repre­ sents two hands holding a sharp-ended tool. Therefore, it sounds reasonable to suggest that shih and wu have the same o r i g in .

According to the Chou li , there was a ch*ui- shih , whose duty it waus to scorch and trim the bones f o r divinationHe must have bored holes on the bones to make them crack more easily when heat was applied to them. If the word ch'ui ^ is written with the character in fig. 5, it resembles the character in fig. 1. Moreover, ch*ui ■^^can be written as ch*ui thus ch'ui ^ can be interchanged with chui , which has the meaning of "car- 35 ving."''^'^ It is perhaps for this reason that the legendary artisan who is said to have invented the bow in the time of the sage-king Yao was called Gh*iii It is interesting to note that the bow is a part of the drill. Another graphic form of wu. ^"^--the picture of a drill, indicates the importance of the d rill to the shamanistic profession.

Another interesting point is that Ch^ui had the title of kung-kung and in the Shan hai ching the son of Kung-kung was named Shu-ch'i which means, literaLUy. "technicue and utensil." The meaning of shu ch*i ostensibly corresponds to the legendary craftsmanship of 4 2 Ch*ui- Moreover, according to the Hsiia tzu ^ , C h 'u i vas the inventor of the how and Fou-yu the inventor o f th e arrow,Since Fou-yu was a subordinate of Kung- kung,^^ these two legends apparently have evolved from one source. According to another legend in the Shan hai ching, I-c h u n Mr- à (or Shu-chun

Furthermore, ^ may have been the original form of Men As pointed out in the Shuo wên chieh tzu. .iên and wu are interchangeable,^^ In addition, Li Hsiao-ting ^ ^ ^ suggests that kung represents a standard.^ From the likeness of >î* to a standard we can see tho reason why wu and kung were interchangeable in ancient times. It is also noteworthy that the term for polishing the tortoise plastrons was kang,^^ Therefore, the close relationship between kung and ^ is indisputable.

V __ KQ As a corollary, the character shih which means a teacher, a musician, or an artisan, is derived from the word chui meaning "to carve." The right side of 43 shlh, tsa fp , means "around." The word shili was written A C 1 as ^ in the oracular inscriptions, and as in the

"Ch’u Silk Manuscript The former looks like a bov; (of a drill), and the latter, a drill, being driven into some­ thing. Thus, shih must originally have meant "to carve a round (or square) hole." The sJd.ll, developed from prepar­ ing the scalpulae and plastrons for divination, made the diviner a good craftsman. Moreover, the diviner was close to the ruler, he was often commissioned to supervise the common people. For instance. King Li of the Chou Dynasty/^

(r. 807-841 B.C.) appointed the shaman from Lei to arrest those who criticized his government,The divin­ er ’s ability to know the past, the future and the hidden present earned him the position of royal instructor, or shih.

In ancient times, the making or building of some­ thing was often preceded by the ceremony of exorcism, a job appropriate to the During a religious ceremony , the wu was required to provide music ; thus he might also have been a musician.Furthermore, as required by his profession, re was equipped with a knowledge of various subjects, such as literature, history, astrology, and mathematics. The duties of a teacher were very proper for him, for a teacher was supposed to

teach the children of the ruler the three virtues, . . . and the three kinds of behavior . . . ; live 44 at the left side of the "Tiger Gate;" take care of /the csrajsoay of/ the royal audiences and teach the royal children the rights and wrongs of state affairs • • •; follow the ruler to attend to such duties as sacrifices, reception of guests, confer­ ences, funerals, and m ilitary functions, and to hold the daily audience.55

From the above, it is clear that shih ^ > £u 5/ , kung X , and ch'ui ^ are of the same origin. To support this assertion, I would like to point out the following: (1) Kung also rncsms "three pieces of jade, strung to- gether*"^® Before the jade pieces could be strung together, craftsmen would have to bore holes into them. Therefore, Liu P'an-sui Yu Tung-liang and Ch*Sn Mêng-chia suggest that kung and ;gu X are identical.'^ (2) Kung is synonymous with kuan which shares w ith c h u i a common p a r t ^ . (3) The word li ("minor official"), a derivative from shih ^ , means ^ 3"^, which in turn means "to work on jade."59

(4) As Fukino Yasushi ^ suggests, ^ is the same as ling ^ which means "shaman.”^^

We can now draw a diagram to show the relationships among these characters. 45 shlh kü&n ^ ^ shlh ÿ ^ ^

ch%l \é ^ -ch'ul rtff. \ 11 — i s s ^ ------wu ^ ^ krung ^ £ .

... L— ------2^ « g " ------

Furthermore; the characters tsus^ ^ and chu '?.? ; (flgSo 6 and 7) both have kung as their essential part. The former represents a kung working under the roof, and the latter represents a kneeling man holding a kung. Lao Kan suggests that the part shlh (I.e. the part kung) In tsung and chu signifies the ancestor tablet, which Is de­ rived from d o l m e n His suggestion, however, lacks sup­ porting evidence.^ Since the process of boring holes In the tortoise plastrons was also called sblh,^^ I think It more convincing to say that this group of words revolves around the meaning "divination."

o\

Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9

Another word, yin ^ (figs. 8 auad 9),^^ also belongs to this group .T he definition of yin given in the Shuo win chleh tau as "a hand holding a job and Wang Kuo-wel's assertion that It means "a hand holding a writing brush”^' are apparently guesswork. In comparison. 46 Ch*en Mêng-chia’s explanation that vin is the same as -pao . nn ■ seems plausible •

In sum, the offices of Sil and shih were both derived from the same profession—divination « No argument is more forceful than Ssu-ma Ch'ien’s ^ (145-86 B*G*) own words that he, the Grand Historian, was a descendant of Ch'ung Li the intermediary between Heaven and Earth» As Li Tsung-t'ung points out, even in the Ch*un-ch*iu period there was no distinction between these two offices

The duties of the Chinese shaman were somewhat dif­ ferent from those of other shamans* In most non-Chinese societies, the main duty of a shaman was curing sick people- In North America, for instance, the shaman is sometimes called "medicine-man»" But in ancient China, because of the extensive use of herbal medicine, the shaman*s main duties were officiating at ceremonies, controlling the wsa- tner, and telling fortune » He even had a share in state administration » I Yin ^ , Pao Heng^-^-f^ , I Chih , Wu Hsien > ^u EsiengE. ^ , Kan P*an and Fa Y ueh^^'f’^ were shamans in the Shang Court

We shall find out later that some of the ancient kings were also shamans » Fortunately, since their kingship warranted the attention of their contemporaries and the 4 7 people of later times, some records of their activities and peculiar behavior have been handed down to us. These records are of great value, for they enable us to catch some glimpses of shamanism in ancient China.

ÂS le M. Casanowicz maintains,shamanism "does not designate a specific religion, but a certain religious a ttitu d e ^ Hence, when we try to understand ancient Chinese shamanism, we must ezamine it through rituals and myths of ancient heroes and demigods. Following are some distinguished examples: (A) Shun According to Mori Yasutaro Kp » Shan was a 75 Shaman.'^ In the Shanhaiching one of Shun's wives was called Teng-pi-shih This name resembles in sound to Teng-pei or Teng-pao i.f: M ountain, where the shamans went to look for medical herbs Since tenrn means "to assume a higher office." and nao means shaman, as mentioned above, I suspect Shun probably was the Chief Shaman, who could ordain other shamans. This is further supported by the fact that shun is synonymous with yun ^ which in turn is synonymous with jSn -±: An A1 and ning . (J&n is interchangeable with wu ^ , and nine /"eloquence'!/ is a quality of the shaman.^”)

Moreover, Yang K'uan identifies Chunf-^or 4 8 Chun ^ in the Shan hai ching and the Shang oracular in­ scriptions with Shun.^^ As Wu Ch*i-ch*ang ^ asserts} the character chun represents a human being with a bird's head,^^ It is interesting to note that tsui is identified with s h u i Therefore, c h u i -f ("bird") is interchangeable with chun ^ « Thus we can assert that Shun was a shaman, who frequently put on a bird-mask when he danced to worship the sun, which was re- Oc presented by the three-legged crow. This assertion can be corroborated by the story from the ^ shih ch'ân-ch'iu that Emperor K*u (i.e. Shun) ^ asked some people to play some music, who in turn made some phoenixes and celestial pheasants dance.^ 88

go On a higher level, Shun was a sun-god, ^ or the Supreme God, as was Zeus in Greek mythology. One of his wives. Hsi-ho . was the mother of the sun and the moon.^® Another wife, Têng—pi-shih. also gave birth to two daughters, Hsiao-ming ^ 9^ ("Bright-in-the-night") and Chu-kuang "Candle-light"), who could illuminate a hundred ^ Moreover, shun , hsun , chun^ are - 92 synonymous, and chun means the revolution of the moon. Thus Shun was the regulator of solar and lunar movements. Since the fertility of the land, animals, and human beings depends largely on the movements of the celestial bodies, it is small wonder that Shu-chun, the son or grandson of 4 9 Shun, was worshipped as the vegetation god*^^

(B) Kun and Yu Yu ^ was the son of Kuni^^ , who, because he failed to fight the Great Flood, was, according to tradi­ tion, one of the four notorious men in Shun's reign- From the mythological point of view, we may consider Kun to be the dying sun, and Yu the rising sun. First of all, Yang H'usn identifies Kun with Kung-kung,^^ who was one of the descendants of Yen-ti the manifestation of elder (or mature) yang (i.e. the sun-god),^^ and the son of Chu Jung the fire godP^ and the intermediary be- Î 00 tween Heaven and Earth. On the other hand, a legend in the Shan hai ching says that Kun was the father of Yen- O'ung ^ a combination of Yen-ti and Chu Jung, and the grandfather of Huan-t*ou who was Chu Jung.^®^ Moreover, both Kun and Yu were enfeoffed in Ch'ung where the famous fire god, Chu Jung, descended from Hea­ ven. Thus, their close relationships are clear. Since Kun died in the Feather Abyss 5]^ or the Feather Moun­ t a i n j or the Feather Plain ^ it is rea­ sonable to regard him as the setting sun, as the dropping 107 of feathers from the sun-bird is a metaphor for sunset. ' And since Yu was his son, he was naturally considered to be the rising sun. 50 It is also possible to infer from the relationships among Kun, Yu and Chu Jung that the first two were shamans. The Shang shu ta chuaa. ^ ^ records that Yu walked 108 up to the Supreme Emperor, There is no better inter­ pretation than that Yu was aa .intermediary between the divine and the mortal worlds. In the preceding chapter I have already explained the meaning of "Yu step," which is important to the profession of shamanism.The fact that Kun and Yu were shamans should be beyond any doubt.

Liu Yuan-lin^jj surmises that the character ("intertwined snakes") in the oracular inscriptions has some connection with Fu-hsi ^ and Ku W a-^^^ in later times.^ I am inclined, however, to think that this word refers to Kun and Yu, because it is pronounced as k*un Since k'un and kun are homophonous, as suggested «— IIP by Mori Yasutaro, kun may also mean "intertwined snakes." In fact, the word yii ^ also has this meaning.^This i s reminiscent of the story in the Kuo yu that two dragons copulated in the Hsia court.My suggestion inevitably leads to the question of incest. In Genesis, Noah and his son Ham were incestuous.^T herefore, it is not incon­ ceivable that Kun and Yu were incestuous too. It is note­ worthy that the characters in these two myths were involved in the Great Flood. Incest can also explain the legend that Yu, like Dionysus in Greek mythology, was born from 51 his father's body. 116

Furthermore, God likes the wandering people more 117 1 than the earthbound people• * Since Kun was earthbound, he was b a n ish e d and e x e c u te d , w h ile Yu who w andered ab o u t to fight against the Great Flood was given the Great Plan (hung fan The story of Jacob in Genesis is strikingly sim ilar to the myth of Yu. Jacob was a wanderer under God's protection; he was lamed by God; and he was the 12o M ancestor of the Isrealites. As for Yu, he was commis­ sioned by the Supreme One to drain the flood; he had the famous *'Yu step;" and he was the founder of the first dynas­ ty in Chinese history, the Hsia Dynasty.

Summing up, on the lower level Kun and Yu were sha­ mans, and on the higher level they were sun-gods. Their involvement in the flood problem and Kun's (Kun=Kung=kung 1 =Ch*ui) invention of farming tools shc= that the zyth= makers were deeply concerned with agriculture. Once they had a stable society, the people complained that Yn spent too much time in drinking and debauchery (or w andering)^

(G) T 'a n g As rainfall is essential to agriculture, rain-making is one of the main functions of a shaman. The legend that T'ang ^0^ ; the founder of the Shang Dynasty, prayed for 52 1 rain in a mulberry grove during a seven-year drought " gives testimony to the fact that T'ang wsus a shaman. Later Confucianists have rationalized this legend for didactic purposes. For example, in the Hsun tzu, T'ang shouldered all the sins of his people and blamed himself for being derelict,However, a thorough ssamination reveals that the Shang people believed the mulberry grove was the sacred place.The myth that ten suns hanging on a hugh mulberry Î 26 tree came out alternately was originated from this belief. In this sacred place, people held fertility rites; in the Shih ching. it was the place for a t r y s t ; a n d Chi the ancestor of the Chou house, was born as a result of his mother's stepping on the footprint of a giant in a mulberry grove. Moreover, K'ung-sang ^ , the hollow mulberry tree (grove), o r Ch'iung-sang^ , the faraway mulberry tree (grove), was the birthplace of both I Yin,^^^ the Shang sage=ainistsr, and Confucius, a descendant of the Shang h o u s e .it is also the capital of the Yellow Emperor , Chuan-hsu and other sage-kings.^^^

According to "T'ien wen ," T'ang emerged from Ch'ung-ch'uan ^ ("Deep River" ) (1. 125). Mori Yasu- tarb suggests that this line tells of the rising of the sun from the abyss, and that T'ang was a sun-god.*-^^ Another legend in the same poem says that the sun rises from the T'ang Valley ^ ("Valley of Boiling Water") (1. 15). 53 The striking thing is that the v a lle y and the ruler had the same name T*ang, Moreover, ChiehJ^ likened himself to th e su n ,T h is sun, according to the Po ^ chih ^4^ was in the West; whereas the sun in the East repre*- sented Yin (i.e. T*ang).^^^ It is clear then that Chieh's m ilitary expedition to the Meng Mountain ^ was a historicization of the sunset in the Mêng Stream ^ v lit o r the Ford of the Mêng Valley ^ ^ Mori Yasutaro even asserts that in the Mêng Valley T'ang received the order from Heaven to dethrone Chieh.^^^ Thus T'ang's victory accords with the idea that the dying sun comes out in full glory again in the East.

(D) Confucius It sounds preposterous to link Confucius with sha­ manism, because, according to the Lun yu (Confucian Analects) , Confucius did not speak of prodigies and super­ n a tu r a l beings.However, if one is open-minded, one w ill find that Confucius was not totally alienated from the realm of the supernatural. First of all, his mother, Cheng-tsai ^ , was playing one day on the slope of a huge tumulus (or, according to another version, near a big swamp), and fell asleep. She dreamt that the Black Emperor asked her to make love with him, and that /thereafter/ he told her; You must give birth /to a child/ amidst the empty mulberry grove. When she woke up, she felt that she had 5 4 conceived- /L ater^ she gave birth to Ch*iu (i.e. Confucius) amidst the empty mulberry grove.

A version in the K'ung tau chia yu -5- $ T è says that /after her marriage/ Gheng-tsai, seeing that her husband was advanced in years, feared that she would net have a male child in time. She then secretly prayed to Ni Hill J&L /for a boy/. /Â s a result./ she bore Con­ fucius, and therefore, she named him Ch*iu _Æ_ ("H ill"), and gave him the courtesy name of "Ni, the second son When Confucius was three years old, his father, Shu- liang He died.^^^

This story is astoiinding to those who are ignorant of the religious life of the ancient peoplec These critics say that Shu-liang He was an adulterer, and Cheng-tsai lost h e r propriety,However, it is informative. From the story of Confucius* birth, we note that the tumulus or ch*iu ir was a she which Meircel Granet calls "the holy place" where people could pray to Heaven and women could pray for male children.In the Shih ching, Chiang- yuan , mother of the first ancestor of the Chou house, went to a she to participate in a ceremony which was intended to esorcize the evil of childlessness.Ccn= fucius* birthplace, the empty mulberry grove, also reminds us of the mulberry grove where T*ang prayed for rain. To 5 5 the Shang people this grove vas the sacred place where religions rites were performed.

Another version, saying that the mother of Con­ fucius was playing near a swamp, also points to the ancient custom o f men and women g a th e rin g %n sp rx n g on tn e rx v e r— bank in hope of "warding off evil influences, of making oneself impervious to poisons."As Marcel Granet points out, "Propitiations, various purifications, flower-gather­ ing, crossing the water, singing-contests, sexual rites, betrothals, were all combined In the spring festivals of rivers and mountains,"This may also be the reason for the fact that Yao married his two daughters to Shan at the "nook of the Kuei Siver,"^^^ According to Wang Ch'ung ^ the reason for Confucius* being called Ch'iu was that his head was concave, like the reverse rooftop,This also underscores Confucius* connection with the concave lAQ h ill which was considered the altar of the deity.

We are not surprised to learn all these, because Confucius was a descendant of the Shang house,Another parallel story tells that I Yin, the sage-minister in the court of T'ang of the Shang Dynasty, was also born in a hollow mulberry tree.^^' (Chlang-yuan also prayed for a 1 cp examination can thus be interpreted; In a sacred grove 56 Confucius» mother took part in a religious rite which was intended to exorcize the evil of childlessness» This cus­ tom was transm itted to the Chou Dynasty, whose emperors had to go with their harems to pray in the shrine of the Supreme Intermediary in the second lunar month. To ensure the birth of male children, the Chou emperors also gave their beloved women the cover of a bow,^^^ which was associated with the arrow—a symbol of male sex.^^^ Since the birth of Con­ fucius has connections with shamanistic practices, it is not at all ludicrous to assert that he had something to do with shamanism.

Secondly, in the Lun yu. it is recorded that Con­ fucius endorsed the idea of Tseng Tien (father of Tseng Shen ^ ^ , the famous filial son) who said that in the third lunar month in late Spring he would dress in spring clothes and go with five or six persons who were caps and six or seven boys to bathe in Hiver I vK . dry in the breeze on the altar where the rain ceremony was held, and sing songs and offer sacrifice.As Marcel Granet points out, this did not mean that Confucius merely enjoyed the idea of relaxation or recreation,In t h i s p a s s a g e , the bathing in the I Hiver was a ceremony of exorcism. In later days, its date was fixed on the third day of the third lunar month. In the Shih chi ^ 't? . Chien-ti - - - ' mother of the first ancestor of the Shang house, was hath- 57 in g in a river when she saw and swallowed the egg of a black bird (probably a swallow).’^' Here, bathing was the ceremony of fecundity,^ which was s till held by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty (r. 140-86 B.C.), who, s e e ­ ing that he had no son, went to the bank of the River Pa s, 1 eg for exorcism. Marcel Granet describes the situation 7 '4 accurately when he says, "A spring festival of rivers and mountains, with purifications, bathings, and contests, a festival conducive to pregnancy, was the original form of the festival of the return of the swallow in the clsussical ritual, was reduced to a simple festival of fecundity

Indeed, in the Shih ching. there are a few poems, which describe the festivities on the bank of a river. They are: "Sang chung" (no. 48), "Shan yu fu-su (so. 84), "Chiao t'ung " (no. 86 ) , "C h*ien shang " (no. 8 ?), and "Chen Wei > " (no. 95) During this festival, sex i s one of the main themes. This sexual rite not only helps the barren mothers have sale children, but also influences the fertility of the land, as Mircea Eliade maintains.Keeping t h i s i n m ind, we would associate rain dance with bathing—the means to get a male child. This can be illustrated by the duties of the sha- maness, who had to officiate at the exorcism-bathing cere­ mony and perform rain dance during dry seasons.^^^ 58 Confucius* warm approval of singing and sacrificing at the altour indicates that he was very much in favor of this ancient fertility rite. His trip to the altar where the yu sacrifice was performed ^164^ confirms that h« — believed in the ancient rain dance. This rain dance was performed by shamans whenever there was a drought, accord­ ing to the Chou li.^^^ Wang Ch'ung points out that the persons with caps and the boys were the dancers,^ He is correct, because the "boy" in the Shih ching was more or less associated with the spring festival. The reason why Confucius agreed with Tseng Tien was, perhaps, that the ^ sacrifice was important in an agrarian country like China, This can be proved by the fact that in the Ch'un=ch'iu the dates of this sacrifice were dutifully recorded by the historian, be he Confucius or somebody e l s e ;

Confucius' recognition of the value of the ancient rite was not limited to the sacrifice. The cha sacrifice at the end of the lunar year also attracted his attention,'®^ In the Li chi , the following story is recorded. When Tzu-kung -3- ^ was watching the festi­ vities of the cha sacrifice, Confucius asked him if he was happy. He replied. "The people of this country are all cra­ zy /about this performance/, but I do not know what they are so happy about," Confucius said," . , , If /people are/ 59 tense and without relaxation, even King Wen and King Wu /of the Chou Dynastjr/ cannot /rule the country/; If /people are/ relaxed and without tension (I.e. concentration), even King Wen and King Wu w ill not run /the government/. /To make people/ sometimes tense and sometimes relaxed is the way of King Wen and King Wu.”^^® The craze in this passage should not be taken as cental insanity. It is what Plato 171 meant by "telestlc” or ritual madness. ' Confucius not merely approved this religious function, but was also one of the officials to perform it.^^Z

As a matter of fact. In ancient times the cha sacri­ fice was a fertility rite. According to the là chi, during this ceremony, the official, lo-shih ^ ^ , brought the ruler a deer and a girl;an d according to the Chou 11. this official also had to prepare the female underwear for t h i s ceremony.The ruler apparently had to perform a 17= sexual rite to propitiate the fecundity of the land. As we know, the deer and the bird were used as gifts for 1 n c the wedding ceremony,which was unquestionably also a fertility rite. We should not view this rite as indecent, because the people Involved were no less pious than any religious person. 177' It would be naive to think that the ancient Chinese were too prudish to think about sex. Chang Kuang-chih maintains that in the neolithic finds there are some cowry=shaped designs, which represent the vulva,' 60 Many scholars believe that the shê was developed from 1*70 phallic worship**'^ As Arnold Van Gennep argues, in the primitive mind coitus was believed to be of superior effi- 1 flo cacy,' Even today this kind of agriculturalir a l festivities is s till observed by some Japanese farmers< 181

My assertion is not a mere guess; the following discussion w ill reinforce it. The Chinese word for "win­ ter tung ^ , the season in which the cha sacrifice took place, is synonymous with chung which can be taken as a lingam-in-yoni symbol. During the winter solstice the yin ether comes out and copulates with the yang ether to form the myriad things.Since the Chinese people believed that the birth of things was the result of the interaction (i.e. intercourse) of these two ethers,^^^ winter is considered not only the destructive but also inceptive stage of the vegetation cycle. The reason why chung is borrowed to explain the meaning of tung is that chung graphically symbolized the lingam-in-yoni idea, which is analogous to the idea of storing up the harvest. This is in accord with Erich Neumann's equation; woman=body=vessel=world.^ To prove this point, a short quote from the I Chou shu is necessary: "A person who has the chung is called 'three* (i.e. a man), whereas the one without it is called 1 Qg 'two' (i.e. a woman). . . . Five becomes a family." 61 It is clear that chung means the male genital organ. Be= s i d e s , CD and | , the component parts of chung, probably represent the female and the male organs respectively. In the Greek mysteries the same emblems occur. Hargrave Jennings says.

The three most celebrated emblems carried in the Greek mysteries -were the Phallus, I; the Egg, 0 and the Serpent, ^ ; or otherwise the Phallus, the loni or Umbilicus, and the Serpent, The first, in each case, is the emblem of the sun, or of fire, as the male or active, generative power. The second denotes the passive nature, or feminine principle, or the element of water. The third symbol indicates the destroyer, the reformer, or the renewer (the uniter of the two), and thus the preserver or perpetuator—eternally renewing it-

The shape of the Maypole is like the word chung. Sanger Brown II believed the Maypole to be an emblem of ancient phallic worship.On it there are ribbons, which, according to Hargrave Jennings, should be of the seven 1 aq prismatic colors. ^ The colors of the ribbons on the May­ pole are arranged in the same order as those of the rainbow, which, in ancient China, was thought to be the sign of the copulation of the two ethers.As Géza Roheim suggests. the ambisexual symbolism of the snake is associated with 1 Q1 the rainbow. ^ In fact, in other primordial societies the rainbow-seruent is also linked with the sexual act. 192 62 Let us turn back to the word chung. Since the straight line is cut into three by the circle, and the cir­ cle into two by the straight line, it is apparent that three can represent the male, and two, the female. In the 1 ching ^ j^^ Book of Changes ) the yang trigram is composed of three straight lines, while the yin trigram, of three broken lines. (These are the two most basic trigrams in the whole hexagram system.) The straight and broken lines also follow the sexual number symbolism; thus the yang hsiao 9% ^ ( -----) is represented by the number nine {3*3*3 =9 ), and the yin hsiao (- -) by the number six ( 2+2+2=6 ) Such sexual explanations are nothing new in the 1 c h in g . The following is quoted from the "Appendix:" "As for ch'ien it is inert when it is inactive, and it becomes straight when it is active. Therefore, it is promoting the productiveness /of the universe/. As for k'un s it is closed when it is inactive, and open when active. There- 1 QU fore, it is increasing the productiveness." With this explanati’.on, the numerical representation of yin and yang hsiao, like sex itself, is no longer a mystery.

The lingam-in-yoni idea can also be applied to the cylindrical vessel which holds the counting sticks, another meaning of chung. The quiver and the arrow may also be a manifestation of the same idea. That in ancient times the arrow represented the male organ is beyond any dispute. 63 In China, after the birth of a son, people shot arrows in four directions and at the sky and the earth. ^ The story in the Ko.iiki about the transformation of a man into an arrow is well-known. The episode is recounted as fo llo w s :

When the maiden £Seya-tatara-pimeJ was defecating, he jfOpo-mono-nusi—no-kamij transformed him self into a red painted arrow and, floating down the ditch where she was defecating, struck the maiden's gen­ ita ls. Then the maiden was alarmed, and ran away in great confusion. Then she took the arrow and placed it by her bed. Immediately it turned into a lovely young man, who took the maiden as wife.

198 In Korea, the arrow is used in the marriage ceremony-

All these examples make it clear that from the position of the male organ, its erection, and its sexual act are derived the meanings: "to be in the middle," "to be straight, not leaning to either side," "to store," and "to hit /the target/."Its importance to the human body 200 201 gives the meaning of "standard," . or "the essence." Another meaning, "body," is obviously a synecdoche.

With the above in mind, we shall easily understand the marriage ritu al of Izanagi and Izanami: "They walk in a circle around this heavenly pillar and meet and have POP conjugal intercourse." We shauLl also understand why in ancient China the eligibility for participation in a 64 sacrificial ceremony depended on the achievement of marks­ m an sh ip . ^ Both the pillar and skill in archery are symbols of v irility .

Turning back to the cha sacrifice, it is a fertility rite , in which the ruler performs the sexual act as a form of sympathetic magic, in the hope of affecting bountiful crops in the coming year. In fact, Confucius* comment does have certain sexual implication. This ceremony must be an elaborate one, for it is held after the t*an ceremony, an exorcism rite , during which people wearing masks of fierce ghosts enter each house to look for and drive away the evil sp irits, who are said to be the cause of people’s sickness (or of epidemicThis combination of exor­ cism and sex rite is similar to the spring festival, in which people bathe in the river to ward off evil, and two sexes mingle freelyE ven in the fan ceremony. there is a sexual element, which can be seen in its popular name, "wild cloud" (yeh yun an euphemism for copula- t io n .^ ° ^

Apart from what has been discussed above, the following three things are worthy of note. The first is that according to the "I wen chih ^ " in the Han shu Confucianism is said to have originated from the office of ssu-f u ^ ^ In legendary times, Chu Jung 65 Shim and Hsieh were ssu-t*u, according to the Knan tzu ^ the Huai-nan tzu y f t ^ and the Shu 211 ching. As has been said before, Chu Jung and Shun were 212 shamans. As for Hsieh, he might have been a shaman too. First, hsieh ^ , chieh , and chia are derived from a common origin, , In the Shan hai cMng, the son of Ling Chia ^ , or the grandson of Yen-ti (the sun- god), was called Hu-jen A,The alternative for Eu-jên is Ti-jen . Probably, Ti-jen was another name of Wu Ti ^ , one of the shamans who possessed the elixir vitae and had the priviledge of going up and down the Mountain of Spirits ^ X» This being the case, I assume that the office of ssu-t*u was held by a shaman. This assumption is supported by Yang Shu-ta* s 'iy't remark that ssu-t*u originally meant "to take charge of the soil By a stretch of imagination, we may fur­ ther interpret it as taking charge of the fertility of the soil, which is the duty of a shaman in an agrarian society. Moreover, the ssü-t*u*s duty was to teach the 21 f> people the five instructions; so it was his.prerogative to preserve knowledge. It is not surprising, therefore, to know that Ch*u Yuan was also a ssu-t*u,^^^

Secondly, the name .iu for Confucianism merits — • (tp our attention, Hu Shih points out that jou^ ("pliable") designates the resigning attitude of the Shang people, 66 whose kingdom wsis overthrown by the Chou people. He fur­ ther maintains that the Confucian scholar often became the professional helper (or, in modern usage, the master of 21A ceremonies) at funerals. His idea is strongly opposed by Kuo Mo-jo, Ch'ien Mu and Jao Tsung-i Nevertheless, it is clearly stated in the Chung yung ^ that the Confucian School strongly advocated the pliability 220 of the people in the South. Although there is no con­ crete evidence to prove the legend that Confucius had once met Lao-tzu ^ •§- , yet, as Pu Ssu-nien^^ ^ (A«D. 1896 - 1950 ) asserts, the Ch*u and Shang cultures were simi- 221 lar. Most likely, Confucianism and Taoism, being de­ veloped from two sim ilar cultures, have something in common —in this case, the idea of withdrawal.

Thirdly, the central idea of Confucian ethics is iên 'f^ . Jen and i %» are interchangeableMoreover, the Shang people have been identified as people from the Eist, or Tung i. ^ ("Eastern Barbarians"), who are called .iên-iên in the Ik"h y& ^ It seems reasonable that Confucius, a descendant of the Shang house, has supplied a new meaning for the word iên, which was also a name for his own people. In the Shuo wen chieh tzu, the archaic form of iên is .^24 should note that i % is interchangeable with shih P (" th e 'incarnation’ of the dead"). Therefore, we have 67 jên/^=. ^ =8blh . Although Kato Joken*s thesis that originally means a 226 hunchback shaman is too far-fetched, I do not think the term is unrelated to sacrifice, because shih is the living image of the dead.

According to the Shang shu ta chuan, two shih are present in a sacrifice.This helps us understand Cheng Ssuan^s^^p ^ (A.D. 127-200) explanation of the word jên, which is that this iên is the same as the jen in the phrase

"hsiang ou -7^ The traditional interpreta­ tion of Cheng's explanation is that this virtue of iên 229 evolves from the relationship between two persons. ^ To determine whether this interpretation is acceptable, we have to give a correct explanation to the phrase "hsiang iên ou." I think that it should read "hsiang-iên, ou," since hsiang-iên is the esplanation of ou, which means "the one disguised to look like the deceased.Therefore, iê n i s equivalent to hsiang-iên. i.e. shih. In a sacrificial cere­ mony, the shih, being the mock incarnation of the ancestor, was instrumental in reviving the relationships among the past and present members of the family, in its broadest sense, in a harmonious atmosphere. To Confucius and his followers, ancestor worship was the most essential tiling. From ancestor worship were derived such ethical standards as respect for one's elder, affection for those younger. 68 propriety and rl^teousness. At this point we can see that Confuciaa love is different from the Mohist universal love, because, contrary to the Mohist ideal, the parties involved in Confucian love are not on the same level, unless they are friends of the same age group. It is for this reason that Mencius reprimanded the Mohists for ignor­ ing the superiority of their fathers (i.e. e l d e r s ) .

The above study leads me to believe that Confucius did have some connection with shamanism,Some would feel uncomfortable when I impute irrational elements to Confucianism. But they can be assured that my assertion does not diminish the greatness of Confucius or the value of Confucianism, In Greece Plato "cross-fertilised the tradition of Greek rationalism with magico-religious ideas whose remoter origins belong to the northern shamanistic c u ltu r e th e reverse was true in China where Confucius had the talent and ingenuity to give the religious and irrational ceremonies some philosophical meaning and found­ ed a philosophical school of ethics. His achievement illustrates the transition from the superstitiousness of the Shang people to the rationalism of the Chou people. This rationalism has formed the basis of the Chinese view of religion, which lacks the enthusiasm for the other world. On the other hand, this rationalism has lim ited the Chinese people's imagination and spirit of adventure, two qualities 69 which are pre-requisite to scientific inquiries. Because of its anti-scientific attitudes Confucianism has been re­ lentlessly attacked by modern Chinese intellectuals.

It is necessary to digress a little to discuss the meaning of nan , which designates a group of poems in the "Kuo fêng ^ " section in the Shlh china, because this book is one of the classics with which Confucius instructed his disciplesand, as we shall see, nan is closely associated with shamanism.

There are many ezplanations of nan. They are as fo llo w s : (1) the southward influence of the Chou culture, (2) the music of the South, (3) the states in the southern part of China, (4) facing south (as a Chinese emperor does), ( 5 ) a poetic form, and ( 6 ) a kind of musical instrument. The first one was advanced in the "Mao shih hsu " ("Preface to Mao*s Version of the Shih ching"); but Ts*ui Shu (A.D. 1740-1816) rejects it, pointing out that the basins of the Yangtze, the T*o% the Ju, and the Han H iv e rs ùX i-fdr sure to the east of the Chou capital, and not to the south. The second one was first put forth by Wang Chih i- ^ (A.D, 1001^1045) and later taken up 70 by Liang Gh'i-ch'ao (A.D. 1873-1929). The third was advocated by Cheng Esnan, the famous commentator on the Classics, and many others,--^* However, the identity of "the states in the southern part" is too uncertain and ambiguous to be pin-pointed. Since the differences among the dialects in South China are more numerous and striking than those among the northern dialects, how can we aspect the compiler(s) of this classic to have failed to discern the differences among the songs collected in the South, while making subtle distinctions within the music of the northern states? The fourth theory was maintained by Liu K*e of the Sung Dynasty. Unquestionably, it was mere conjecture. The fifth was presented by Ts*ui Shu and Liang Ch*i-ch*ao, and is sim ilar to the second one. Accord­ ing to Ts*ui, nan referred to a particular poetic genre which originated in the South. This explanation, like the second one. is actually a variation of Cheng Hsuan*s theory. The s i x t h was p u t fo rw ard by Kuo M o-jo, who a s s e r te d t h a t the form of the character nan in the oracular inscriptions represented a small bell Chang Esi-t'ang suggests that nan meant a certain kind of musical tune, but he insists that it was the instrument, nan, that gave its OXQ — JV name to this group of poems. T*ang L a n |^7 , however, maintains that nan was a kind of earthen musical instru- ment.^^^ T*ien Ch*ien-chun combines these three theses by asserting that nan, the name of a special tune, came 71 from the special musical instrument, which was first made of earth; then of metal. She also suggests that the reason for calling this group of poems nan was that certain poems were congenial to the music of the South.A s to th e etymology of nan, T*ien surmises that nan and ch'ueh are derived from a common origin; but she does not give any reason for her assumption. To provide some support for her thesis, I would like to point out that in the word nan, the part jên ^ , which is another form of shen (or t and the word ch'ueh have the same meaning—"to strike," Kato Jbken has a different theory which suggests that the upper part of nan represents a tent,^^ His theory, however, is irrelevant to the meaning of this word in the literary context.

Besides the seven popular theories given above, there is another one, put forward by Chin Ching-fang ^ % who thinks that nan poems are chêne fêne IE ("orthodox poems"), while the other 13 "kao fêng" are pien fêng ("unorthodox poem s"T h is idea of cheng fêng and pien fêng was first seen in the "Mao shih hsu," whose authorship has always been a controversial subject. Thus Chin is unjustified in assuming that the compiler(s) had the idea of chSng and pien, and consequently, his thesis is not very convincing. 72 All these theories» of which the sixth is the most popular one» leave the two compounds "Chou nan" and "Shao nan" unexplained. What is the connection between this group of poems and the two dukes (i.e . Chou-kung/Duke of Chou/ and Shao-kung ^ /Duke of Shao/)? To this ques­ tion» no scholar has given satisfactory answer. T'ien even says, erroneously» that the erh ("two") in the "Erh nan refers to the parts of the songs We should there­ fore have reservations about accepting any one of the above th e o r ie s *

In the Shih chine there is proof that nan rhymes with iiug.. In Poem nos. 28 ("Yen yen ")» 252 ("Chüan o and 299 ("P'an shui ")» aaZL rhymes with vinand hsin In Poem nos. 2? ("Lu i ") and 260 ("Cheng min i^")» fine rhymes with hsin.^^7 Their interrelationships can be illustrated as follows: vj_n — B52L — •h silL

" • ^ fe n e ]%_ Naturally, it is not surprising to see that in Poem no* ,99 ("Ho jên SSÙ X ") nan rhymes with fine and hsin. This example can ce further corroborated by the rhymes of the last three lines of "Chao huni^^^»" which read:

Chaa-cbaa gbian^rshitl bsl sbaaK m Isjibl* pI ^ (XL TK-zgr Jc IB) dsgL. sb l hgl siass gûzL h sl kuei-Iax hsi. a l SrJ3iang-Bafl ■ 'î #f s ^ 75 It is clear from the above that nan and fens are undoubted- pj.Q ly rhyming words. Therefore, it is not illogical at all for the compiler(s) to include the "Erh nan" in the "Kuo fêng" section.

Philologically speaking, nan is interchangeable with .jênY4: . Both nan and jên have the meaning of "soft," "pliant," or "pliable." For instance, nan means "pliant bamboo;" nan ^ , "pliant long grass;" nan . "well-cooked meat ; " while jên (variants: means "well- done /In cocking/" or "ripe ; " and jên (or,"^ ), "pli- ant."^^ In Poem no. 28 ("Yen yen") in the Shih chins, there is the line,

Chung-shih jên chih ^ ^4- / 250

It should be translated as "the second daughter is very gen­ tle and mild," since the two descriptive sentences which follow are rendered as

Warm and generous. She is good-natured and discreet.

We can understand why the mother of King Wên of the Chou Dynasty was named T a -jê n i4i because, to be the mother of a great sage, she must have been gentle, generous, and mild. From these examples, one can conclude that nan in the "Erh nan" refers to a soft tune. 7 4 In the following we shall try to eaqplain what kind of soft tune nan refers to. First, according to the Shuo wên chieh tzu, jên is interchangeable with w ^ , that is, shajaan.^^^ Moreover, in the Erh ya, jên means ning artful or flattering speech or attitude.This artful or flattering speech is an important attribute of a shaman. According to the Lun yu, Chu T'o was renowned for his artful speech, w]iich was one of the reasons for the security of the state of Wei.^^^

It is only in later times, that righteousness or uprightness is considered a moral virtue, and artful or flattering speech or attitude is condemned as detrimental to morality, as we see in "Shun tien / A " in the Shu ching. In reality, a shaman must be eloquent and humble when praying to the sp irits, and persuasive and comforting when talking to those who come to him for his services. Therefore, flattery and eloquence are not vices in them­ selves. On the contrary, they are two of the attributes of a shaman. Sometimes, because of his eloquence, a shaman was dispatched as an envoy to represent his ruler at the negotiation table.Keeping t h i s i n m ind, we can im agine that the shamanistic songs are soft, gentle, and sentiment­ al. It is for such qualities that the Chou people loved this kind of music, despite the fact that they labelled it the music of the Southern barbarians. 2 57 75 I also note In passing that nan can be used as a loan word for jên , or tai~.1en , or tai-shena )v|^ , a bird which is used as the headdress of Hsi-wang-mu Ï - ("Queen Mother of the West," or, as suggested by Ling Ch*un-sheng, Si-en-nu, the Moon Goddess of ur).^^^ According to "Yûeh ling ^ " in the ^ chi-, the bird descends on a mulberry grove in Spring.Since th e mulberry grove was a sacred place to the Shang people, it would not be too unreasonable to surmise that the bird headdress is closely related to shamanism. This is sup­ ported by the fact that when the dance of the mulberry grove was to be performed in the presence of the Duke of Sung ^ and the Marquis of Chin , the dancer put on a feathered headdress.

In the shih ch*un-ch*iu, when Yu was busy drain­ ing the Great Flood, the daughter of the T*u-shan Clan lU sent her maid to wait for him in the south side of T*u-shan, and she composed a song, singing, "Alas, I wait for a man." This song was the first one set to the south­ ern music, which Chou-kung Ifj and Shao-kung ^ used as a model in composing the "Erh nan," In the Huai-nan tzu. Shun sang a song of the South to the accompaniment of a five-stringed lute,^^^ As stated above, both Shun and Yu were ancient shamans. Therefore, the nan vin ^ ("southern music") undoubtedly referred to the shamanistic 76 songsMorscTsr, it seems that in ancient times, people s till recognized Yu as the greatest authority on music, as the Shih chi states, "Then people under the skies all res­ pect the cleverness, measurements, and songs and music of Yu a s standard.As mentioned before, j&n was the name for the music of the barbarians of the South, and that ■ien was derived from the same source as wu • Thus we have nan yin ("southern music")—jên yin—wu yin ("shaman­ istic music"), The last term appears in the ^ shlh ch*un-ch*iu, in which it is reported that the prevalence of such music was the principal cause for the downfall of the state of Cb'u.^^^

Because of the softness, gentleness and sentiment­ ality of the nan music, the Chou people felt it was good music. In the Shih tzu ^ it is maintained that since the south is the symbol of summer—the flourishing season, people play music in summer to celebrate the abundance of the myriad things and the fullness of happiness. An­ other explanation says that the South is the place of growth, so a chun-tzu ^ ^ /uses the southern music/, the notes of which are soft and neither too low nor too high, to create the atmosphere for growth.

I have shown above that nan referred to the soft 77 music, wMch the ancient shamans often used in religious ceremonies. I shall try to explain what the "Chou nan" and "Shao nan" really mean. As Kato Joken m aintains, Chou-kung and Shao-kung were shamans.His theory is supported by the story in "Chin t*êng ^ ," relating that Chou-kung prayed to Heaven for King Wu*s health, smd by Chou-kung's address to Shao-kung as "Pao Shih " in "Chun Shih ^ in the Shu ching. A poem in the Shih ching also attests to the fact that Shao-kung was a shaman. In that poem people are asked not to cut the sweet-pear tree, be­ cause Shao-kung has rested under it.^^^ In ancient times, one of the duties of the Intermediary was to hold hearings at the shS of the fallen dynasty to settle disagreements 27% among men and women. ^ It is clear that Shao-kung had once been the judge of the tribunal for family affairs. The tree under which he sat was sacred, because it repre­ sented the she.F o r this reason, people were forbidden to fell it down.^^^ It then became the sanctuary of the rodents: and "the rodent in the she has become the metaphor for those who take advantage of their position. At this point, I can assert that the "Chou nan" and "Shao nan" designate the nan music of these two dukes. Their difference probably lies in their idiosyncratic ways of singing or chanting.

The above study can be summed up in the following: 78 (1) nan rhymes 9ith fêng; gmO (2) nan means soft; (3) nan refers to the shamanistic songs; (4) nan has the quality of softness and sentimentality; (because of this quality, the Confucian scholars thought that this was the music most befitting the philosophy of their school; as a result, the compiler(s) put tne nan poems in front of all the other poems in the Shih ching;) (5) the "Chou nan" and the "Shao nan" are two groups of poems w ritten to the special music which is closely con­ nected with Chou-kung and Shao-kung, who were shamans; and (6) the difference between these two subdivision of nan poems is, most probably, a reflection of the idiosyn­ cratic ways of singing or chanting of these two shamans.

Now, we are in a better postion to answer the ques­ tion whether there is any difference between nan and fêng poems. Generally speaking, there is no difference, because they both refer to the poems which were sung or chanted to popular tunes. The nan poems, though not necessarily collected from South China, were sung or chanted to the music which was s till in vogue in the South at the time of the compilation of the Shih ching. We base our assertion on the following facts; (1) the result of the archaeological excavations in recent decades indicates that in Shang times North and 79 South China were in constant contact; (2) because the Chou government gradually suppressed the religious beliefs of the Shang people in order to foster their ideology of ethics, the people in North China pRo became more and more rational, while those living in the South enjoyed the academic and rsligicus freedom, which led CO the flourishing of the study of humanities in the state of Ch*u in the Ch*un-ch*iu period,^^^ From these facts we can infer that the shamanistic music gradually vanished from the North, but was s till preserved i n th e South.Therefore, when the compiler(s) collected this group of poems, the music of which was only played, sung or chanted by the Southerners, he (or they) labelled them as nan, which had meanings other than just ’’south." I suspect that if these poems had not had some connection with the two dukes, they might not have been incorporated into the Shih ching, because the rational learned men of the Chou dynasty constantly showed their dislike for this kind of music by saying that it was the Southern barbar­ ians* music and suggesting that it was one of the main factors in the downfall of Ch*u.

From the above we can deduce the following "facts:" T'ang prayed for rain, Yu fought against the Great Flood, Shun's son, Shu-chun, was apotheosized as an agriculture god, and it was the duty of the king to offer the cha and üO yu. sacrifices « Ail their efforts were aimed at the same goal—the fertility of the land. The association of the name of âhun's wife, Têng-pi, with that of the mountain where the herb-gathering shamans went indicates that medi­ cine was s till important to the profession of shamanism. However, as mentioned previously, healing sick people soon became less significant. The legend that Ch'ang-o (a variation of Hsi-ho ) stole the elixir vitae from I , the famous marksman, and flew up to the moon may­ be the mythicization of this change. The legend also in­ dicates the realization by ancient Chinese shamans that immortality was out of reach of the mortal. It was the fa n g -s h ih ^ ("priées") themselves who ridiculed Shih- huang-ti of the Ch'in %rnasty ^ i-& (r. 246-209 5,0,) for his dream that somebody would find the elixir vitae for h im .^^^

Because of their ser-vices to the king, they had occupied high position in the bureaucratic hierarchy; and because of their authority over sacred and mundane matters they naturally had become very powerful. As stated above, I Yin and some other shamans occupied important positions in the Shang government; but Chou-kung was the most politic­ ally powerful shaman of all.^^^ He helped King Wu over­ throw the Shang house and establish the Chou Dynasty, and he formalized the rites and rituals and the music pertain- 81 ing to them (chih 11 tso yueh ). In other words, he secularized the rites and rituals, which had been jealously kept secret by the priests (or shamans). These rites and rituals were later interpreted by Confucius and his followers from the ethicau. point of view. Confucius even linked the understanding of the significance of sacri*- fices with the technique of ruling the state.T h e f a c t that different groups of people could be distinguished according to which sacrifices they were allowed to offer to which deities formed a new class system in China. Though it was not as rigid as the caste system in India, yet the Chinese rulers, at least since the time of Emperor ft'u of the Han Dynasty, have used it as one of the means to main­ tain social order.

Chou-kung also made contribution to Chinese litera­ ture, The subsection, "Han," in the "Kuo fêng" section of the Shih ching is, according to my study; a group of poems, which were sung or chanted to a special tune which was closely connected with shamanistic music. Other poems in the Shih ching were also sung or chanted in sacrifices and other ceremonies. Confucius’ use of them for moral instruc­ tion was sim ilar to Chou-kung's secularization of rites and r i t u a l s .

To sum up, ancient Chinese shamans played an 82 important role in the cultural development of the country. They laid the foundation of Chinese social structure and set down a moral code to which everyone had to conform. The ethical interpretations of the rites and rituals by the Confucian School won the approval of later rulers, so Con­ fucianism was decreed to be a "state cult" during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty.Ever since then, Con­ fucianism has held sway over the thinking of Chinese intellec tuals.

In the following chapter, we shall see that Ch*u Yuan, like his predecessors, took part in the ruling of the state, invented or helped establish the genre of Ch'u tz'u , and that his death has been exploited as the symbol of patriotism (which, in China, means blind loyalty to the ruler), while his frustration and affliction had a cathar­ tic effect on the misfortune of the down-trodden majority who were clinging to the bottom rung of the ladder of s u c c e s s . 83 NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

See William Wells Newell* "Ritual Regarded as the Dramatization of Myth," Memoirs 2 I International Con­ gress of Aathronology, ed. C. Stsmiland Wake (Chicagoî The Schulte Publishing Co*, 1894); PP* 23?-43* ^Clyde Kluckhohn, "Myths and Rituals: A General Theory," Harvard Theological Review 35 (1942), p* 63* ^N* D* Mironov and S* M* Shirokogoro ff , "Sramana— Shaman: Etymology of the Word 'Shaman,'" JNCBRAS 55 (I 924 ), P P* 1 0 3 -3 0 * ^See Berthold Laufer, "Origin of the Word 'Shaman,'" American Anthronologist n*s* 19 (1917), PP- 361-71* Joseph Needham suggests that hsien-men ^ pg may also be the trans­ literation of shaman; see Science aaâ. Ct vili zat1 on C hina. Vol* II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), PP* 133-54- ^Paul Pelliot, "Sur quelques mots d'Asie centrale attestés dans les texts chinois," ^ 182 (1913)» P* 4 6 0 * TTru MSh (?—>1 h -î ts • Sar* mSnir Tnii -n-î f T*e*n-i*-î ■

k’ao," Chi-k'an 6 (1936)7pp* 193-279» and 281-341 ^Berthold Laufer, "Origin of the Word 'Shaman,'J’ P* 369* The information is from the Hsin T'ang shu by Ou-yang Hsiu si. ai-» (S2EI ed*), 217B*10b* See also Hanan üU-jJLnJu-lia^/'^'" "y-u-cnuen— ^ neng-KU cnxn tsu-nsien — , c h 'u a n^-shuo Shih-hswsh chi-k'aa ■f-j 4 \ Aug * , 19 4 4 T , P P * 2 8 —2 9 * ^I* M* Casanowicz, "Shamanism of the Natives of S i b e r i a ," p= 419* Q Jean-Paul Roux, "Le nom du chaman dans les textes turco-mongolsî" Anthronos 53 (1958), p* 141* %hu ching, "Chün Shih/I ^ ," 10*2a; Karlgren, "The Book of Documents?" p- 61* Chu Fang-p'u ^ @1 identifies Kan P'an with Shih Pan in the oracular inscriptions, see Chia-ku-hsüe]3 Shang shih nien (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1935)» 3*3a=4«- 84 ^®Ssù-ma Ch*ien, Shih chi. 2?.50a, 27.31a; Pan Kn^M gl, Ean (SPPY e(CTT3539b. ^^Ch'ên Mêng-chia, "Shang-tai te shên-hua yu wu-shu," PP* 533-34; L, C. Hopkins, "Shaman or Chinese Wu," pp. 3-16; idem. , "The Shaman or Wu è pp. 423-39* '"Hsu Shen, Shuo wen chieh tzu, 3A.4b-3a* ^^Shih ching. Poem no. 209 ("Ch*u tz*u , 13. 10a-13a; KlarlgreUi "The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya," p p . 246- 4 7 . ^^ung Hsing-tsu , Ch*u tz*u nu chu (SPPY ed.), 2.17a. ^ ^ ‘ 1R '^ S e e Pan k u, Han shu, 25A.12b. ^^Shu ching, "Chun Shih," 10.2a; Karlgren, "The Book of Documents," p. 5l. 17 'Jean-Paul Roux, "Le nom du chaman dana les textes turco-m ongolsp. 142. 4 Q See, for example, lijima Tadao ,"*Shi*— Shina np jôdai no okeru bunsho no shoku ifs Shigaku zasshi ^%#t&19:2 (Feb., I 908 ), p p . 101- 30. ^^Hsü Shên, Shuo wên chieh tzu , 3B.3a. i ^^Nakayama HachirÔ, "*Shi* zi o meguru mondai Jlmbun kenkyu 13:7 (Aug., 1962), pp. 86 - 99* ss Wang Kuo-gei, Kuan-t*ang chi lia ^^4|-^(V ol. I of ^ e Wang Kucm-t*ang hsien-sh'êng chouan clai 5.

______-, — - "W sug- gesTs that what the hand holds is a quiver, see F^gAçhih

(Paking: Chung-hua shu-chÊT l9b2), pp. ^- 10, PP Ch*ên Mêng-chia, "Ku wên-tzu chung chih Shang Chou chi-ssu YCg 19 (June, 1936), p. 97. ^^Ch*en Mêng-chia, "Shang-tai te shên-hua yü wu­ s h u ," p . 335* 85 Kan, "Shih tzu te c^eh-kou chi shih-kuan te yiian=shih chih-^ TLTC 14:3

Takeo $ "Osha no kiroku toshite no kikkobun to doki meibun 5, L "L ^ 3l Toho sakuhc (Kyoto) 12:1 (June, 1941), PP. 3 9 - Kato Joken, 'Tushuku ko," pp. 1-48. Tsnng=t'ung, "Shih=kuan chih=tu=fu lun j;ui ch*uan-t*ung chih tsun-chung "s't ," WSCHP 14 (Nov., 1966), pp. 120-23. ^^See Chang Ch*i-ym (ed.), Chung-wen ta tz*u-tien (Taipei : Ghung-kuo wen-hua hsüeEZyuan ^ ^ - k ^ 962-68), p. 4526• ^^Hsu Shên, Shuo wên chieh tzu, 5A.4h. ^ ^ ^ i Hsiao-ting ^ 4 -^ , Chia-ku wen-tzu k»ao shih ^ ^ (Nankang: Chung-yang yen-chiu-ytCan <# ^ ^ 1965), pp. 1589-94. Z^ibid. , pp. 1109-14. 30lbid. , pp. 1595-1600. , ^^Gh'ên Mêng-chia, Yin-hsu pu-tz*u tsung-shu K ■if (Peking: K*o-hsueh c"h*uLpan-sh^ 1956), p p . 11—12.

32t,- ?^4.<._bing, Chia-ku wsn-tzu k^ao shih, pp. 953- 70. ^^C-hou l i , 6 .2 6 b -2 7 a ; B io t, Le Tcheou 1 1 , I I , 7 7 -7 8 . ^^Chu Chün-shêng Shuo wên t'ung hsun ting shêng (reprint; Taipei: Shih^kiehTsHû-chüV 1968), p. 444a. ^ ^%ee Juan Yuan, Ching chi tsuan.ku, 10,154c-55a. ^^Liang Ch'i-^iung, Hs^ tzu chien shih, p. 302; DubS| The Works of Hsuntze, p. 272» See also èranet, Danses et legendes de la Chine ancienne, p. 520, note 7. ^^Ll Hsiao-ting, Chia-ku wên-tzü k'ao shih, pu, 1595-60. ^^Shu ching, 1.10b; Karlgren, "The Book of Docu­ ments," p. V. 86 ^^Shan hai chine, 18.8a. ^^See note 56 above. See also Shu chine. 11.9a; Karlgren, "The Book of D ocum entsp. 71. 4^10 Pi^p^, ^ shih (SPPY ed.), "Hon chi^K 2 .5 b . ^^Shan hai ching, 16.2a, 17. 5b , l 8 . 8 a . ^^ I b id . . 18 . 8 a ; a ls o 15. 1a , 1 6 .2 a , 17. 5%. ^Chang Shu (comp.), Shih pên-^.é- (in Shih pen pa chung /Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 195^), p p . I 6-T 7 . ^^Shan hai ching. 17. 5b . ^^Lo Kan asserts that jên is the root of ching ^ ; see "Shih kan shih shih -f -^^#17" TLTC 56:11 (June, "1968) , p . 16. ^'Hsu Shên, Shuo wên chieh tzu. 14B.6a. Kuo Mo-jo suggests that jên and ch*an f ^ a r e the old and present^ forms the carving knife is still called #h'an-tao^& 77. T here­ fore, jên has the meaning of "carving." ^L i Esiao-ting, "Yin ch*i ling shih j-chu Li Chi hsien-shêng ch'i-shih-sui lun-wên chi

°Li Hsueh-ch*in % "Kuaui-yu chia-ku te chi- ch*u chih-shih Li-shih chiao-hsueh 1959:7 (July, 1959), p .^0 .^ ^^^For the discussion of this word, see also Lu Shih- hsien-% ^^ , "Shuo wên chêng pu"^^£-^^," TLTC 58:2 (Jan., 1969 ), pp. 5-6. Shirakawa Shizuka asserts that the original meaning of shih is a piece of sacrificial meat; see Kanji vË'#- (Tokyo: Iwansuni shoten ^ % 7^ » 1970), p . 7 6. ^^See Li Hsiao-ting, Chia-ku wên-tzu k*ao shih. p . 2069. ^ I ^ .^ S ee Yen I-p 'in g ^ —^ , "Ch'u tseng-shu hsin k'ao »” Chung-kuo wën-tzû 27 (Mar., 1968), p. 19a. 87 ^■^Çuo jgu* "Chou yü shang Jt , l .h b , ^^See K’ung Ling-ku ^ , "Yüeh-shih shên yin yü wu-shih iÿ t f ' J ^ Shuo wên yüeh-k'an ^ fj 2:10 ^^Çhou 1±, if,6b-7b; Biot, Le Tcheou-li. I, 29Î-96. The Lolos call W eir priest ^ mu or bi' mo. These two words mean "old man who understands moraT^and religious doctrines, teachings, and sacred books," See David Crockett Graham, Folk Religion in Southwest China (Smithsonian Miscellaneous“irollectioas l42;lj CIÎov., 196 w , p. 75. ^^See Suai-nan tz^' 1 2 ,1 0 b , ^^Liu P*an-sui, "Shih kuag x. ," Hsüeh hêng , -r. «-r ■— *»Ÿin-lisÜ w in -tz u 1:1 (J ü n e , ’ y f i ', I w i , w*, wu—uoj.u& wxu-u ch*i*»yuan _S YCSP 2if (Dec,, 1938;, p. 30, See also Tang Ch*ing-fan/F»F#. Esien-ch'in ssu-hsiang-shih lun lüeh ftelrinty-longTong:"- WW-c£^g slu Z W ^ ^ f j^, n,d,), p. 7. ^ ^^Chu Chün-shêng, Shuo wên t'ung hsün ting shêng, p , 13a, ^%ang Shu-ta 4^ , "Shuo wên chieh ching shih- erh sh o u -^^||^£ -f-| ," ŒEP TH? %Wt,, 1936), p, 901 , ^^Fukino Yasushi, "'Gyoku* soku *rei* shôkô The name and date of the original journal cannot oe tr a c e d , ^^Wang I, Ch'u tz 'u , p. 23. ^^Li Hsiao-ting, C^a-ku wen-tzu k'ao shih, pp, 2*1-79-80s and 8 3 -8 3 . F o r th e d is c u s s io n o^ c h u , s e e Wang Hêng-yü , "Shuo chu'S^,ig.," Chi-k'an 3È (July, 1961), pp. 99-118, ^^Lao Kan, "Ku wên-tzü shih shih Chi- k*^ 40:1 (Oct,, 1968), pp, 37-39. See^also Ch'ên Kêng- chia, "Tsu-miao yü shên-chu chih ch'i-yuan WHMP 3 ( 1937)5 p. 68, Another explanation that shlh represents libation is rather far-fetched; see Wei Chü- hsien # , "San chêng k'ao 3- iL ^ Shuo-wên yüeh-k'an 1 ( 1941 ), p. 299. ^ shih is derived from dolmen, it probably has the same meaning as C r^ Ansata-^ , the union of the two sexes. See Jennings', ^he^osicrucians, p. 156, F o r th e 88 change from a circle (or a round dot) to a short line, see Ch*« Jun-ain % "Shlh • a — — chih yen=pien « cj —— 5 (1939), pp. 189-94. ^^Li Hsueh-ch*in, "Kuan-yu chia-ku te chi-ch'u chih- shih," p. 20. Hsiao-ting, Chia-ku wên-tzü k*ao shih, pp. 907- 908. See also Lu Shih-hsien. ’-Shuo wên cbêng pu," TLTC 38:6 (liar., 1969), pp. 1-2. ^(g?he compound shih-yin F in Poem no. 291 ("Chieh Kan-shan ") in the ^hxlT"ching (12.1a-b) can also be used as supporting evidence, ^^su Shen, Shuo wên chieh tzu, 3B.3b. ^%ang Euc-wei, Euan-t'ang chi lin , 6.254. , ^^Ch*en Mêng-chia, "Chou-kung Tan fu tzu k'ao — ^ Chin-ling hsueh-pao /S'^^^^10:1-2 (May, 1940), p . 116* Ssu-ma Oh'ien, Shih chi, 130.1a-b. See also Chi C h 'e n - min c h ' "Shuku ______10:2 (June, 1932T,"^pp. bl-^ 13* Ch*ung-^_ls thought to be the transliteration of Tengri; see Todo Akiyasu , Saaii to bunka t (Tokyo: Tokuma shoten 1957)7 P* Y8; also IÆ Tsung-t'ung, "Yen-ti yu Huang-ti te hsin chieh shih ^ ^ #4- 64? ^ ," Chi-k'an 39:1 (Jan., 1969), PP- 27-39. ^ ’ ^^Li Tsung-t'ung, "Shih-kuan chih-t u pp. 128-30. ^^aizuka Shigeki Chugoku kodai shigaku no batten f _(Tokyo : KObundb , 1937), p. 273. Akazuka Tadashi-ô^ ^ i^and Lin Eêng ^ â.so agree that I Yin was a shaman; see Akazuka, "Yin-jdai no okeru kinen keit^ no fukugen .«« je n C hia luan ■^^TSSaSgEax M. Casanowicz, "Shamanism of the Natives of Siberia," p. 415. ^ ^ o ri Yasutarb, ^Ttel densetsu? kodai Ghügok" shin- wa no kenkyu ^ 4=m ^kyotol Sÿô^ü j^shi oaigaku jimbun gakkai ^ ^ , 1970), 89 p, 153* Su Hsueh-lin identifies Shun with Yudhishira in the Mahahharat-a; see "Eslang-chun yu Hsiang=fu=.jsn ^ A ' " èh*ëng~kung ta-hsueh haueh-pao 0^' 4 (May, Ï969J* P« ^3» ^^Shan hai ching, 12.4a. ??Ihld. , 13.2a. ^^Ibid. , 7.3a. ^^Chu Chün-shêng, Shuo wên t'ung hsun ting shêng, p . 7 3 2 a. ------°^ 2 rh y a ^ # (SPTK e d . ) , A .6 a . ^^Hsu Shên, Shuo wên chieh tzu, 14B.5b-6a. G^infra, p. 74. , _ ^-^ang K'uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-shih tao-lun'^^ $.12$$,:: Ku-shih pien. Vol. VII, Pt. 1, pp. 223-46. ^^u Ch*i-ch*ang, "Pu-tz'u so chieh Yin hsien kung hsien wang san hsu k'ao,” p. 8. ^%ên I-to, Ch'uan chi, II, 600-601. In 113 B.C. Emperor of the nan Dynasty offered a sacrifice to Heaven on the shui-shang ^ -t- . This place was described as a round h ill in a swamp." It may be considered a lingam-in-yoni symbol, representing the unity of Heaven smd Earth, See Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 28.JOa^ Pan Ku, Han shu, 6.14a, 23A.l8b; and Yang Shu-ta, "Yü-yuan-hsüeh lun-wËn ship-na p 'ie n ^ ^ ^ # $ ^ fCHHP 12:3 (July, 1937), p. 557. '"^Supra, p. 13. See also Huai-nan tzu, 7.2a; Ch'en Ping-liang, "Cbung-kuo ku-tai shên-hua hsin skih liang tse pp. 212-18. On a painted musical instrument of ancient Ch'u there is a man wearing a big robe and with claw-like hands. He may be a shamai . See Kwang-chih Chang, The Archaeology of Ancient China (rev. ed.; Hew Haven and London: Yale ÏÏniversiiy Press. 1968), ?. 405, Fig. 151. For the dis­ cussion of the shaman's costume, see Uno Holmberg, The Sham^ Co itume and Its Significance, ^ d Mircea Eliade, te chamanisme eVlIes techniques archaïques de l'eztase, pp. T7T9-51" g; ------^------S u p ra , p . 13. See also Yang K'uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-sbin tao-lon," pp. 232-38.

88_ — lin Chung-jung, LÜ shih ch’un-ch'iu chiao shih, p . 2 0 4 . 90 ^°5ee Hayashi Minao "Tei Shan kÔ/&i# % Sokctaugaku 10 (June, 1961), PP. 6 l- j u . ' ^^Shan9C hai ching, 15«5a-b, 16.5a. 91 Ibid. , 12.4&. ^^hu Chün-shêng, Shuo wên t'ung hsun ting shêng. pp. 732a nad 705b. ------^^See note 42 above. Mori lasutarü asserts that Shun was a vegetation god, see Otei densetsu, pp. 63-87. ^^Shu ching, 1.8b; Karigren, "The Book of Docu­ ments." p. 5. pp k ^^Shan had, c h in g , 18 . 8 a . ^^See Pan Ku, Pai-hu t'ung (SPTK ed.), 3.12a. r’or English translation, see ÿjan Tsoe-som, ï^o Eu T'ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall (leiden: J. Brill, 1932), TT,"%34. ^^Shan hai ching. 18,8b. ^^Tang K'uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-shih tao-lun," p p . 314- 18 . Wên Ch'ung-i ^suggests that Chu Jung was originally an animal; see Ch^u wen-hua yen-chiu (Nankang; Chung-yang yen-chiu-yuan, T9b7), p". 8 . Hori Yasutaro argues that chu-.lung originally meant "lightning;" see Otei densetsu, p. b. hs‘ ^ "Chêng 16.2b; "Ch'u yu^##,"

101 Shan hai ching, 15. 4b . ^^^ I b id , ^^^ang K'uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-shih tao-lun," p p . 307- 11. in/t

ucL ! :% (or Ti Mountain ), see Shan hai ching, 6.5a, and Ssu-ma Hsiang- ju ^ , "Ta- j en fu^ a in Ch'uan shang-ku 91 san-tai Cb*in Ran s^ —ku,o Liu—ch^ao wên ^ i- ^ ^ comp, xen isl*o-cnun ,% w (reprint: Peking: Chung- hua ^hu-chu, 1958 ), I, 244c. See also Ch'en Ping-liang, "Shuo Ch'ung-shan TLTC 41:10 (Nov., 1970), pp. 23- 24. ^^^Euo yu, "Chou yu," shang, 1.13a« tzu Jf 4- (SPTK ed.), 2.11a. For English translation, see Y. P. Mei, The Ethical and Political Works of Motze (London; Arthur Proosthaln, i929), P. 4^. Tso chuan, "Chao-kung," ?th year, 21.18a; James Legge, The Chinese Classics, V, 617* Kuo yu, "Chin VTTi, tztttçïï: ------— ^®^Eung Hsing-tsu, Ch'u tz'u pu chu, 3*9a. '^^Shang shu ta chuan (SPTK ed .), 3.8a. ^^^Supra, pp. 12- 14. ^ ^^Liu Tuan-lin, "Chia-ku-wen chung te k'un tzu yu hou shih shên-hua chung te Fu-hsi Nu Wa Chi-k'an 41:4 (Dec., T969 ), PP. 595- 608. See a ls o Wên I - t o , clbTHan c h i . I , 1 -6 8 . ^^^Hsu Shên, Shuo wên chieh tzu, î3B.la. IIP — Mori Yasutaro, Otei densetsu, p. 4 6 . ^^^ang K'uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-shih tao-lun," p . 5 5 8 . ^ ^^Kuo yu, "Chêng yu," 16.6b. ‘^^See Edmund K. Leach, "Genesis as ^ th ," in Myth and Cosmos: Headings in Mythology and Symbolism, ed. Jonn Hi'ddleton (Garden city : The ï^atural History !Press, 1967) , p . 10. ^^^ung Hsing-tsu, Ch'u tz'u pu chu, 3.5a. ^^^See Leach, "Genesis as Myth," p. 8; also Joseph Campbell, The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology (New York: Viking Press, 1964), pp. 105-1Os. T^G ln f r a , p . 165. ^ ^^5hu ching, 7.1b; Karlgren, "The Book of Docu­ m e n ts," p . 92 î PO See Leach, "Genesis as Myth," pp. 9 and 12.

121 , See note 44 above. 1 PP See Yin Chung-jnng, Lu shih ch*un°ch*iu chiao shih, p. 249. In Ssu-ma Ch'ienTs chi, ïïsi-!ho the sun-god, was accused of drinking and confusing xhe sea­ sons (2.19a). This reminds us of Dionysus, who was the sun-god and the god of wine. Cf. "I wsmdered about and indulged in hunting" ("Li sao," 1. 76). ^^^in Chung-ju^, ^ shih ch'un-ch*iu chiao shih, p p . 230- 3 1 . T*ang*s cutting his hair during the ceremony was to "create or to emphasize the relation between an individual /In this case, T*aag7 and a god." See Willia m Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (London: A & C Black, 19277» p. 326; aiso“Haur'ice h. Far- bridge, Studies in B iblical and Semitic Symbolism (New York: Ktav Publishing Souse, 1970), p. à35. In the Old Testa­ ment there are ample references to the grove where the heathens worshipped their gods; e.g. "But ye shall destroy their altars, break their images and cut down their sroves: For thou Shalt worship no other god (Ezodus 34:13-14^." ^^^iang Ch*i-hsiung, Hsun tzu chien shih, pp. 377- 78 . ^^%ee Ch*en Ping-liang, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shên-hua hsin shih liang tse," pp. 206-10, For the tree cult in other societies, see J. H. Philpot, The Sacred Tree or the Tree in Religion and Myth (London and New York: tiac^llan, T557); Sir Arthur John Evans, Mycenaean Tree and Pillsur Cult ar^d Mcdutcrranean R^^atuo^^s \ Lonuon : rxacin.juuan, 190 ^ ) ; Z. May'ani, L'aiFGre sacrfe et la rite de 1*alliance chez les \^CkX.i.O« U AlU. V OX - OU. UC7 SJXf — f cu. J.O ) I J f u u j .j. monu- rr. iste, ?aul èeutimer, T53*?); and Odette Viennot, Le culte de 1 * arbre dans 1 * Inde ancienne (Annales du Musée dîïTmÂlE Bibliothèque d’fetudes, ÿo'me 59 /193h/). 1 pf) Shan hai ching, 14.3a-b. See also Donald H. Mackenzie, jÿhe ^gration of Symbols ^ d Their Relations to Beliefs and. Customs (liôndon: /egan Paul,' Trench, ïrubner è do. ; ,î?ew Ÿork: Ilf red A. Knopf, 1926), p. 179. Since "the sacred tree stands primarily for the mother goddess" (as asserted by H. G. May in "The Sacred Tree in Palestine Painted Pottery," JAOS 59 /~1952/j p. 252), this may be AR ATinT.hoT^ n*P nei— r\S T»-h>i n*P -hV io o u n • see supra > 93 ^^^Shih ching. Poem no» 48 ("Sang chung-^^^ "), 3,31>»4'b; Karlgrent "The Book of Odes. Kuo feng and Siao y a," p . 187. ^ * un-ch * in yuan ming pao quoted in th e 1 wen l e i chii comp. Ou-yang Hsun et al.

'M. (reprint; Tol^: ikian shouen -$j^ , i$ 6 9 j, p p . 144- 54s In the Tso chuanthere is a story, telling that Chuang-kung of Lu saw Mêng-jên , accompanied her to the ^li Palace promised her to make her fu-nen-# < or wife-consort, she should give birth to a "boy? , and cut their arms to make a blood oath, and that later 2%êng- jenZ gave birth to Tzu-pan^-^; see "Chuang-kung," 32nd year, 3»21a. _Legge’s translation of this passage is in­ correct, see The Chinese Classics, V, 121. ^^^Yln Chung-jung, Lu shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, p p . 12- 13. ^^^Ch*un-ch*iu K*ung yen t'u quoted in the wen lei chu, 88.1a, and t'he ÿ^ai-p*lng yu Ian, 933 = 4 1 34a. ^^^Yin Chung-jung, Lu shih ch*un-ch*iu chiao shih, p. 204; Lo P i, Lu shih, "Hou chi,^^ 4.8b. ^^^ori Yasutaro, Otei densetsu, pp. 13-16. ^^^See Ch*en Ping-liang, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shen-hua hsin shih liang tse," p« 2 1 3 * ^^^Ghang Hua, ^ ^ chih, 10.la* ^^^Huai-nan tzu, 3.10b. ^^^Mori Yasutarb, Otei densetsu, pp. 17-18. ^^^Lun yu (SPTK ed.), 4.6a; Legge, The Chinese C l a s s i c s , I , ÈdTT ^^See note 130 ab o v e, ^^%ang ShuJ^^ , K'ung tzu chia yu (SPPY ed.), 9®l?b—6a . ^4®Chang Hua, Po wu chih. 2.1b. ^^'See Edouard Chavannes, Le T*ai Chan; essai de monographie d'un culte chinois (ParTs; lëmes't nerous. 94 1910), pp. 437-525; Mêng-chia., "%ac-mei chiao she tsu=slao tiling k*ao ^ CHHF 12:3 (Jaly, 1937), pp. 445-72; André Parrot, ^ggiirais et tour de Babel (Paris: Albin Michel, 1949), pp. ÈTÏ-lÿ; l3!ng dh'un-sh#ng f ^ &, "Ghung-kuo tsu-miao te ch*i-yuan

Yang üsi-m ei ”IiUn Yin^Chou shih-tai kao-ts*êng * Ic*nn»Tim viî hsT Ta n b ih 7.iIrlrji'ra-h (M ar., Ski:?) : 'pii:' "isî67), pp. 2:3. 2 7 . ^^*^arcel Granet, La civilization chinois (Paris: Albin Michel, 1948), pp. 2T55-T7I ^ I^^See notes 123 and 125 above; also Ishida Eiichiro

- - -

^ S h ^ ching. Poem no. 245 (”Shêng min ^ bu"), 17.1a-4h: Karlgren, "The Book of Odes. Ta ya and Sung," BMFEA 1? (1945), pp. 71-72. ^ ^^Marcel Granet, Festivals and Songs of Ancient China, trans. E. D. Edwards ilondon:" George Boutledge & dons, 1 9 3 2 ) , p . 148.

146I b i^u . ' ^^Shu ch in g . 1,5a; K arlg ren , "The Book o f Docu­ ments p. 4. ^^^ang Hui, Lun hêng chiao shih. "Ku hsiang p*ien 3-103; F orke, Lun aeng. jl, 304. ^^^See Ch'û Wan-li, Shu-yung lun hsueh ehi, pp. 286- 306. ^^°See Li chi7>fi?j (SPTK éd.), 2.10b; James Legge, L i Ki (V ols. XJtTTlTând XZVIIÏ of The Sacred Books o f th e SâsTT ed. F. Max Muller) (Oxford: ^larenden Press ; l885), KXVÏI, 139. Tu E rh -w e iÆ? points out that the^state of Lu preserved most of the Shang culture; see "Lu chun chien chiao pi en chêng % Kuo-11 T ' ai-wan ta-hsueh k«ao-ku-3 en-lei-hsueh ^an^,^ » #WZ5=Z6 (Nov., 1965J, p. 25. 1 '5‘* ^'S ee note 129 above. 152See note 128 above. 95 •^^Li chi, 5.4b; Legge, JA Ki, XXVII, 259. In Japan people worshipped a goddess oT”bow and arrow and prayed to her for male cMldren; see Beguchi Yonekichi ^4 , Genshi boshin ron (Tokyo: Mitakeno shoin

chi, 8.25a, 20.10b; Legge, M Ki, XXVII, 472, and XXvxii, 452. Some aborigines in Taiwan sE ill have this custom of shooting arrowa in time of having a male child: see Ch'in Ch*i-ch*ienJLJg , "Pn-nung tsu Ch'ia she-ch'un te wu-shu HTHGK 1? (Spring, 1964), p. 84. See also Matsumura T ak eo ^F % ^^Shinwagaku ronkg (Tokyo: Dobunkan |?1 , 1929) , pp. 146-67; and n6te 197 below. ^^^Lun yu, 6.11a-b; Legge, The Chinese Classics, I , 2 4 8 -4 9 . ------^^^Marcel Granet, Festivals and Songs of Ancient China, p. 149. ^^^Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 5.?a.

pp. 5-6. Wolfram Eberhard also says that bathing is "a sexual experience, a fertility rite ;” see The Local Cultures of South and Bast China, trans. Alide Eberhard CLeiden: B rill, 1968), p. 237. ^5%ee Pan Ku, Han shu, 97A,9a. *^%ranet. Festivals and Songs of Ancient China,

^^^Shih ching, 3.3b-4b, 4.14a-b, 4 . 15a - b , 4 . 15b - l 6a , 4.20a-b; Karlgren, ''The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya,” pp. 187, 198, 199, and 201. ^^^Mircea Sliade, Traité d'histoire des religions (Paris: Payot, 1949), pp. ^03 and 27È. ^^^See Chou l i , 6.41a; Biot, Le Tcheou-li, II, 104, '^^See Lun yu, 6.20a-b; Legge, The Chinese C lassics, I , 260. TG^Chou li. 6.59b; Biot, Le Tcheou-li, II, 102. ^^%ang Hui, Lun hêng chiao shih, 15.672: Forke, Lun Hêng, II, 335. ~ ^ 96 '°^See Poem nos, 10, 84, 86 and 87 in the Shih ching» lolla-b, 4=14a-l6h: Karlgren, "The Book of odes, Kuo feng and Siao x§," pp» 175, 198, 199, and . “See also Ch»u Tui-chih # , "Shih wu æ , TCHP 7 (June, 1930), pp. 1327-45. ^ 168 See Granet, Festivals and Songs of Ancient China, pp. 148-52. ------^ ^^For fjx^^r discussion of this sacrifice, see

^^°L i c h i , 1 2 .1 7 a; L egge, ^ K i, X X vIII, 1-67. Cha means "to asS for / à good year/;" seeTi chi, 8.6a; Legge, la XXVII, 431. ^^^See E. H. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 75-80. ^^^Li chi, 7.3a; Legge, Li XXVII, 364. ^^^Li chi, 8.6b; Legge, là XXVII, 433. ^^^Chou li, 7.32a; Biot, Le Tcheou-li. II, 211. ^^^Ivan Engnell asserts that the king in the ancient Near East was also the high priest and a fertility god. See and agricultural work to conjugal union."' See Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane; the Nature of R eli^on, trans. W illard k. Trask (Wew York: Parcourt, Brace & World, 1959); p. 166. Ting Shao*s ^ interpretation of the word cha is that it refers to the interaction of the old and the new; see Fênfg-su t'ung (SPTK ed.), 8.9a. We notice that the won i ^interaction" Tcliioh -jg,) can also mean "inter- c o u rs e ." 7 See Poem no. 23 ("Teh yu ssu chun in the Shih ching, which tells that a gentleman, seeing a dead deer“in “tiie suburb, wrapped it up and presented it to his beloved g irl; 1.19b-20a"j~Karlgren, "The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya," p. 178. See also~T~li /f^ j^ C SFTK e d . ) , chuan 2. For English translation, see ïïôhn Steele, The I-li. or Book of Eticuette and Ceremonial (London: Prob- s î ï ïi S n T ÜÔ77 T g :7 ) , - I , ry-T H T ------I77s=_anemr Brown II says that the motives of the 97 primitive people "are at once simple and direct, and they are doubtless sincere. Much misunderstanding has arisen by judging such primitive people by the standards of our pre­ sent day civilization. Sex worship, while it held sway, was probably quite as seriously entertained as many other be­ liefs, . . See The Sex WorsMp and Symbolism of Pri­ m itive Races (Boston: ïü chard G. Badger, 1 '9.1 '67 » p. 35T* TS/hsn discussing the Bacchic orgy, T. Clifton Longworth also re m a rk s, "... we must not forget that the idea of inde­ cency did not then exist, so that honest matrons and modest virgins also walked in such a procession, and even carried with them the crude image of the phallus.” See The Worship of Love in Ancient Greece (London: Torchstream Books, "T954), po iW Î ^ ^^Chang Kuang-chih, ”Chung-kuo yuan-ku shih-tai i-shii sheng-huo te jo-kan tzu-liao ^ m ± ^ — CK 9 (Spring, I960), p. 25>. Grafton E. Smith also points out that cowry is the surrogate of the life- giving organ; see The Evolution of the Dragon (London, New York, etc.: Longmans, dreen & C3T, pp. 150-^1. See also Bernhard Karlgren, "Some Fecundity Symbols in Ancient China," BMFEA 2 (1930), pp. 1-66.

179 . ^aee_for example Ling Ch'un-sheng, "Chung-kuo tsu- miao te ch*i-yuan," pp. 143- 4 9 . Arnold Van Gennep, Les rites de passage (Paris: ’ibrauirie Critique, 1909), p. '^^See Nishio^ Hideo Nippon no okeru sei- servances âè a Religious Rite in Japan," Tenri Journal of Religion 2 (Dec., 1959), p p . 5—17» 1 Qo ^ ' See Juan Yuan, Ching chi tsuan ku, 1.2c-5a: Ting Fu-pao , Shuo wên chieh! tzù ku ^n^^ 9- (reprint; Taipei: Kud-nSn ch'u-pan-sb#' , n .d . ) , 1B.220a-225a. ^ ^^Quoted in the I wên lei chu, 3.12a. th e I chiuig (Book o f ChangQs)(8PTK e d .) , yin amd yang are called tao, and it is goodness that suc­ ceeds the tao, and nature that perfects it; 7.3b. For English translation, see James Legge, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Vol.~TTl of The Sacred Books of the Ëâst, ed. Max Muller) (2nd ed.; 'Oxlord: Clarendon Press, l849), PP* 355-56. ^^^Erich Neumann, The Great Mother: An Analysis of 98 the Archetype, trans, Ralph Manheim (New York: Pantheon ^ k s , 4 3 . 1 Rfi i CÜ&U shu, 3.14h. In India the numerical symbol of the fieiy element is the number 3» and that of the ele­ ment of water is 2; see Alain Danielou, Hindu Polytheism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1964)» P. 3^^ Incidentally, the number 5 was the marriage number in ancient West; see M atila Ghyka, Philosophie et mystique du nombre (Paris; Payot, 1932), p. 1è>, and Vincent F. Hopper, Medieval Number Symbolisa: Its Sources, Meaning, and Influence on !j?hoi^ht and Expression (kew York: dooper iSquare Pu^blisEêrs, Inc.,

T5S9), pV fe ' ^^^Jennings, The Roslcrucians, p. 227, ^^^Sanger Brown II, The Sex Worship and Symbolism of Primitive Races, p. 47. Jennings, The Roslcrucians, pp. 2ë0-6l. ^^^See I w&n le i chu, 2 . 15a - b . ^^^Gêza Rôheim, The E tera^ Ones of the Dream: A Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Australia Myth and Situai (New ÿork; International Universities Press, II94^) » p. 1^6. ^^^Prince John Loewenstein, "Rainbow and Serpet," A nthropoa % (1961), pp. 31-40. René Guenon also says that ri35H5wis the sign of the union of Heaven and Earth; see Symboles fondamentaux de la science sacrée (Paris: G alli- mard7l$6â), P. 3^6.------^ ^^See, for reference, Ts • ên^ Chimg-mien Ll.ang Chou wen shzh lun ts *ung ?» ( Shanghai : Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 195b), pp. 283-o7. ^ ^94% ching. 7.4b; Legge, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism, p. 358. *^^See note 182 above. ^^^See note 154 ab ove. ^^^Donald L. Philippi, Kojiki (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 53:5. See also ueda Masaaki Ji g7 ÙL sg", Nippon shinwa 9 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970), p. 159. Higo kazuo also points out that arrow symbolizes the male sex; see __ Nipponjfj-rcno-n Shinwa o'h-î'nws» kenkyU Tr*»T>WTT Ç A -jz -rd? (Tokyo: fTmkvn ! Kswade Kawade shobôshobô > 7 , 1938/, pp. ^3^-33. See also Beguchi Konekichi, 99 Genshi boshin ron, p, 2$1* Akamatsu Chi jo and A^ba Takashii^ Chosen fuzokn no kenkyu s/Tf^ <-ê^ff^COsaka: Yago inten Æi -i-rt I T^T _ 171-7 ^feee also Ak-iVia Talcasht.

Yütokusha , 195 UJ ,“ p^»' 83. ^^%ee note 182 above. ^^See Gh‘n Wan-11. Shu-yung lun hsueh chi, pp. 161- 64. ^^^See note 182 above. ^^^Philippi, Kojiki, 4:6 and 5:4. Of, the creation myth of the Puyuma tribe in Taiwan; see Arundel del Re, Creation rlyths of the Formosan Natives (n.p.: The Hokuseido Press, n.d.), pp. 45-4'5T ^°^i chi, 20,10b; Legge, ^ m , XXV'III, 452. In India Vishnu^s bow, éarnga. is auLso a symbol of sexual love; see Benjamin Walker, ^ke_Kindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hinduism (New York and Washington: "Frederick A. Praeger, TO'8); p."55. ^^^See Yang Ching-shuang "Fang-hsiang-shih yu ta-t'an Chi-k*an 51 (Dec., I960), pp. 123- 6 5 . ^®^See Granet, Festivals and Songs of Ancient China, p . 148. ------2002ge Yang K*un "Tsao-shen k*ao'^^'v^^ ," Han-hsueh (or Bulletin du Centre franco-chinois d*études"sinologique ) 1(194^, pp. 14^-48. ^^^Wen I-to, Ch*uan chi. I, 81-116.

Tso-an wax chx . / . sheng i-shu ^ /reprint of 1^36 ed.; Taipex: Ta-ksin shu-chu, 1965/), 9 .1757c-58c. ^°%uan tzu (SPTK ed.), 14.8a. ^^^Huai-nan tzu, 11.3b. ^*‘*'Shu ching, 1.10a; Karlgren, “’The Book of Docu­ mente," p. T.------100 chuan« "Chao-kung," 29th year, 26,9a; Legge, The Ch^^ese ^^assxcs, V, 731 • See also pp, ^7“^9, ^^^Shan hai ching, 16.8a, 11.5a and I6.2b-3a.

^ ^^^ang Shu*ta, "Ssu-t*u ssu-ma ssu-k*ung shih = 1 ^ ^ I f , ” in Yu-yen yu wên-hsueh , fd. Kuo-^li Ch'ing-hua ta-hsti'en üiiung-kuo wën^sûeh hui ^ ^ ;^i^^‘CShan^iaiî Chung—hua shu—chu, 1937) « ?P« 43*49« PI A Shu ching. 1.10a; Karlgren, "The Book of Docu­ ments p. 7. ^^^See infra, pp, 119-20. iQ 21 ■^u Shih -ir^v^, Hu SMh wen ts'un (Taipei;

;^Cfej," TLTC 57:10 (Nov., 19"58), pp. 1-5. 219p Hai-yen shu "Po Hu Shih. 2'lf. 123-28; Jao Tsuag-i, "Shih JTOTl (1954) P? . 111-22. ^ ^°L i chi, 16.2b; Legge, M g ., XXVIII, 303. f ^^Fu Ssu-nien, Fu Mêng-chên hsien-shêng chi X-nT (Taipei; Kuo—li T - ai—wan va—usueh , 1952), IV, 192-235. See also Li Chi, The Beginnings of Cminese Civilization (Seattle and London; univer-sf^ o? Washington Press, 1957), pp. 35-37. ^^Shan hai ching, 11 .3b; Hung Hsing-tsu, Ch'u tz*u pu chu, 3.1TBT” ^e'e also T*ien Ch'ien-chun, "Shih i' ,” Gïïung-kuo wên-tzü 20 (June, 1966), no pagination. ^ ^&rh B.llb. ^^*Hsu Shen, Shuo wên chieh tzu, 8A.1a. ^^Juan Yuan, Ching chi tsuan ku, 4.38b. ^^Kato Joken, Chugoku kodai no shukyo to shiso \K •- S ^ (Kyoto: ~5aba5c=5H^^ "HÔshi^a tôEs" huhka kôza iinkai f -5 ^ , 1954), p. 22. See also idem., "Jên-jên yu shan-jen /- 101 Chi°k*an, Wal plea 4 (I960), pp. 61-81; Inui Kazuo _ T j ’'M s its u s s i ZGnnzii kw ^ M » ” Koku/^fikui.a z a s s k i ^ ,! |’^ ^ f ^ 68:6 (June, 1967), pp. 25-56. 2P7 'Shanf^ shu ta chuan, 1B.l8b. c ^ , 1 6 .6 b . ^^^See, for example, Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Phd^osophy. trans. Derk Bodde (2ncTed.; Princeton: - Princeton I^nivsrsiÿy Press, 1952), I, 69. There are too many books and papers on the meaning of jên to be cited here. We can o^y choose some recent ones as examples: Yang Hua-chih 1 (ed.) , £-ung tzù yen-chiu chi ^

§ f , 1957)4 2 v 6 l s .; /<=," Shuo-wen yueh-k'an ....______ifan-liT“ Shu-yung lu n ~ hsueh chi, pp. 254-67; Hu C hih-kueiJ'k'ung tz ü c h ih p8n tz d ssu-hsiang fan yuan Yu-shih toùeh-chih^^i T $ f 1:4 (Oct., 1962), no pagination; Tsêng Yü^-nung , "Yuan 3en fk ,” K*ung Meng hsueh-pao % ^ ^= (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1936); Take- uchiTFeruo ty Jin no kogi no kenkyuA~^~èr (Tokyo: Meiji shoin 19"^); ïïomer H. Dubs, "The development of Altruism in Co^nfucianism," Philosophy East CUIVI=r,j ffffOOl^ : ( 1951 ), pp. 48-55; Chan W ing-tsii, "ïhe Évolution of the Confucian Concept Jen," ibid. , 4 (1954-55), pp. 295- 31 9 . ^^''Ch*u Jun=min, "T'ung-jen? Hsiang-jen? A,?" WHHP- 1 ( 1932 ), no pagination. ^^^Mêng tz u Z 3 - (SPTK e d . ) , 6 .1 3 b ; L egge, The Chinese Classics, ÎI, 282. -'"'If we apply Kafb Joken's generalization that everyone of the ancient Chinese shamans wes a hunchback, we may consider Confucius a shaman too, for in the K*ung- ts'u^-tzu 5r (quoted in the T'ai-p'ing yu Ian, 371. lÿzjifb) it is said that Confucius had a back sxmiiar to that of a turtle. Naturally, further evidece is lacking to ascertain this. ^^^Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, p. 209. 102 ^^See Chow Tse-chung, The May Fourth Movement. ? P « 5S*“6 0 j and. 3®®” *3» s i s o Y* w , wang»**TE3^nese T n ^ e lZ e ctu ale and the West 1872-1949 (Chapel H ill: University o i N orth Carolina î^ress, 1 $6oi, pp* 308-11; and John K. Fairbank, The United States and China (rev* ed*; Cambridge: Harvard ïïïiiversiiy iPress, 195b;, pp. 64-67* ^^^Lun yu^ 8*l8a-b, 9*5a-b; Legge, The Chinese C l a s s i c s , I , 315- 16, 3 2 3 . ^ ^ Chang Hsi^t'ang Shih ching liu lun 7T ÂÇ, (Shanghai: Shang=wu yin=shu-kuan, 1957; , P P * 1Ô1- 106. ^^^See Ch*en P * an f^^, "Chou Shao erh nan yu Wen- wang chih hua — ^ 3. ," Kuo-^ Chim^-shan ta- hsueh Yu-yen li-shih yen-chiu-so choû-&'ân 3‘^ iJuly, T528) , p p . 1325- 3 5 * ^^^uo Mo-jo, "Shih nan in Chia-ku wên-tzü yen-chiu, no pagination* ^^^Chang Hsi-t*ang, Shih ching liu lun. p. 106* ^^Quoted in T'ien Ch'ien-chun, "Shih nan ," Chung-kuQ wen-tzu 8 (June, 1962), no pagination* Shirakawa % h i nks that nan is a bronze drum; see "Shih cbirg li shuo Chi-k*æi. Wal pien 4 (I960), p. 8V. 241, *Erh nan* nan (A p ri* , 1963 ), PP* 11-16. ^^Kato" Joken, Chugoku kodai no shukyo to shiso.

^^^Chin Ching-fang, "Shih *Srh nan* *ch*u chi* *san ts*an* *lin chih* Æ ^i," Wen s ^ <^ , Vol. Ill (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1963), PP* 245-51. ^^See Chang Hsi-t'ang, Shih ching liu lun. pp. 116- 4 0 . 245|j*ign Ch * ien-chun, "Shih ching 'Erh nan* nan tzu pien hue," p. 16. ^^^Shih ching. 2*3b, l?* 13b , 2 0 .3 a . ^ ^Ibid. , 2.3a, 18.18b-19a. ^^^Karlgren's reconstructed pronunciations of these 103 words are: -& ism; ^ p i^ ; «cf" 8^3m; and fp n3m; see "Gram- sata Serica Recensa,” BMFEA 29 (1957); pp= 1J4; 166, 1?6, and 172. Moreover, the fact that the word su is pronounced as Ian further^suhstantiates our assertion. See also Lo Ch« Nan-

W ^ j. >, 4g^%hou Tsu«21o, Ch'unz chiao Sung pen Kuang ynn ^ (Taipei; Kuang-Vén shu-chü « -> 4 ^ .-. 19^) , pp = 310 and 3 0 8 . " ^ ^ ^^^Shih ching. 2.4a; Karlgren, "The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya,” p. 180. ^^^Shih ching. Poem nos. 236 (”Ta ming ”), 16.3b; 240 (”Ssu cn*i "T, 16.10b. Karlgren, ”xhe BooK of Odes. Ta ya and Sung," pp. 66 an d 6 8 . ^^%su Sh&n, Shuo wên chieh tzu. 14B.6a. ^^^Erh ya. A. 6a , ^^^ u n y u , 7 . 18 b , 3 . 15b; Legge, The Chinese C lassics. I , 283 —8 4 , 19 b . '^hu ching, 1.9a; Karlgren, "The Book of Docu­ mente," p, " ^ See the story about Chu T*o in the Tso chuan. "Ting-kung ," 4 th y e a r , 2 7 . 5a-b; Legge, The Chinese C lassics. V, 755-54* Id. chi, 9.14&; Legge, 1 1 ^ , 2K7IIÏ, 35- ^^^See Shan hai ching. 2.19a. ^^^See Ling Ch*un-sheng, "K'un-lun ch*iu yu Hsi-wang- mu r£> 2--^ ," MTSCK 22 (Autumn, 19 6 6 ), p. 251. ^^^Li260 chi, 5.7a; Legge, M m , XXVII, 265. 261 See note 125 above. ^^^See Tso chuan. "Esiang-kung," 10th year, 15. 2b; Legge, The Chinese C lassics. V, 446. 263yin Chung-.rang LÜ shih ch'un-ch*iu chiao shih. p . 2 1 0 . 104 _ Huai«»nan tzu. 14,10a; also LuC M aft*^, H sin yu (BPPY ed,;. A»6bi Vang Shu. K»ung tzu chia yu. 8=3b = ^^%u Huai-ch*en and Taki fiyoichi also point out that in the Shih ching there are shamanistic poems; see Hu, Chung-kuo wen-hsitfeh pien chSng W ûE. (Shang­ hai: Shang-wu yin-s'hu-ku^, 19?7^ $ pp, 24^9; Taki, "Shi- kyo ni arawarepa fuka t- t: 'I’ono gakung T^gkyg) ^ ^ ^ fj? y 5 (Dec,, 1934), PP» l6i —^09• ^^^Ssu-ma ChHen. Shih chi. 2.17b. ^^^See Yin Chung-jung, ^ shih ch'un-sh'iu chiao shih. p, 201, ^^^Shih tzu. B.lb, ^^^Liu Hsiang^ Shuo yuan. 19.29a-b; see also Wang Shu, K*ung tzu chia yu, %,5b, ^^^Kato Joken, Chugoku kodai no shukyo to shiso, p. 10; also idem, , "Eu dhung-kuo ssti-ISsiahg ta-cEia—Ôkou- kung ," trans. Hung Shun-lung TLTC 37:1-2 (July, 1968), pp. 56-39. ^^^Shu ching, 7.8a-9b; 10,4b: Karlgren, "The Book of Documents," pp. ^5-56, and 62, ^^^Shih ching. Poem no, 16 ("Kan fang "), 1. 15b; Karlgren, "The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya," p , 176. ^^^Chou 11, 4=1 lb; Biot- Le Tcheou-li, I- 306-30?» good example of_thls kind of disagreements is in Poem no, 17 ("Hsing l u ^ f ^ " ) , in which the girl refuses to marry a man, even though the latter would take her to the tribunal; see Sh^ ching, 1.16a-b; Karlgren, "The Book of Odes, Kuo feng and Siao ya," pp. 176-77. 275çpo illu strate this point, we give some quota­ tions from H, 6. Quaritch Wales* book. The Mountain of God (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1953)» iu the following: "Hence we may say that the tree was an alternative to the mountain as representing the earth’s energies; only secondarily did they each acquire a further symbolism as the cosmic axis (p. 13).” "Not only a mound but also a tree was required to represent the god of the soil (p, 45)." 105 ”So important was the sacred tree in earlier times that the tree of an overthrown dynasty was cut down. Indeed one reason why a building was erected over the old mound was to make sure that no tree grew or was planted (p. 4 6 ) chi i-8hu, p. 21yyal

^'^^See Liu t'ao (SPTK ed.). 4c35b. The Chiangs also consider thé trees of a sacred grove are holy and do not allow them to be cut down; see David Crockett Graham, Folk Religion in Southwest China, p. 92. 277see Hung Mai , Jung-chai sui-pi (ffan-yu wen-k'u hui yao edT), "Ssu pig?.^ ,*' 2.14. 278 It may be a coincidence that in ancient Indo- iranian nam- also means "tender," "to go away," (or li in Chinese, which can mean "fire"—a symbol for SoutF7) see E, Benveniste, "Le verbe iranien nam— en sogdien," BSOAS 30 (1967), pp. 509 - 11.

shu-tien , 1962), pp. 60-61. See also note 221 a b o v e . 280 The change of attitude of the Chou government toward religion can be seen in the I Chou shu. In the be­ ginning the government encouraged tEe people to worship their gods (4.1b, 2.6a), but later, shamans were thought to be dangerous to the government (3.2b. 5.6b, 8.6b-7a), ^^*Hung Liang-chi , "Ch*un-ch*iu shih Ch'u-kuo jên-wên tsui sheng lun Kêng-shêng- chai wên chia chi # (SPPY éd.) 2.8a-9aT See also kuo y^, "dh'u y u hsia. I 8 .2 a . ^^^Lu K'an-ju has already pointed out the

1:1 (June, 1927) See Mori Mikisaburo, Chugoku kodai shinwa. pp, 187-91 ; Yang K*uan, "Chung-kuo shang-ku-sbi h tao-.] un, ~ p . 3 6 6 . ^^^SsS-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 6.20a. 106 discussion of Chou-kung's c^eer, see Hayashi Taisuke Shufco to sono .iidai (Tokyo; 'Okura shoten % 'f^ W W ,”T920;; feng Ssu-yu "Chou-kung shih-shuo yen-pien k*ao Nu-shih-ta hsueh- shu chi-k'an 2:2 (Apr.^ 19^1), no pagination; Ch'$n ri#ng-chia, “Chou-kung Tan fu tzu k'ao," pp. 115-18; %in Chou . "Chou-kung shih-chi chih ch*ing-ii Shuo-ven ?ueh-k*an 4 (May, 1944 ), pp. 215-5Qi + Yang Yun-ju ^ , "Cnou-kung s^h-c^ te ch'uan-i guo-li Ghuag-shaa ta-hsueh Yu-yea li-shih yen-chin- 80 chou-k^an 8:91 (July. T92<$). pp. 11-20. Lun yu, 2.4b; Legge, The Chinese Classics, I, 158-59. ^^^For fu ll discussion, see John K. Shryock, The Origin and Development of the State C ^t of Confucius^CFew Yor£ and London: The Century Co., 1952). CHAPTER THREE

WAS CH*Ü Y9AN a shaman

Despite the publication of many articles and books on Ch*u Yuan, the aura of mystery enveloping his life seems to be im penetrableH is biographies are conjectural and exaggerating. As Shirakawa Shizuka points out, scholars in the People's Republic of China have recently made Ch'u Yuan into a people's poet or a champion for the people's rights. They use his banishment from officialdom as an example of the inevitable struggle between the ruling class and the ruled, and of the incompatibility of old" and new political ideas. According to them, the new one was Legal­ ism, while the old one was bureaucratic egotism that the interests of the ruling class were of paramount importance. The degree of truthfulness of their Ch'u Yuan biographies depends largely on their interpretations, or rather ampli­ fication, of the scanty data in the Shih chi. Their inter­ pretations, however, are often off the track. In their biographies, they often supply some fabricated accounts in order to support their interpretations. There are other Ch'u Yuan biographies which are free from political over­ tones, but they are not better than their counterparts.

107 108 James Hightower points out that the authors of these bio­ graphies merely duplicate the efforts and the theories of their predecessors,^ Therefore, to understand more about this famous poet, a close examination of these data in a different and wider perspective is necessary.

The "Biography of Ch'u Yuan" in the Shih chi (here­ after "Biography")^ is very sketchy and seems to have some discrepancies. As a result, some scholars deny that there has ever existed such a man as Ch'u Yuan. This assumption was first put forth by Liao P'ing (A.D. 1852-1932),^ and later, Hu Shih,^ Ho T'ien-hsing and Chu Tung-jun ^ t'l%j ^ joined the ranks. Of them Hu Shih is representative. He argues that if Ch'u Yuan had been alienated from King Huai of Ch'u 3. (r, 528-298 B.C.), he could not have been sent to Ch'i as an envoy and would not have been in a position to exhort king, and that if Ch'u Yuan was an envoy and was in a position to exhort his king, he would not have been exiled. Yet, there is hardly any contradiction between being an envoy and being banished. There is no reason why an alienated official could not admonish his king or an ex-envoy should not be banished. Hu also points out three inconsistencies: f i r s t , Ch'u Yuan's statement that the Ch'in state was a country of tigers and wolves is attributed to Chao Chu in the "Ch'u shlh-chia ^ secondly, the 109 location of the land which King Hnai wished to exchange for Chang I*s 5"^ life was different in the "Biography of Chang and thirdly, in the first part of the "Bio­ graphy." the author used the name Ch'u Yuan, but in the latter part, he used Ch'u P'ing ^ . These inconsis­ tencies can hardly be used as evidence to discredit the reliability of the "Biography." Since in the past, history was not regarded as a record of true facts, there are many examples of inconsistencies in ancient Chinese historical w r i t in g s . Yet, we cannot dismiss them categorically as forgeries. The alternate use of Ch'u Yuan and Ch*u P 'in g should not be used as evidence of forgery either, because in the first sentence of the "Biography" Ssu-ma Ch'ien has already stated that Ch'u Yuan was also called Ch'u P 'in g . Furthermore, in the works of some Han scholars, such as Chia I (201-169fPOT—1AQ B.C.),B.C.). Yang HsiungHsiung '2 ~ (53 B.C.- A.D. 18), Pan Ku, and Wang C h 'u n g , Ch'u Yuan i s a ls o men­ tioned. To deny the existence of Ch'u Yuan, first of all we must prove that the stories of this poet in these v/orks are also forgeries. This, however, would be hardly possi­ ble.'*

Ho and Chu further suggest that "Li sac was w ritten by Liu A n ( 1 7 9 “-122 B.C.), P rin c e o f Huai-nan 5-. Their evidence has been shown to be 1 ? flimsy and shaky by many scholars, “ Moreover, their n o enthusiasm to disprove the traditional history has blinded them to the fact that in the reigns of Emperor Wu and Emperor Hsuan ^ (r. 73“k9 B.C.) of the Han Dynasty Chu Mai-ch*ên ^ (?-115 B.C.) and Pei-kung of the

GhiU’-chiang region A j were summoned to the royal court to recite the Ch*u tz*u.^^ Both of them came from the former Ch'u areas. Should the Ch'u tz'u have been first written by Liu An, or, as Liao P'ing suggests, the Ch'in scholars,^^ there would not have been such difficulty in finding someone to recite it, and, in the latter case, the elocutionists would have been from the Ch'in areas. Thus there is a flaw in their methodology. They do not view the problem from every possible angle, but rather choose that evidence which is in their favor, and leave un­ mentioned those unfavorable to their theses.

In this connection, we can provide a parallel cases If not for his monumental work. Shih chi, we can be sure that nobody would know that there existed such a man as Ssu-ma Ch'ien in the Han Dynasty.Surely, his name does not appear in the Biographies of Emperor Wu and of Li Ling (? -7 4 B.C.) in the Shih chi, even though he admitted that he was castrated on account of his involvement in the T,1 Ling case, in which Li, a general in Emperor Wu's c o u rt

•V.. s indicted fcr having committed high treason as a result of his surrender to the Hsiung-nu after a military m defeat. Can we say that the story of Ssu-ma Ch'ien Is another fabrication of Liu Hsiang and his son, the alleged forgers of many ancient books, because the title t'ai-shih- kung ^ ^ ^ has incurred no fewer suspicions and spe­ culations than Ch'u Yuan's tso-t'u 3^ and san-lu ta-fu 3- ? Likewise, we cannot say that Ch'u Yuan was non-existent, merely because of scanty biographical data. Since he was a palace official, his status did not warrant him a place in the official history. Fortunately, in his extensive travels, Ssu-ma Ch'ien was able to recover some information about this famous poet and transmitted it to the later generations in the Shih chi. Only Ssu-ma Ch'ien, being in a sim ilar profession, could understand Ch'u Yuan's plight. We should be thankful to him for giving us some information about the lives of forgotten people like Ch'u Yuan.

Furthermore, most of the modem scholars who believe t h a t Ch'u Yuan was the author of the early Ch'u tz'u poems s till cling to the assumption that Ch'u Yuan was a court official in the State of Ch'u. To amplify his role in poli­ tics, Chan A n-t'ai J% maintains that Ch'u Yuan was a reform ist like Wu Ch*i ^ (?-378 B.C.) or Shang Yang (?“ 338 B.C.) and that he belonged to the Legalist School, the only ancient school of thought- approved by Chinese Communists. His assertion is merely a guess, 112 because there is no evidence that Ch'u Yuan had a reform pro­ gram. On the contrary, Sun Tz'u-chouand Wên I - to suggest that Ch'u Yiian was a "literary jester ^ Their opinions are different, however. Sun thiziks that Ch'u Yusm was a jester, a despicable man; whereas Wên thinks that Ch'u Yuain deserved more of our respect, because he had the courage to revolt agadnst his masters. 18 The opinions of these three scholaurs are vary subjective, and - without auay factual basis.

Another theory about what C h'u Yuan was has been put forth by Ch'ên Mêng-chia, Fujino Iwatomo, and others. They hold that he was a shaunaui. ^19 In the following, I am going to study the "Biography" and other relevamt material to see if their theory holds water, I shall discuss one by one his family background, his political career, and his person­ al character.

(A) Ch'u Yuan's date o f b ir th Regarding Ch'u Yuan's date of birth, the second couplet of "Li sao" which runs

has been translated to state that he was bom on the këng- yin day, when She-t'i pointed to the first month of the 113 ysar.^^ Chang Huai-chin '}^ points out that the last word in this couplet chiang doss not mean "to be born," as traditionally interpreted, but "to descend, as gods do 21 from Heaven to earth." He maintains that we should inter­ pret this couplet as "I descended on that particular day of the first monthr" His suggestion can be supported by the fact that, during the process of the acquisition of shaman- istic power, a neophyte is reborn after experiencing a flight upward to the heavens and downward to the nether p p •• world. With this understanding, we may say that Ch'u Yuan, like the Chinese Buddhist monks in later times, em­ phasized the date of his ordainment as a shaman rather than telling his date of birth. Moreover, the cyclical number yin wauB considered sacred or auspicious by ancient Chinese people. The following are three examples: (1) According to the Shih chi. Emperor K'u execu­ ted Ch'ung Li on the kêng-yin day.^^ Fu Ssu=nien's ^ (A.D . IS 96 -I 95 O) comment on this statement is: The kêng-yin day wets an important day in the minds of the Ch'u p e o p le . (2) The commentary on Lo P i's hu shih says that Fu-hsi was born in the kêng-yin yeaœ.^^ (3) In the Lun hêng Wang Ch'ung quotes from am ancient buriatl manual that it is favorable to do the interment at noon of the kêng-yin day. Although we can s till assume that Ch'u Yuan was bom on that 114 particTilstr day, we cannot ignore the possibility that this day was the date of his initiation, unless we totally deny that Ch*u Yuan was a shaman.

(B) His ancestry The first couplet of ”Li sac” says that Ch'u Yuan was a descendant of Emperor Kao-yang & , and that Po- yung was his huang-k'ao ^ ^ . Kao-yang was another name for Chuan-hsu , who, according to Hsu Ping-ch'ang was a s h a m a n .A s for Po-yung, there are quite a few questions about his identity. First of all, whether he was Ch'u Yuan's father is a controversial issue among Ch'u tz'u scholars. Most of them, such as Wên I-to and Wang Ssû-yûan , tend to think that he was not Ch'u Yuan's pQ father, but one of his ancestors. But exactly who he was still remains unknown. Tuan Hsi-chung asserts that he was Esiung=k'ang , because k'ang and yung are inter­ changeable.^^Hcwever, Jac Tsung-i's thesis that Po-yung was Chu Jung^^ is more plausible. F irst, the word jgo is an honorific. For example, it is used this way in the names Po-kun^^^^ , Po-yu , and Po-feng (son of the M inister of Music, K'uei). Secondly, yung is homophonie with .jung In fact, they are interchangeable.^^ In the "Ch'u Silk Manuscript," jung is written as yungA/^ More­ over = in the Lu shih the variant of Chu -Jung is Chu Yung j% Therefore, Po-yung was Chu Jung, who was Ch'ung Li, 115 or L i*^ , son of Chuan-hsn.^^

It is possible that Ch'u Yuan mentions the ancestry of his own family in that poem. Nevertheless, it is a prac­ tice of the shaman to talk about the founders of his profes­ sion. According to Mishina Shcei ^ , the ancient Korean shaman offered sacrifice to the spirits of the early shamans, and sang the shamanistic song bon-phuri , which recounted the life stories of the spirits.-'^ There­ fore, it is not impossible for Ch'u Yuan to mention the names of some great personages in the shamanistic profession.

As his ancestors Kao-yang and Po-yung were shamans, we say assume that Ch'u Yuan was also a shaman.

(C) His name Since everyone has a name, few people would think it necessary to discuss the meaning or significance of Ch'u Yuan's name. The importance of understanding the meaning of Ch'u Yuan's name lies in the fact that his name is a clue to the problem of whethei; or not he was a shaman. Unfortunate- ly, many Ch'u tz'u scholars, such as Yu Kuo-en , have the misapprehension that the names given in "Li sao" are nothing but riddles for the two given in the Shih chi, namely, Ch'u Yuan and Ch'u P'ing*^^ I cannot agree with, them, because ling-chun *^7^ and chêng-^tsê jB- can 116 hardly he considered the equivalents of n'ing smd yuan. Al­ though chun and n'ing have the same meaning, the word ling is left dangling in the air. In the following we shall see if ling-chun and chêng-taê have special meaning.

According to the Chou l i * the Chief Shaman of the state would lead the other minor shamans to go to Wu Hêng (Shaman Herr); in case of disasterThe word hêng was written in Shang Dynasty as ©li

As Mori Yasutaro points out, the circle represents the sun and the snake represents rainfall.This ideogram gives us an impression that Wu Hêng was the one who possessed the magic power to control sunshine and rainfall. For this rea­ son, his succour wsus sought in the event of a disaster.

Confucius once quoted a proverb of the Southerners, "If a man makes no persistent efforts (hêng ), he cannot %g - even be a shaman-medicine-man." In this proverb hêng is a pun, because, apart from the meaning of persistent efforts, it also refers to the great shaman. Furthermore, this word hêng has another meaning. In the Shih ching, there is a line, saying.

May you be as hêng as the moon -4 ^ ^ ^ 117 The traditional explanation of hen% is "crescent.” But it does not make much sense. The meaning of the suggested variant of this word, h ê n g , means "tense,” not "cres­ cent.” in modem Cantonese. Neither does it mean "persis­ tent" nor "constant" here. From the philological point of view, hen^ could he interchanged with h e n g which i s synonymous with chun (orci^^ ); that is, . Here chun means a wheel, as in such compounds as t'ao-chun ("the potter's w h e e l " a n d t*ien-chun ("the cycle of Nature")It is clear then that the word hêng connotes the lunar cycle, which includes the wax and wane of the moon. At this juncture, we can assert that Shaman Hêng was the one who could control the weather, or more specifically, the vegetation cycle, and that ling-chun is analogous to w hêng. for ling means shaman, and chun is synonymous with hêng. It is worth noting that T'ang's min­ ister I Yin also had a given name hêng , and that Shun's son, or grandson, Shu-chun, was worshipped as God of agricul­ t u r e . ^

There is another interesting point. The name Ch'ung Li is a transliteration of tengri, ^ and ting, the root of tengri, means "to tum ."^^ Chun-^'^ , hêng »iand t ' i e n , the recognized translation of tengri, also have the meaning "to turn."^^ From these we can easily see that it is a universal idea that a shaman has the supernatural pcwer to 118 influence Nature.

As for Chêng-tsê, it probably heis some connection with Yün-kê ^ , which Katô Joken identifies with Chuan- hsu.^® This is because yun is synonymous with jên -d: , which is in turn synonymous with wu ^ , and M means Cheng. H e n c e , yun-ke is equivsQ.ent to wu-chêng jE . But, this kind of translation is for reference only.

(D) Tso-t'u and san-lu ta-fu Compared to that of tso -t'u , the explanation of san- lu ta-fu is quite simple. Although Ch'ien Mu suggests that „ 5 0 san-lu is a place-name,^ yet many scholars accept Jao Tsung-i's theory that it refers to the three powerful houses in the state of Gh*u, namely, the Ch'u , the Ching and the Chao 9 ^ Jao maintains that san-lu ta-fu means

UBV ^îlO vSkSS Ox vllG &x JL&%Z*S jLH tüSSë tïlx'GO xSûll, Xi,O Sm THXo xu iS CÎxGj&^t; ?vOîn tlîG xSirily !u6mu83/5 j SO he is called kung-tsu ta-fu ^ ^ Ch'u Yuan's office of san-lu ta-fu is not incompatible with his work eis a shaman. According to the ^ tzu ^ , the old sage- kings must choose the appropriate altar and build it as the ancestral temple, must choose tall and luxuriant trees and make them a grove-shrine, must choose the elders with kind, filia l, sincere and good personalities and make them chu- t s u n g ("shaman”)H e n c e , Ch'u Yuan, a member of 119 the powerful houses, was chosen to be a shaman. In the eyes of modem men, especially those of Chinese intellectuals, a shaman is a superstitious, good-for-nothing impostor. How­ ever, in ancient times he was a powerful person. He mono­ polized knowledge, as did the priest in Medieval Europe. He was the teacher of the ruler and his children. He was the intermediaries between the spiritual and human worlds, so even the ruler was his protégé. His power to know the past, apprehend the hidden present and predict the future enabled him to command respect from the laymen. It is for this reason that he was called shih ("teacher") or pao ("protector")According to the Chou l i , the duties o f h w ere:

/to / teach the children of the ruler the three vir­ tues, . . . and the three kinds of behavior . . .; live at the left side of the "Tiger Gate;" take care of /the ceremony of/ the royal audience, and teach the royal children the rights and wrongs of state affairs . . follow the ruler to attend to such duties as sacrifices, reception of guests, conferences, funerals, and m ilitary functions, and to hold the daily audience,55

And the responsibilities of pao-shih ^ were:

/ ï q / admonish the ruler against wrong-doings; nour­ ish the royal children with principles; teach them the six arts, . . . and six etiquettes . . .; fol­ low the ruler to attend to such duties as sacri­ fices, reception of guests, conferences, funerals, and m ilitary functions, to hold daily audience; and send his subordinates to serve in (or guard) the ruler^s living quarters.56

These two quotations help us explain the term tso-t*u. 120 Since the shih-shlh. an official under ssu-t *u , lived at the left side of the "Tiger Gate," he might be called tso-t'u. He was a palace official, not a court official. This assumption can be fortified by the fact that when the crown prince of King Ch'ing-hsiang of Ch'u ( r , 25S—262 B.C./ was hept hostage %n tne sta^e of Ch'in, he was waited on by a tso-t'u. F u Ssu-nien points out that the office of ling-yin in the state of Ch'u corresponded to the office of I Tin (i.e. the yin by the name I) in the Shang Dynasty, whose given name was hêng (As discussed above, the word hêng has a special con­ notation in the con:ezt of shamanism.) In my opinion, the office of ling-yin probably took care of affairs in the royal court. The promotion of Prince Ch'un-shen & of Ch'u from tso-t'u to ling-yin implies that he had changed his status from palace official to courtier.It i s th u s possible to interpret the struggle between Ch'u Tuan and Tzu-lan, the ling-yin /^Jr an example of the conflict of interest and the scramble for power between the palace officials and the courtiers. This struggle stemmed from the lack of a well-defined lim it of their respective jurisdictions in dealing with national affairs. The pass­ ages quoted above from the Chou li indicate that, in addi­ tion to teaching the princes, the shih-shih and the pao-shih also played an important role in national politics. Another example can be quoted from the Hsun tzu. A ta-shih 121 ("great musician") should do some legislative work, in addi­ tion to his work in musicEvidently, there was no clear definition of an official’s duties; and naturally favoritism prevailed throughout the whole history of Chinese politics-

As the ruler was, at least nominally, a student of the shaman-teacher, it was very normal for the ruler to be influenced by the shaman's opinion* In fact, a shaman is a preserver of tradition and knowledge, so even in the pri­ mordial societies in other countries the shaman is respected and his opinion is highly valued* The following quotations are parallel examples found in the primordial societies of North American Indians*

"Although holding no official political office, sha­ mans were frequently consulted on secular affairs, and their opinions were respected*"61 "/Paviotsq/ shamans are very influential in every aspect of the political and social l i f e *"°2 however, the more the social and governmental organization developsÎ the more the shaman's power diminishes * As Ron­ ald B* Dixon points out, in the tribes where social and governmental organization is undeveloped the shaman is vir­ tually ti-e ruler, but in the communities where war plays an important role the importance of the war leader overshadows that of the shaman*^^ Incidentally, Ch'u Yuan lost his influence when Ch'u was at war wii 122 Chan An-t*ai and other scholars believe that Ch*u Yuan's diplomatic mission to the state of Ch'i indicates Ch'u Yuan's leaning toward the alliance of Ch'u and Gh'i.^^ It might appear to be true, but we cannot find any corrobor­ ating evidence. Since he was dispatched by King Huai, who was in favor of the alliance of Ch'in and Ch'u, Ch'u Yuan could do nothing constructive to promote diplomatic rela­ tions with Ch'i, even if he had wanted to. Therefore, it would be reasonable to assume that it was because King Huai just wanted to remove Ch'u Yuan from his presence that Ch'u was sent away. It is unjustifiable to exaggerate the signi­ ficance of Ch'u Yuan's mission.

Nor should we consider the strife between Ch'u Yuan and his political enemies a fight for the rights of the com­ mon people. Even if the word mir. ^ in the Ch'u tz'u means "common people,” it would be unwarrantable to think that Ch'u Yuan was a champion for the people’s rights.^^ The concern of a nobleman or a bureaucrat for the common people is not unusual, except to those who advocate the theory of class hatred. Furthermore, the use of the Ch'u dialect can­ not make Ch'u Yuan a proletarian poet. To say that the use of his native dialect indicates Ch'u Yuan's proletarian attitude is as childish as to say that those who speak no Mandarin, the official Chinese language, are the comrades of the Chinese Gomasmists. One has thus to disagree with Wen 323 I-to that Ch'u Yuan was the people's poet.^^ The four rea­ sons he gives are: first, Ch'u Yuan, though a member of the royal family, had become a jester in the court, who, like many other people, was trampled by the feudal lord; second­ ly, Ch'u Yuan's principal work, ”Li sao," is in the form of people's art, and the secondary work, -Chiu ko," undoubtedly belongs to the genre of folksong; thirdly, "Li sao" relent­ lessly exposes the crime of the ruling class, so it is a comfort as well as a stimulant to the common people; and lastly, Ch'u Yuan's sense of justice, not his literary ta­ lent, makes him beloved and respected by the people. Ob­ viously, these reasons are without the slightest factual ground. It would be surprising if this assertion could sur­ vive criticism . Looking at it from a different auigle, Shi- rakawa Shizuka has an entirely different idea. He says that Ch'u Yuan's works are aristocratic, transcendantal, pessimis- tic, and defeatist. 6 • 7 Though I do not agree completely with him, I can at least see the other side of the argument.

I am convinced that the "Biography" is not a for­ gery, because the foregoing explanations fit closely into the description of Ch'u Yuan and his political career in the "Biography," which is rendered in part as follows:

/He/ was the tso-t'u in the reign of King Huai of Ch'u. #»Hs/ was ancwledgeable, and /had/ a good memory. He knew how to run the government T lit. understand what a good or bad government was), and 124 was well versed in tz*tt~3ông =68 Inside /the palace/ilacs/ hehe planned planned andand' discnsssd discussed nationalna affairs with the King and issued orders; outside /the pala­ ce (i.e. in the court)/ he received the guests of the King, and discussed matters with the feudal lords. . . . At the time when Ch'u P’ing had already been alienated, and no longer held his original position, he was sent to Ch'i as an en­ voy. 69

A forger, with the intention to "make believe," would not in the first place have given the unusual official title tso- t'u to Ch'u Yuan, and in the second place he would not have made Ch'u Yuan an envoy to Ch'i without giving a proper rea­ son. It is the lack of knowledge that makes us doubt the reliability of the "Biography.” In fact, with his fsimily and professional background, he was qualified for a diploma­ tic position. According to Huang Pao-shih-^ ^ » most diplomats in the Ch'un-ch'iu and Chan-kuo periods were mem­ bers of the ruling families. The Chou li also records that during a negotiation, a cursing shaman was present to ■71 curse the party which would break the promise f i r s t , '' and that one of the duties of the shih-shih and the pao-shih was to receive royal guests. 7 2 So there is no reason to think that Ch'u Yuan's various offices are at all Inconsistent.

There is one more point. King Huai seemed to be a s u s p ic io u s man, who o fte n l e n t a e a r to s c a n d a ls . As men­ tioned above, Ch'u Yuan was a palace official. He should act as an aide to the King. It was improper for him to 125 claim any merit for his service to his master* Anything like this would surely be considered an act of lèse malesté and would provoke the king’s anger* It was for this reason that Ch’u Yuan became the victim of the scandal that he claimed all the merits for making certain policies * A par­ allel story in the La shih ch’un-cb’in w ill explain Ch’u Yuan’s situation a little better* This story relates that King Wei of Ch’u (r* 339*"328 B*C*)» learning cal­ ligraphy under Shen Yin-hua ^ , listened to the f scandal that every subject in his state knew that he was Shen’s pupil» and, as a result, ended the intimate teacher- pupil relationship with Shen*^^ From this story, one can see how easily an aide could become the victim of his mas­ te r’s arrogance and self-conceit.

Sun Tso-yun asserts that Ch’u Yuan lost his king’s favor, not because the ta-fu with the sur­ name Shang=kuan Ji wanted to claim the merit of draft­ ing new legislations—the job Ch’u Yuan had been commis­ sioned to do, but because Ch’u Yuan wrote the libellous "Li sao," which infuriated his king*^^ Obviously, Sun, like many other scholars, is ignorant of the fact that Ch’u Yuan was not a courtier* The fact that Ch’u Yuan was once taken into King Huai's confidence was, perhaps, due to the latter’s enthusiasm for religious sacrifices'?^ 126 (£) Homosexuality in shamanism Yu Kuo-en Vùh- points out that the fair sex nr occupied a prominent place in the Ch'u tz'u. Indeed, Ch'u Yuan in a few places regards himself as a lady. For exam ple,

/Seeing/ the withering and falling of the leaves and flowers, /%/ am afraid to think of the old age of the beauty. ("Li sao," 1. 10) Other ladies were jealous of my delicate beauty: They rumoured that I wsis good at bawdry. ("Li sao," 1 . 45) Jealous of true beauty's fragrance. Mo Mu preens herself on her comeliness. Although you have Hsi Shih's pretty fac^, Those scanderons and jealous ladies wilj. step into /the palace/ to supplant you. ("Hsi wang jih 'pS 11. 3 0 -3 1 )

In the "Chiu chang King Huad. is referred to as a 77 beauty.' In this connection, I do not intend to insinuate that Ch'u Yuan was a homosexual, as I am aware that even the slightest implication w ill certainly provoke the dis­ pleasure of many ardent Ch'u tz'u scholars. I just want to point out that in ancient Ch'u homosexuality was not a social vice. Homosexuals were not discriminated against, much less condemned. On the contrary, it was the favorite sexual game of the privileged class. When Chuang Esin ^ requested to hold the hand of Prince Hsiang-ch'êng ^ ^ , he quoted the story of the Yueh boatîôan and Tzu—hsi, Prince of Ê ^ ^ , who was the younger brother of 127 the mother of Prince Hsia 2ig=ch®sag, to persuade him to enter into a more intimate relationship with him.^® Fur­ thermore. in Chinese history the famous homosexuals were mostly kings and princes, e.g. Prince An-lingof Ch'u, Prince Lung-yang of Wei, and Emperor Ai of the Han Dynasty ^ ( r . 6-1

In prim itive religions homosexuality is a common phenomenon. In his study of Greek mythology, Marc Daniel points out that the shamans of many of the Indian tribes in North America and of many ethnic groups in Siberia often dress themselves in female clothes and assume the passive role in love, and that this "desexualization” is the abso- Qg lute condition for their attainment of divine status. With regard to Siberian shamanism, M. A. Czaplicka observes that a shaman may be sexless (i.e. ascetic), or homosexual, «1 or normal.^' John Lee Maddox asserts in his study of the medicine-man of the Red Indians that the repressed emotions of the medicine-man sometimes explode with abnormal vio­ lence on his recovery from the theopneutic trance, and that "by reason of the facility with which the ecstatic state passes into abnormal sexual emotion, it not infrequently happens that after return to normal consciousness the re­ presentatives of the gods are guilty of unspeakable dis- soluteness." Since his profession requires him to livei in solitude, and to fast in order to perform the seance. 83 128 a shaman hais to avoid heterosexual activities. Moreover, during a ceremony, he sometimes has to act as a female, Such requirements would have certain psychological effects on his sexual behavior. From the religious point of view, the change into female clothing signifies the unity of the two sexes. According to Mircea Eliade, a man who puts on female clothes so as to look Ilk* a female m aterializes the unity of sexes—a state which facilitates his complete com­ prehension of Cosmos.Curiously enough, in the West, many of the literary geniuses, such as Oscar Wilde, John Addington Symonds, Walt Whitman, Badclyffe Hall Saint-Favin, Arthur Rimbaud, Anc^ê Gide, Marcel Proust, Shelley, and 86 Zola, were homosexuals, some overt and others potential. I f Ch'u Yuan happened to be homosexual, it is by no means a disgrace to his personality.

Having analysed homosexuality in relation to crea= Wïs-kart asserts that the homosexual see^« to be connected with his outer world only by means of his visual perception.

His awareness of colors, shapes, and design allows nim to be actively creative. Often he excels in the fields of interior decorating, dress design, and the like,. However, because of his inner frag­ mentation, he is not quite able to move from the visual perception to the abstract concepts. Free­ dom is only partially available to him.o?

Ch*u Yuan's originality and creativity may also be the 129 result of homosexuality.

In "Li sao," Ch'u Yuan likes to decorate himself with fragrant flowers (11. 56-37, 58, and 63). This un­ usual cleanliness and pureness has long been taken as a symbol of Ch’u Yuan's incorruptible character. As far as shamanism is concerned, however, this is quite a common phenomenon. According to Roland B. Dixon, the cleanliness of the American shaman "may be attained by frequent bathing in remote lakes or streams, by the use of the sudatory, or by either of these means, with the added requirement of rubbing the body or scenting it with fragrant herbs and r o o t s .

Furthermore, in "Li sao" Ch'u Yuan eats the petals of chrysanthemum (1. 34). This is analogous to the practice of the priestess of Apollo in ancient Greece, on which Jane Ellen Harrison comments:

The ancient Athenian, like the .modem savage, be­ lieved that such plants (as buckhorn) have the power Of keeping off evil sp irits, or rather perhaps of ejecting them when already in possession: Chewing a substance was naturally a thorough and efficient way of assimilating its virtues. The priestess of Apollo chewed the laurel leaf. It seems rather as a means of ejecting the bad spirits than to obtain inspiration from the good.°°

Sun Tz'u-chou has already pointed cut that Ch'u Yuan's pre­ dilection for flowers indicates that he was a homosexual. 130 Yet we should not despise him, for it is not unusual for a shaman to become a pervert. Instead, we should appreciate his deviation from the psychoanalytic point of view.

(F) His death To many people, Ch'S Yuan's tragic death was futile and unnecessary. 91 He should, they think, have waited a while, then he might have had a better chance to serve his country. This may sound very convincing, but waiting for another chance is always an excuse made by a coward, who is afraid of facing the reality. From the psychological point of view, the emotional frustration resulted from the loss of imperial favor, and the political pressure exerted by the opposing party.could have driven a person to commit suicide, A person capable of such emotional tension as Ch'u Yuan apparently was, "when he is overwhelmed by inner and outer pressure, he loses his freedom, he falls into 9P _ bondage to inner coercion and outer power," from the religious point of view, suffering is followed by regenera­ tion. Mircea Eliade observes that we learn from the lunar myths that death is inevitably followed by resurrection, and cataclysm by new creation.'^

Drowning oneself cam be considered a religious rite . In Chinese mythology, many mythical characters sub­ merged in deep water. For example, Kunmetamorphosed 131 into a three-legged turtle (MSBg. ) and sub­ merged in the Feather Abysss The reason why so many Chinese ancients went under water can be explained by the theory of Mircea Sliade that in the water all dissolves, all form is disintegrated, all "history" is abolished, and that he who has been immersed in water w ill appear to be a baby, impeccable and without "history," able to receive a new revelation and to begin a new life.^^ When Ch'u Yuan saw that there was no other way out of his plight, he plunged into the Mi-lo Hiver on the fifth day of the fifth month* His suicide was assumed, since he once said, "I know that death cannot be avoided ("Huai Sha v-i/*," 1* 39)*" To us, it is foolish to commit suicide, but to a shaman.

Pain and suffering were concrete facts imposed upon him by the very nature of his physical-mental con­ stitution* It was the expression of a conflict within himself, the splitting off of an unconscious state from a conscious one and its subsequent re­ integration on a new level of awareness * This syn­ thesis was then projected outward and re-enacted before the world as the drama of man’s perpetual struggle for security, a security to which he at­ tains by delving into the unknown and by becoming as one with the hidden and the mysterious*96

T’ao Kuang maintains that since Ch'u Yuan doubted everything, including his own life, he ended his life by drowning*^^ ?e may argue that even if Ch’u Yuan were a skeptic, this would not necessitate his suicide* At pre­ sent, we may assume that Ch’u Yuan’s motive for self-des- 132 ■ truction is a religious one rather than one of showing loyalty to the king» At least we cannot impute his drowning to patriotism or loyalty » Even though we disagree with E lia d e ' s theorywe can only say that Ch'u Yuan's suicide was the result of vehement? emotional frustration »

It is worthy of note that Ts'ao O's father» a shaman, drowned himself on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month in A»D» 108»^^ There are three possible explan­ ations of his suicide» first, it was just coincidence that he and Ch'u Yuan committed suicide on the same day in the lunar year» Secondly, he wanted to follow Ch'u Yuan's example » Thirdly, it was religiously or mystically signi­ ficant for a shaman to drown himself on that particular day» Among these three possibilities, the third one seems most likely » The fifth day of the fifth lunar month was an un­ lucky day,^^ just like Black Friday in Western superstition» People had to bathe or do something else to exorcise evil 100 things» Therefore, it is safe to assume that Ts'ao O's father and Ch'u Yuan had some specific intention when they chose this particular day to end their lives, although we have no way of knowing what it was»

(G) Ch’u Yuan and P’eng Hsien In th e Ch'u tz'u there are quite a few mystic figures, of whom P'eng Hsien ^ is the most important, 153 b ecau se Ch'u Yuan vowed to emulate him. The identification of this person w ill undoubtedly shed light on the study of the life of Ch'u Yuan, According to Wang I, P'eng Hsien was a sage-sinister in the Shang Dynasty, who drowned him­ self, because his king turned a deaf ear to him,^®^ This assumption is not supported by any evidence, and yet it has been accepted by many scholars. Greatly doubting its cred­ ibility, Yu Yueh (A.D. 1821-1906) suggests that P'eng Hsien and P'eng E'êng who is mentioned in "T'ian w e n ," (1. 171) were one aid the ssune person, and that 10P p'eng Hsien did not drown himself. In recent decades, some Ch'u tz'u scholars have also tried to find out who P'eng Hsien really was, Yu Kuo-en accepts the traditional explanation, ^ while Wen Huai-sha ^ suggests that he was a character created after the images of Pi-kan and Kuan-lung Feng in the Shang Dynasty. Lin Kêng , accepting Yu's thesis that P'eng Hsien was not drowned, surmises that he was a recluse with a long life.^ Foreign scholars have also taken part in this search for P'eng Hsien's identity. Paul Demiéville has touched upon the mystery of this person, but offered no theory,Hoshikawa Kiyotaka ^ ^ asserts that 1 qQ P'eng Hsien was a water-god;‘ and Shirakawa Shizuka agrees with Lin, and thinks that he was an ancient shaman, a mys­ tical character, and the Ch'u Yuan's desire to emulate him expresses his yearning to transport himself from this 134 mundane world to his own spiritual world,

At first glance, P'eng Hsien is a combination of Wu P'eng (Shaman P'eng) and V/u Risen ^ (Shaman Hsien). The former appears in the Shan hai ching. He was one of the shamans who went up and down the Ling-shan ^ (Shaman Mountain) and possessed the elixir vitae. The latter appears in many places in the early sources, such as the Shu ching.^ ^ ^ the Shih chi,^ ^ ^ the Chuang tzu ^ and a document titled ”Tsu Ch'u wen"$M. " ("Curse on Ch'u").^^^ Wu P'eng was the first physician in C hinese mythology.‘ (Incidentally, the word p'eng is interchangeable with w a n g which means "lame." Ac­ cording to Katô Joken, most Chinese ancient shamans were 117 lame.) ' Kuo " -jo has another suggestion. He says that P'eng may be P'eng-tsu ^ Z'B- who is well-known in Chi­ nese mythology for his long life. In the Chuang tzu, an . ignoramus was sneered a t, because he did not know that there was a tree which had a life span much longer than that of P'&ng-tsu.^^^ This Chinese Methuselah also prac­ tised breath-control.^^^ According to Wazig Kuang-i ^ ^ 1 pi he was a member of the family of Chu Jung, the 1 2 2 intermediary between the human and supernatural world. 127) As for Wu Hsien, he was the first diviner. He was wor­ shipped by the Ch'u people as the Great God.^^^ He was also the inventor of the bronze drum 1 2 5 a very important 135 thing in the shaman's paraphernalia* 126

Moreover, it is worthy of note that the word hsien has a musical connotation* In the Jiü shih ch'nn-ch'in. there was a musician, called Hsien Hex ^ and a piece of music, entitled "Hsien ch'ih i/iÜ *"^^^ S in ce Hsien-ch'ih is also the name of the legendary place where the sun takes a hath,^^^ Kao Hêng suggests that it was the music dedicated to the sun-god*^^^

Lin Kêng asserts that k'eng and hsien are simi­ l a r i n soundAs k* êng and hêng are also similar in sound, so hsien and hêng are sim ilar in sound.We may assume that Wu Hsien might also be called Wu Hêng, the sha­ man who was to give help to the people in the event of a disaster, as stated in the above•

All these theories seem far-fetched and incredible * However, the word hsien , when pronounced in modern Cantonese, has the sound of the first syllable of the word haman (a variant of "shaman")Its sound in archaic Chinese, as reconstructed by Karlgren, is ^'SM,^^4 ,hich re se m b le s th e sound gam ^ in modern Cantonese* The word kam , it should be noted, is the name for shaman in the Altaian language * ^ ^^ Also noteworthy is the fact that in American Indian language some of the words connected with 136 the shaman or medicine-man also include the sound "gan,"'^^

The above discussion has dealt with all the theories of P'eng Hsien's identity* In all likelihood, he was a sha­ man. He might be a venerable person in the shaaanistic pro­ fession, so that Ch'u Yuan would want to emulate him. At the present time, we do not, however, rule out the possibi­ lity that P'eng Hsien drowned himself. As mentioned above, many ancients chose drowning as a good means of self-des­ truction. A religious man such as a shaman would naturally choose drowning as the means of transporting himself from the world of reality to his supernatural worlds

(H) His ideas As Confuciansim has been sanctioned as the state cult since the Han Dynasty, many scholars emphasized that Ch'u Yuan was a Confucianist. Recently, to make him a re­ formist, Chan A n-t'ai and other scholars have asserted that ■5 z 7 he was more a Legalist than a Confucianist. Chan also suggests that Ch'u Yuan was influenced by the Chi-hsia Schoolof which Tsou Yen , who belonged to the Yin-yang School , was the central figure Vie must say that these theories are rather subjective. The loyalty to his master, the mention of the ancient sage- kings, who were often spoken of by Confucianists, and the desire to be a good official do not necessarily make Ch'u 137 Yuan a Confucianist. Likewise, the legislative duties could not make him a Legalist or a reformist either, for according to the Hsun tzu, as quoted above, the ta^hih had the duty of amending and drafting some laws and regulations, in addi­ tion to his responsibility for musical activities, Chan's suggestion that Ch'u Yuan was influenced by the Chi-hsia School has no concrete evidence, except the fact that Ch'u Yuan was once the envoy to Ch’i, It seems that Yu Kuo-en's theory is more acceptable. It is his opinion that Ch'u Yuan's thought includes the elements of cosmology, immortal­ ity , supernaturalism (or strangeness), and historicity,^ There are ample ethnographical records of the shaman's knowledge of astrology and cosmology. Sufficient evidence of this can be found in Mircea Eliade's chapter on "Chaman­ isme et cosmologie" in his book. Le chammn-i sme et les tech­ niques archaïques de 1 * extase, ^ and in A, F. Anisimov's article, "Cosmological Concepts of the Peoples of the North," in the Studies in Siberian Shamanism. ^ A s an intermediary between the spiritual and human worlds, the shaman is supposed to be able to ascend to the heavens. In order to create waking dream, he fasts and meditates. All these are similar to the ideas of shen-hsien , or iîsmortality in ancient China, In the Chuang tzu, there are several descriptions of the ascension to the heavens. For instance, an immortal rides on the constancy of Heaven and Earth and reigns over the change of the six airs in the 138 Infinite. Another resides on the faraway Ku-she Mountain

^ ^ 3 subsists on wind and dew only, and rides on the clouds and flying dragons to travel beyond the boundary /o f the Eart^7; when he concentrates his spiritual power, all things are not corrupted and the crops thrive every year.^^^

With regard to the idea of supernaturalism or strangeness, we need no more elaboration, for in "Li sao" and "T*ien wen" there are sufficient examples. On the other hand, being a preserver of tradition, the shaman knows the past, though mythicized by many people from generation to generation. Nora K. Chadwick points out,

. . . in Polynesia the seers are the Chief re­ positories of historicsil and genealogical matter. . . . Among the ySuriat/ the shamans are also said to be the chief preservers of narrative poetry, as well as of other songs. . . . The use of a traditional poetical diction filled a large place in the equipment of a Yakut shaman, . . . The free introduction of the mantic cata­ logue in the recitations of the black shamanka in the poem Joloi indicates the importance attached to orderecTEowledge, both geographical and eth­ nographical, by men and women who, whatever the lim itations of their knowledge, must certainly be regarded as the intellectual leaders of their community.T43

As Lao Kan points out, in ancient times the historian was also a shaman.^ ^ His knowledge of the history of .human sufferings helped him formulate a philosophy of withdrawal and submission to Nature, which is unique to Taoist thought, 139 Therefore, Liu Esin (ca. 46 B.C.-A.D. 23) asserts that Taoism had its origin in the office of the court his­ t o r i a n .

Nothing would be more wrong than to suppose that proving Ch*ü Yuan to-be a shaman diminshes his greatness. A shaman was not an impostor. As a matter of fact, he was the preserver of knowledge in ancient times. Nora K. Chad­ wick observes, Hesiod claimed that the Muses inspired him with a voice to celebrate both the future and the past; and in the Iliad (1. 70) Calchas, the seer of the Achaeans, is said to know the present, the future, and the past.^ T h e shaman*s role in ancient intellectual history should not be underestimated. In the field of creative writing their 11. n role is equally important.**^' During his communication with the spiritual world, a shaman alv/ays lapses into a trance or a dream, in which he is liberated from the material world. On this subject, Mircea Eliade sums up.

The images of "flight" and of "ascension," so fre­ quently appearing in the worlds of dreaun and imagination, become perfectly intelligible only at the level of mysticism and metaphysics, where they clearly ezpress the ideas of freedom and trans­ cendance.l4o

Antonio Wenkart also points out that freedom and creativity are interdependent, and says, "Just as creativity is possi­ ble only in freedom, so freedom is the achievement of 140 creativity,Freedom may be understood as inspiration, which comes when the artist or the poet is in a state of somnolence.Thissomnolence. ^ state is the one into which the shaman often lapses.

Thus we are able to comprehend the theory that a poet is possessed by divine spirits, as A ristotle, Plato, Longinus and many other Western critics have expounded. The poet's being possessed can be explained as his achiev­ ing transcendence of his environment, whereby his thought is no longer inhibited by his physical existence. The same effect can be achieved by intoxication, as the story of Li Po ^ well demonstrates. According to Tu Fu , Li Po could write "one hundred poems after drinking one tou 3^ of rice-wine,"^^^ His poems are so full of imagination that he is called a poet-immortal, As for Ch'u Yuan, his journey to the past and his flight to the heavens sym­ bolize that Time and Space are no longer existent. His uninhibited thought has made "Li sao" immortal and, in Liu 1 52 An's words, as bright as the sun and the moon,

At this juncture, we may digress a little to discuss the problem of "inspiration," although it is somewhat tan­ gential to our investigation. As some experts in the field of psychoanalysis point out, inspiration does not mean "to be possessed by divine sp irit," or "something entering from 141 1 53 outside." It means the externalizetion of the uncons­ c io u s feelings.This idea, when translated into T. S. E liot's language, is expressed in the following way.

It is a concentration, and a new thing resulting from the concentration, of a very great number of experiences which to the practical and active person would not seem to be experiences at all; it is a concentration which does not happen consciously or of deliberation. These experiences are not "recollected," and they finally unite in an atmosphere which is "tranquil" only in that it is a passive attending upon the event.*55

Rosamond Harding also remarks:

Inspiration may thus be defined as the result of some unknown factor accidentally met with opera­ ting on the mind of the man of science or the artist at that particular moment when it is pent up to a certain tension either by accumulation or "visions, colours, forms," or by facts and pondering over them in the unsuccessful attempt to solve a problem.156

It is noteworthy that Liu Hsieh (ca. A.D, 465-522) expressed this idea in his monumental work, Wen hsin tiao lung (The Literary Mind and the ■ ' ' I — ■■ ^ / j ' i A ■■■ ■■ I ' ■ ■ ■ " ' Carving of Dragons) , about one and a half millenia ago. He s a y s ,

Therefore, in the art of literary writing, tem­ perance and readiness for expression are of prime importance: that is, it is essential to keep the mind pure and tranquil so that its vitality may find spontaneous expression. As soon as one feels vexed, he should immediately give up thinking, so as not to let his mind become choked. When in­ spired, give vent to your heart and entrust it to the brush; but when ideas hide themselves, put 142 the brush down and fold up your aind.^^?

His idea is perhaps derived from Lu Chi’s (A.D. 261- 305) "Wen fu " ("Bhymeprose on Literature"), in which Lu s a y s .

He empties his mind completely, to concentrate his thought; he collects his wits before he puts words t o g e th e r . 158

In this light, we can understand that Ch'u Yuan did not become a literary genius by accident. Indeed, no one in Chinese history was more suited than Ch’u Yuan to be a poet, since the poets of old were hardly distinguished from priests and prophets, and as Plato, to whom we owe the first description of the state of inspiration, said, "In a state similar to that of intoxication, elated, in a trance, not conscious of what he does, . . . the poet sings his 1 g o songs" Hot only his profession, but also his psycho­ logical disposition made Ch’u Yuan a poet. His emotional conflict became the inexhaustible fountain of inspiration, Ssu-ma Ch’ien is justified in saying that it was after the banishment of Ch’u Yuan that "Li sao" was w ritten. This coincides with the post-freudian thinking that creativity represents not emotional conflict per se but rather effort to resolve such conflict.

In the preceding discussion, I have studied Ch’u 145 Yüan*s biography in a new, different and wider perspective. I have cleared away, or at least tried to clear away, the misapprehensions of many scholars. I find that in the course of their studies they have not taken into account other evidence or viewpoints, and they rely only on their reasoning to "recreate" the biography of Ch'u Yuan. Their subjectivity has distorted some of the facts, I am not attempting here to write a new biography of Ch'u Yuan, for I think it hazardous to do so in the absence of sufficient data, I am only trying to prove that in all probability Ch'u Yuan was a shaman. In so doing, I do no t mean to devalue Ch'u Yuan's greatness. On the contrary, his great­ ness lies in his literary achievements—creating a new literary genre, and founding the tradition of romanticism in Chinese poetry. From the literary point of view, he is great, no matter what he was--a shaman, a patriot, or a champion for the rights of the common people. 144 SOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

See James E, Hightower, "Ch'5 Yuan Studies," Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zimbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo, Kyoto Univer­ sity (Kyoto: K^to^üniversity Press, 1954) » pp. 192-225.

T ’ai-wan saeng--Q. oaxn-ian ta-asuen icuo-wen yen- c4iu-so cki-k'an 9 I July, 196$), pp. 615-90; and Takeji S a d a o ^ ^ W i ^ , "Shiki ‘KutsiKutsu tr 9 •31 = See. ffialrakawa Shizuka, "Kutsu Gen no tachiba Æ Ritsumeikan bungaku 109 (Jane, 1934), pg. 1-25; 110 (July, ;954), pp. 28-51. See also Sun Tso- yun , "Tsai li-shih chiao-hsueh chuiig ts e n -y ^ S ch ’ u chih Ch'u Yuan wen-t'i # ^ ^ ^ ^

C^ina Reconstructs 2:5 (1953), PP. 14-17; Kuo Mo-jo, "Ch’u Yuan: Great Patriot Poet," -Chinese Literature 2 (1953), pp. 5-11. ^James R. Hightower, "Ch’u Yuan Studies," p. 192. ^See Ssu-ma Ch’ien, Shih chi, 84»1a-6a. For English translation, see David Hawkes^ C h ’u T z ’u, pp. 11-16; Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian of China (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961), I, 499-508. See also Liu Esiang^w A? , Esin hsu (SPTK ed.), 7.10a- 11a. . ^ ^See Hsieh Wu-liang, Ch’u tz’u hsin lun (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 192^), pp. 12-13. ^See Hu Shih, ^ Shih wen ts’un, 11*91-97. ^Ho T ’ien-hsing, Ch’u tz’u tso yu Han tai k ’ao ^ (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-ch1S7 1948)-' 8. 145 ibid., pp. 372-8 2 . I suspect that Ho is the pseudonym of Chu, because their contentions are identical. Gkamura

(1966 ), pp. 86 -IOI. The most recent argument for this thesis, presented^by T'ang I-ch'iao ^ % , is not very, sound; see Ch'u Yuan— chên-te mei-yu che-ke jên # ^5 T^ilpei: Li-j^n shu-wu , 1969). % e e Ssu-ma Ch'ien, ShâJx chi, 40.23a; Edouard Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ta'ien (Paris; Ernest Leroux, 19 ÔI-3 }, IV, 399. ^^Ssû-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 70.7a. Henri Maspero also thinks this hypothesis unjusti­ fiable ; see Le Chine antique (Paris: E. De Boccard, 1927), p. 5 9 8 , note 1 .

12 • • •• See Kuo Mo-jo, Ch'u Yuan .ven-chiu. pp. 3-7; idem., "P'ing '"Li sao" te tso-chè' in Ch'u tz~^ yen-chiu lun-wln chi, pp. 397-4w; Kuo Yin-t'ien Ch » u Ÿdâh chih~sst[-hsiang chi ch'i i-shu (Chungking: Tu-li ch'u-pan-sh# ^ m , 1944 ) , pp. 1-8; Shên Chih-fang Dik, "Tui-yu 'Li sao* tso-chê te shang- ch'ueh ^ in Ch'u tz*u yen-chiu lun-wen chi, pp. 410-16; James S. Hightower, '*Ch'u Yuan Studies," pp. 209-10; and David Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, pp. 16-18 . ^^See Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 122.8a; and Pan Ku, Han Shu, 28B.30b, 64&.9b, and 64B.7a.

^^See note 5 above. ^^Thls parallel is not casually given. These two historical figures have something in common; see Todo Aki- yasu, "^tsu Gen to Shiba Sen h Tokyo Shina gakuh-S (June, 1963), PP- 85-98. ^^here are many explanations of the term t ' ai-shih-

Chung-kuo shih-hsueh t ' ung-lun (f # ^ ^ ^ ( Chungking : Tu-li ch'u-pan-sh'è, 1943), PP- 83-95;^ _Chu's explanation can be corroborated by Li Ch'ang-chih's assertion that

^^See ChcUi An-t'ai, Ch'u Yuan (Shanghai: Shang-hai jên-min ch'u-pan-shê, 1957), PP- 6-15- See also Ferenc 146 Tokei, Naissance de élégie chinoise: K ’iu Yuan et son epoque (Paris: Gallimard^ i96?), p. 12?. Hsüeh-E^ê argues against Chan’s thesis, see "T'an Ch’u Yuan shih-fou pien-fa V/en-hsueh 1-ch’an tseng-k’an. Vol. I (Peking: Tso-chia ch’u-pan-skê, 19^5),pp. 66-69. T^see Wen I-to, Ch’uan chi. I, 245-58. '^See Ch'en Meng-chia, “Kao-xnei chiao sh ^ tsu-iniao t ’ung k'aoJ’ pp. 445- 72; Hoshi^wa Kiyotaka ^"I So.ji no keakyu % <9 #^(N ara: Yotokusha, 1961), p. 226. See also P’eng Chung-to "Ch'u Yuan v/ei wu k’ao 4 H su e h -i ^ U. 14:9 (Nov., 1935), pp. 1-8. PO •• There are quite a few suggestions as to Ch'u Yuan’s date of birth ; s ^ Yu Kuo-en, Ch'u Yuan (Hong Kong: Hsueh-lin shu-tien ^ , 195?); PP« Ch’ien Mu, Hsien-Ch’in chu tzu hsi-nien %rev. ed.; Hong Kong: Hong, pp. 265- 6 9 ; Chang Ju-chou ^ j rîfi-felt CP. Æ U.A ^ ^ *» '

1954:1 (Feb., 1954), pp. 73-97. thjÆ article is included in P’u Chiang-ch’ing wen lu ^%(Peking: Jên-min wen-hsjieii^ch-u-pan-shê, î'533). P ’u's theory of the dates of Ch'u Yuan's birth and death is adopted in this disserta­ tion.

46^ Chang Huai-chin, "'Li sao' chiang tzu chieh " Kuo-wën yueh-k'an 72 (Ôct. , I9 4 8 ), pp. 24- 2 6 .' This article is reprinted in Chien she 16:12 (May,_ 1968), pp. 22-2^, ^ d the author*s name is changed to uheng K'ang-min 22See the chapter on "L'initiation chamanique" in Mircea Eliade, ^ chamanisme et les techniques archaïques de l'eztase. ^^See Ssü-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 40.1b; Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts*ien, IV, 338. ^ S e e Fu Ssü-nien, Fù Mêng-chêa hsien-shêag chi, IV, 206. ““ % e e Lo Pi, Lu shih, "Hou chi," 1.5a.

, ~~See W ang Hui, Lun hêng chiao shih, "Chi jih p'ien p. 987; Forke, Lun llSg. II, 394. 147 ^^See Hsu Ping-ch'ang Chung-kuo ku-shih te ch-uag-sàuo shih-tai 4^9 i$ s%,g#-4^lu.p. : Chung-kuo wén-hua fu-wu sh'ê 1945), PP. 62-75. “^See Wen I-to , Ch*uan c h i , 295-94. Wang S su -

*954), pp. 14-2 5 . But Ou-yang Fan-hai i|.^ A. jî® is opposed to his idea; see "T'an *Li sao' yu-wea shu chieh i shu chung te,,huans yu huang-k'ao ^ 1 % » ” W#n- hsueh i-ch'an^seng-k~an. Vol. Ill (Peking: Tso-chia ch'u- pan-shê, 1956), pp. 32-39. ^ % e e Tuan Hsi-chung, "Ch'u tz'u cha-chi -^4.^0," Wen shih che 1956:12 (Dec., 195^17"PpTT5-64. ^'^See Jac Tsung-i, Ch'u tz'u ti-li k'ao ^ (Shanghai: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1946), pp. ?-10. ^^See Chu Chun-sheng, Shuo wen t'ung hsun ting sheng, 1.12a. ^ .,^See Yen I-p'ing » "Ch'u tseng-shu hsin k'ao j'' Chung-kuo wen-tzu 27 (Mar., i960 ), p. 12a. ^^See Lo Pi, ^ shih. "Hou chi," 4.4b. ^^See Tso chuan, "Chao-kung," 29th year, 26.9b; Legge, The Chinese Classics. V, 731. ^^See Heibunsha (ed.), Ajia rekishi shiten (Tokyo: Heibunsha, 1961 ), VIII, 115. ^~See Yu Kuo-en, Ch'u Yuan, p. 90; Kuo No-jo, Ch'u Yuan yen-chiu, p. 72; Rai tsutomu t è "Kutsu Gen to •feisS- t 0-cba no mizn josni daigaku kiyo -7^-6- ^ 19 (Mar. , 1^6) , p. 103; kuo Chia-lin suggests that ling chun means "sacred field," see Ch'u Yuan yu Ch'u tz'u & 7^ K (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu,

^^See Chou li. 6.39b; Biot, Iæ Tcheou-li, II, 102.

xA __ See Mori YasutarS, Otei densetsu. p. 217. See also John Samuel Phenê, "On Prehistoric Traditions and Cus­ toms in Connection with Sun and Serpent Worship," Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute 8 (1875)j pp. 321-56; lians Leisegang, "The Mystery of the Serpent," pp. 194 -2 6 0 , 148 ^^Lua yü, 7.8b-9a; Legge, The Chinese Classics 272. ^ ^^Shih ching, 9.8a, ^^See Chu Chun-sheng, Shuo wen t'ung hsun ting sheng, 2o4?a ^^See Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 8$.11b. ^^See Chuang tzu, 1 ,j>1a, ô.iüb, 9.iJ>b; watson, 'me Complete Works~~ôf ^huang Tzu, pp. 41 , 154, and 304. ^ S e e Shan hai ching, 15.1a, 16.2a, 17.pb, and 18.8a. ^^See Tôdô Aki^asu, Kan^i to bunka, p. 78; also Li Tsung-t'ung, "Yen-ti yu Huang-p x te hsin chieh-shih." pp. 27-39. The Buryat shaman believes that he is the descend­ ant of a tengri; see Lawrence Krader, "Buryat Religion and Society," SoutSwestem Journal of Anthropology 10 0 954)» p. 332. I y •°See Jean-Paul Roux, "Tangri. e s s ^ sur le ciel- dieu des peuples altaxques," RHR 149 0 956), p. 63. ^^See Yang Ch'uan , Wu-li lun ^ quoted in the T'ai-p'ing yu lan, 2,7a'b. ^^See Kato Joken, "Inkaku ko Nippon Chû- gokugakkai h? 11 0 959), PP. 1-11. ^ % e e Erh y a , A.6a; Hsu Shên, Shuo wên chieh tz#, 14B.6a; Chu Chûn-sheng, Shuo wên t'ung hsün ting shêng, 9.399a. , ^^See Ch'ien Mu, "Ch'u tz'u ti-ming k'ao %," CHKP 9:3 (July, 1934), pp. 722-23; idem., Hsien-Ch'in chu tzù hsi-nien k'ao pien, pp. 382-8?. ^\see Jao Tsung-i, Ch'u tz'ü ti-li k'ao, pp. 41-46. ^^See Chan An-t'ai, Ch'u Yuan, pp. 31-34. ^^See Mo tzü, 8.7a; Y. F. Mei, The Ethical and Political Works of kotse, p. 166. ^^Ch. le Mariez aJLso points out that Manchu shamans are also teachers; see "Le religion nationale des Tartares Orientaux: Hsmdchous et Mongols," Mémoires couronnés et autres mémoires publiés par 1 'académie royale aes sciences, des lettres et des 6eaûx-arts de Belgique 40 (Ôct., l887). 149 p. 29. See also Roland B. Dixon, "Some Aspects of the American Shaman," JAFL 21 (1908), pp. 9-10. ^^See Chou li, 4.6b-7b; Biot, Le Tcheou-li, I, 291- 96. ^^See Chou l i , 4e8a-9a; Biot, Le Tcheou-li, I, 296- 3 0 0 . ^^See Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 40.27b; Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts‘ien, IV, 4)4. , See also Chiang liiang-fu jL » J'Tso-1 * u mo-ao pien Tsê-shan pan-yueh-k'an ^ 1*20 (Jan., 1941), PP. 15- 16. r r o See Fu Ssû-nien, Fu Mêng-chên hsien-shêng chi, IV, 214. See also Shih ChiEZmlenl^. ’^ViTi m4ng hsiang- kuân yüeh yin TLTC 40:7-o (Apr., 1970), p.

^ % e e Ssü-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 40.27b; Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma ^s^ien, IV, 415. ^^See Liang Ch'i-hsiung, Hsün tzü chien shih, p. 110; Dubs, The Works of Hsüntze, p. '14Ô, «illard Z. Park, Shamanism in Western North America (Evanston and Chicago; Northwestern University Press, 1938 ), p. 67. G^lbid.. p. 1 03. ^■^Soland B. Dixon, "Some Aspects of the American Shaman," p. 11, ^^See Chan An-t'aii, Ch'u Ÿüan, p. 43. ^^See Yu Kuo-en^ Ch'u tz'ü lun-wên chi (Shanghai: Shang-hai wen-i lien-ho ch'u-p^-she, 1955), pp. 121-22; also Lin Kêng, Shlh-ien Ch'u Yuan chi ch'i tso- p'in yen-chiu, pp. 57-60; Kuo Mo-.jo, Ch'u Yuan yen-chiu.

^^See Wên I-to, Ch'uan chi. I, 259-61. 67 'See Shirakawa Shizuka, "Kutsu Gen no tachiba," Ritsumeikan bungaku 110 (July, 1954), p. 50. ^%ormally, tz’u-ling is translated as "speech." 150 Since Confucius admitted that he was not good at tz'u-lin# (Meng tzu, 3.8b), in spite of the fact that he gave his pupils four courses, of which speech was one, we think that tz'5-ling may mean some kind of special language, most pro­ bably, a relgious one. ^^Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 84.»a-2b. 7Gt. Huang Pao-shih, Chung-kuo li-tal hsing-.1en k'ao % ^ (Taipei: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1955). "^’Chou li, 6.39b; Biot, Le Tcheou-li, II, 101. ^% u p r a . p. 119. ^^in Chung-jung. Lu shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, PP^ 53-54. ^^Sun Tso-yun, "Ts'ung Shang-kuan ta-fu^e to k ^ shuo tao G ^ u Yuan yin *Li sao' erh te huo Li-shih chiao-hsueh 1952: 6 (June, 1952) j pp. 12-151 The rebuttal by Chang Chia- ts'ang is nothing but a political lecture, see 'P'i- p'an Sun Tso-yun hsien-shêng tui Ch'u Yuan yen-chiu te . tz5-ch'^ chieh-chi kuan-tien ho fang-fa ^ ," Shih-hsueh yueh-k'an ^ 4 j 1959:3 (Mar., 1959), pp. 12-T61 ^^See Lu Ch'in-li è * Ch'u Yuan "Li sao" chien lun li/f.jgftM^'^Shenyang^?!^ Liao-ning jén-min ch'u- paa-shêj£|fJ|^^)^^±, 1957 ), p. 12. '^See Yu Kuo-en, Ch'u tz'u lun-wên chi, pp. 191- 204. ^^See line 6 of "Ch ' ou ss5 One of the "Chiu Chang " poems is entitled "Ss5 mei-jên % ^4," ("Think of the Beauty"). ^^See Liu Hsiang, Shuo yuan, 11.10b-12a. ?9see Cto-kuo ts'e (SFPK e d .) , 5.4a-5b, 7.63b. For English translation, see James I. Crump, Jr., C h ^ - ^ o Ts'e (Oxford: Clarendon Press,^1970) , pp. 227-29, and 4 4 9 - 5 0 . See also Liu Hsiang, Shuo yuan, 13«22a-23b; Pan Ku, Han shu, 93.8a-12b: Hama Kazue "Soko ni tsuite -2T c~ i^'L Mekada Make to hakuse kanrekL kinen Chug, ' ’ .-Ü. ---- - V A------kai 1964), pp. 303-27. 151 80 Marc Daniel, Des dieux et des garçons ; étude sur I-homosexuaJ^té dans la mythologie grecque (Paris: Arcadie, n.d,}, pp. 19-201 ^ee also W . Bogoras, The Chukchee (Vol, XI of the Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural"History) (Leiden: E. J. BrTTl, 1909)» pp. 450-$1. Q 1 M. A. Czaplicka, Aboriginal Siberia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914), p. 253* Qp John Lee Maddox, The Medicine Man (New York: MacMillan Co,, 1923), p. 48. ^^See Paul Badln, Primitive Religion: Its Nature and Origin (New York: Viking Press, 1937), p. 132; also Roland §. Dixon, "Some Aspects of the American Shaman,” p. 4. ^^See Arthur Waley, The Nine Songs, p. 14. ^^See Eliade, Traité d'histoire des re^gions, p. 362. Deguchi Eonelaiohi also points out that in Genesis (1:27) God created male and female in his image; see Genshi boshin ron, p. 47. See also Marcelle Lalou, "Le thème aes dieux bisexues et celui des plantes barbacées dans les légendes de la race solaire," Bulletin de l'École française d 'extrême-orient 44:2 (1954), PP. 577-8DT 86 See Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek (éd.). Homosexuality and Creative Genius (New York: As t or-Honor, i 96?;. 87 'Antonio Wenkart, "Creativity and Freedom," in The Creative Imagination, ed. Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965), pp. 337-50. ^^oland B. Dixon, "Some Aspects of the American Shaman," p. 4. gg See Jane Ellen Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (New York: Meridian Books, 1955-1, p. 39» ^^See Wên I-to, Ch'uan chi. I, 246. 91 See2 for example, T'ang I-ch'iao's argument in Ch'u Yuan— chen-te mei-yu che-ke len. ^^Antonio Wenkart, "Creativity and Freedom," p. 343. ^^Mircea Eliade, ^ mythe de 1'eternal retour (Paris: Gallimard, 1949), pp. 149^0. ^ ^ s o chuan. "Chao-kung," 7th year, 21.18a; Legge- 152 The Chinese Classics, V, 617. ^^See Eliade, Traité d'histoire des relisions, p. 175. 96 ------Paul Radin, Primitive Religion, p, 109. ^^T'ao Kuang, "Ch'u Yuan chih ssû TLTC 1:8 (Oct., 1950), p. 11. ^^See K'uai-chi tien lu quoted in the I wên lei chu, 4.15a.------" ' V ^%ee99 Huang Shih^^ , Tuan-wu li-su shih ^ (Hong(Song Kong: T'ai-hsing shu-chü ^ , 1963) , pp. 211- 14. T ° ° Ib id . ^^^See Wang I , C h 'u t z 'u , p . 6 . ^®^u Yueh. Yu lou tsa tsuan Ch'un-

^ Kuo-hsueh ts'uns-k'an 3:1 (Aug., 1926), p p . 5 7 -6 4 . '^-^See Yu Kuo-en, Ch'u tz'u lun-wên chi, pp. 101- 104. _^^'^^uan-lxmg, not Kuan, is the surname ; see Cheng Ch'iao T'ung chih lueh ^ 9 ^ (SPPY ed.), "Shih tsu 5 .1 8 b . ^ ^^^Wen Huai-sha, Ch'u Yuan "Li sao" çHin i (Shanghai: Shang-hai wêh-i lien-bo ch'u-pan-shê. 1954), pp. 110-13. ^^^Lin Kêng, Shih-jên Ch'u Yuan chi ch'i tso-p'in yen-chiu, pp. 63-70. ^ ^^Paul Demieville, "Enigmes ta o ïs te s Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zimbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo, Kyoto Univer­ s i t y . p p . 5 4 -6 0 .

•J See Hoshikawa Kiyotaka, Soji no kenkyû,p. 3 08 . ^^%hirakawa Shizuka, "S3ji sosetsu Ritsumeikan bungaku 121 (June, 1955), pp. 24^0. " ^^^Shan hai ching, 11.pa, I6.2b-3a. 153 Shu chin^, "Chun Shih," 10,2a; Karlgren, "The Book of Dccuasats," p. 61.

Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 3.6a, 27.29b, 28. 28.2a, and 34.1b. ^^•^See Chuang tzu. 3.32a, 5.36a; Watson, The Com­ plete Works of ühuang fzu, pp. 94 and 154. ^^^See Ku-wen yuan (SPTK ed.), 1.12a-14a. ^^^See Yin Chung-jung, lu shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, p. 63. ^^%ee Juan Yuan, Ching chi tsuan ku, 22.320c. ^^^See Kato Joken- "Fushuku ko," pp. 1-48, *1 1 Q •• •♦ See Kuo Mo-jo, Ch'u Yuan yen-chiu, pp. 131-32. ^ ^ %ee Chuang tzü., 1.5b, 3.11a; Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 30 and 82. 1PO »« See Yin Chung-jung, Lu shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao s h i h , p . 69; a l.'o Wang E u i, Lxzn~Teng c h ia o s h i h , "Tao hsu P'lea p. 330; ForkeTXun ȧng, I, 348. ^^^Wang Kuang-i, "Chu Jung yu P'eng-tsu TLTC 26:4 (Feb., 1963), p. 26. ^^Kuo yu, "Ch'u yu," hsia, I8.2b. 125- -^in Chung-jung, In shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, p . 63. ^ ^^See note 114 ab o v e. 125 A See Shih pen, p. 15. There is some connection between the design on certain bronze drums and^the "Chiu ko;" see L i^ Ch'un-sheng, "T'ung-ku t'u-wsn yu Ch'u tz'u 'C h iu k o ' ^ Kuo-li Chung-yang yea-chiu- y ^ y u a n -k 'a n i f ^ 5îf "(June, 1954), P P . 402-

^^^See supra, pp. 15- 17. 127 *» See Yin Chung-jung, Lu shih ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, p. 204. 1 ps Ibid.; see also Huai-nan tzu, 11.7b. 154 Huai-nan tzu, 3-9b. 4. ^^^Kao Hêng, -'Ku yueh-ch'u te t'an-so f Wên shih che 1961:2 (Oct., 1961), pp. 42-43. ^^^See Lin Kêng, Shih-jen Ch'u Yuan chi ch'i tso- n'in yen-chiu, p. ?0o ^^%ang Chung yi- ^ has the same idea; see Sun I-jang , Chou li chêne i (SPPY ed.), 30.17a. ^^^See S. M. Shirokogoroff, Psychomental Complex of the Tungus (London: Kegan Paul. Trench, Trubner. 19%5J, — 2 ^ # T T ^^^Karlgren, "Grammata Serica Recensa," p. 178. 1 nS ■^^See Paul Pelliot, "Sur quelques mots d'Asie Cen­ trale attestés dans les texts chinois," pp. 166-69; Haneda 3?'^ , "Hokuho miuzoku no aida ni okeru fu ni tsuite ^ % ^ Geibun 7:12 (Dec., 1916), p p . 11 19 - 4 0 ; Berthold Laufer, "Origin of the Word Shaman," pp. 369-70: Kano Naoki "Shina jodai no fu, Fu Han ai tsuite % fp <^3-. 31 u- L," Shinagaku bunso ^ ^ ^ (Tokyo: KObundo, 1927), pp. 23-5$; S. M. SEirokogoroff, Psychomental Complex of the Tm^us. pp. 268-71 ; and L. Legeti, *^kots de civiTTzaiion ae naute Asia en transcription chinoise," Acta Orientalia (Hungaricae) 1 (1950-31), p. 130. ^^^See Frank G. Speck, "Penobscot Shamanism," p . 2 3 4 . ^^^See Chan A n-t-ai, Ch'u Yuan, pp. 60-72. c h "u -sh e n yung _ ta-hsueh hsueh- 1955:2 (Oct., 1955 ), pp. 90-113; also T'ao Kuang. Yuan chih ssû," pp. 10-11, ^^%u Kuo-ên, Ch'u tz'u lun-wên chi, pp. 5-63. ^^^Eliade, Le chamanisme et les techniques archaïques de l'extase. pp. 255-677% ~ '^^See Henry N. Michael (éd.). Studies in Siberian Shamanism (Toronto: Toronto University Press. T565). P?ri37=529. ^^^ee Chuang tzu. 1.8b, 1.11b-12b: Watson, The Com­ 155 plete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 32-33. ^^^ora K. Chadwick, The Growth of Literature, Vol. Ill (New York: MacMillan; Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 1940), pp. 198-99; also Nora K. Chadwick and Victor Zhirmunsky, Oral Epics of Central Asia (Cam­ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), pp. 242-43• ^^See Lao Kan, "Shih tzü te chieh-kou chi shih- kuan te yuan-shih chi-wu,” pp. 1-4; also Tung Tso-pin ^ , "Chou mao shuo An=yang fa-chueh pao-kao , Vol. IV (Peiping: Chung-yang yen-chiu-yuan Li-shih yu-yen yen-chiu-so, 1933), P. 646. ^^^See Pan Ku, Han shu, 30.17b. ^^^Nora K. Chadwick, Poetry and Prophecy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1942^", pp. 2-3. ^^^See Liu Shih-p’ei, "Wên-hsüeh ch'u^ü wu-chu-chih- ku^ shuo Tso-an chi /£ ( in L iu Shen-shu hsien-shêng i shu) , 8.1319a-b. ^^^Mircea Eliade, Myths, Dreams and M ysteries, tr, Philip Mairet (London: Harvill Press, I960), p. 1É2. ^^^Antonio Wenkart, "Creativity and Freedom," p . 347. 1 50 See Eosamond E. M. Harding, ^ ^atomy of Ins­ piration (Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons, 1948), pp. 8-1 5* ^^'Ses Tu Fu, "Tin chung pa hsien & 0 ''' Tu Kung-pu shih-chi f^^CSPFI ed.), 1.8b. *^%ee Ssü-ma. Ch'ien. Shih chi, 84.2a. ^^^Fr^cois Heidsieck says, "L'inspiration n'est pas l'inhumaine dépossession de la Pythie par le dieu qui l'habite; elle ne s'identifie pas au travail conscient, mais elle est le fruit d'un effort pour dépasser l'expression immédiate et se dévouer â la vocifération de l'oeuvre." See L'inspiration, art et vie spirituelle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1$61), p. 271. Ernst Kris, "On Inspriation," in Creative Imagination, pp. 145-59. Se Eliot-, "Tradition and the Individual Talent," in Critiques and Essays in Criticism 1920-48, ed. Robert W, Stallman (New 'York: Roland ^ress, 1949), pp. 377- 8 3 . ^^^osamond E. M, Harding, An Anatczny of Inspira­ tion, p. 111. ^^^Lin Hsieh, Wen hsin tiao limg (SPTK ed .), 9.4a. For English translation, see Vincent Vu-chung Shih, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Hsieii (Hevj York; Columbia University Press, 1959), p. ^Sf. *‘^^See Hsiao T'ung (ed.), Wên ^uan (SPTK e d . ) , 17. 4a. For English translation oï'this rhymeprose, see Achilles yang, "Rhymeprose on Literature; The Wen-fu of Lu Chi (A.D; 261-303)," HJAS 14 (1950, p. 535- ^^^Ernst Kris, "On Inspiration," p. I 4 8 . ^^*^Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek, "Tension and C reativity," in Creative Imagination, pp. 13-22. CHAPTER FO uk SHAMANISM SEEN IN THE CH'U TZ'Ü

Scholars of Chinese literature have a consensus that the Ch'u tz'u is closely related to shamanism. Never­ theless, only four poems in this collection give us some idea of how the latter was practised and what the ancient Chinese people believed. These poems are "Li sao,” "Chiu ko," "T'ien wên," and "Chao hun." "Chiu ko" describes the sacrifice to the gods, while "Chao hun" describes the ini­ tiation ceremony of a novice shaman. In "Li sao" and "T'ien wên" there are many myths which shed light on the study of ancient religious beliefs. Therefore, in this chapter, I shall discuss these four poems in order to have a better understanding of both the Ch'u tz'u and ancient Chinese shamanism. The questions about the authorship of these poems and the time when they were w ritten have been perplex­ ing to many scholars. Since they are neither important to the present study nor enlightening to our understanding of ancient Chinese shamanism, I shall only mention them in p a s s in g .

Before discussing each individual poem, I would

157 158 like to explain the term Ch*n tz*û. Nowadays, scholars often borrow Huang Po-ssü's ^ ^ (A,D. 1079-1118) words to define this term. He says, "As to the poems of Ch'u Yuan and Sung Yu (290?-222? B.C.), they are all written in the Ch'u dialect, and chanted in the Ch'u tone; they record the flora and fauna of the Ch'u state, and men­ tion things charactmristic of Ch'u culture. Therefore, they can be called Ch'u tz'u ."^ This definition is inade­ quate, because it fails to explain the word tz'u. Does it mean words or poems? This question has been recently an­ swered by Hoshikawa Kiyotaka, who says that the word tz'u refers to the prayer of the shaman.^ This kind of prayer was ususü-ly chanted (sung ), as Suzuki Torao '^j% J points out in his article, "Sofu no seisei o ronzu ^4^ ^ ^ ^ C"On the Evolution of the Ch'u tz'u") Thus, chanting was the main feature of Ch'u tz'u ; whereas the poems in the Shih ching were sung to the accompaniment of music. At this point- the term tz'u can be defined as a kind of poem which was chanted in the same way as a prayer was chanted by a shaman, and which, as a literary genre, originated from the area of ancient Ch'u culture.

Let us now discuss the four Ch'u tz'u poems separ­ a t e l y . (A) "Li sao" Many s c h o la rs b e lie v e t h a t t h i s poem was w r itte n 159 by Ch'ü ïüas himself, although a few scholars who deiay the existence of Ch'u Yuan would not a g re e I n the poem, how­ ever, the poet's frustration and his dilemma of his yearning to get away from this treacherous world while feeling a sense of responsibility to help his king correspond closely to the political career of Ch’u Yuan, as recounted in his biography in the Shih chi» His final decision to abide by P’eng Hsien’s rules was the best solution to his dilemma, because in this way he could s till pursue his spiritual goal and serve his master « Therefore, unless there is evidence to the contrary, I would think that Ch'u Yuan was the author- The meaning of the title of this poem has been no less a favorite subject of discussion- Ssü-ma Ch’ien first ex­ plained the character sao as "sorrow,” but did not ex­ plain li Most scholars reject the commonest meaning of jit which is "to leave »” Perhaps they think that it is not sophisticated enoughThey tend to read more into the title- The following are some of the suggested explana­ tio n s : 1 - to encounter sorrow (Pan Ku), 2- to follow the right channel to exhort the king, despite the sorrow of banishment (Wang I, who added the character ching to the title), 3* fire is disturbed by wind (Chou Sheng-k’ai i’&j ^

#), 4- the name of a song in Ch’u, which was otherwise 160 called "Lao-shang CA -à " and equivalent to lao-

SS2.sao oro r iâOzCllao-ch’ou ^ > meaning "resent- ment" (Yu Kuo-ên),^ 5* the namean of the eye-god (Hashikawa Takeo

6* exposition of sorrow (Yang Liu-ch'iao 7* the sorrow of being alienated by the king, because of other people’s innuendos (Wên H u a i-s h a ), 8* sao is a place-name (Li Chia-yen and 9* to encounter sorrow all by himself (Ch'en Ssu-ling

In my opinion, the explanations given by Chou and Hashikawa are too far-fetched. In the poem, the poet not infrequent­ ly talks about his willingness to leave the court- For exam ple,

I already found it not difficult to leave (1- 25)• I would rather be dead or exiled (1- U9)* i shall go far away to alienate myself (1- 171)'

Although the explanations given by Pan Ku and Ch ' en Ssù-ling make sense, I think the commonest meaning, "to leave with sorrow," is more straightforward - It was for didactic purpose that Wang I added the word ching to the title - The other explanations offered by Yang, Wên, and Li are not convincing. (Li may have discarded his thesis already, be­ cause his article on this topic is not included in his book, Ku-shih ch'u fan Yu Kuo-ên’s explanaton. 161 however, has been widely acclaimed by scholars of Chinese literature.* ^ Nevertheless, while Shirakawa Shizuka points out that lao-shang maiyJ be . ______a musical instrument, . 15 ^ Jao Tsung- i asserts that it may be a musiceü. tune.^^ Therefore, a closer examination of Yu’s argument is quite in order.

Yu’s thesis is based primarily on a passage in the Han shu. It is rendered as follows:

/Yang Hsiung _(53 B.C.-Â.D. \ q)J always cried when he^read Ch’u Yuan’s works. He held that a chun-tzu 3- should put /the Confucian taoZ into practice when the time was favorable, whereas he should become a recluse (lit. dragon or snake) when the time was unfavorable, and that whether or not one could receive the imperial favor wais determined by Fate, so there was no point in drowning oneself. He picked some sentences from "Li sao" (but reversed their meaning) and incorporated them into a piece of his literary writing, which he entitled "Fan ’Li sao* ^ ("/Argument^ Against ’Li sao”’) and dropped into the river from^Min Mountain to console /the spirit o î / Ch’u Yuan. He also wrote "Kuang sao using "Li sao" as its model, and "P’an lao^ch’ou in imitation of "Hsi sung and other poems /In th e "C hiu .----- a/ :

In this passage we should note that (1) li sao is not a lexical compound, (2) since "Fan ’Li sao’" and "P’an lao- ch'ou" are two different poems, there is no reason whatso­ ever to think that these two titles have the same meaning and thus no reason to equate li sao to lao-ch’ou, and (3) according to the commentary on the Han shu, lao-ch’ou is pronounced like lao-ts’ao , which, in modern Canton- 162 ese, means "resentful,” It is obvious that Yu's theory that li sao is the equivalent of lao-sao or lao-ch'ou is not strong enough.

It would be unwise to ignore the fact that this title may have some connection with Wu Chu’s state= ment, which is, ”If /the rulegfdoes not practise his virtues and righteousness, those near him would sorrowfully leave (sao li and those not under his immediate 1R control would defiantly disobey /hiig/.” Being a scholar- official in the Ch'u state, Ch'u Yuan would probably have known this statement. He would have chosen the word sao l i . changed their order and used them as the title of his poem. This form of allusion is frequently seen in Chinese litera­ t u r e .

Anyway, lao-ch'ou (^lao-ts'ao~'lao-tao is not an equivalent of li sao. Being an expert in iccsil dialects, Yang Hsiung might translate li into p'an,^^ and sao. lao- ts'ao. In fact, he was good at playing upon words. For instance. Fa yen (the title of one of his books, which is an imitation of Lun yu) is the translation of lun yu (fa=lunY;^ , which was interchangeable with lun "1^ in ancient times; yen=yu)

In sum, after weighing all the arguments for the 163 various explanations of li sao, I think that "to leave with sorrow" is more acceptable.

Regarding the poem itse lf, some Japanese scholars aptly describe "Li sao" and certain other Ch'u tz'u poems

—^ ^ t T « » » 4- ^ T -2 -X- ^ A Î ll^”1 A « rt *2 ** 4- C L O C L U . J .J 1 . W O X A W ULL O # A * &

out in Chapter 3, Ch'u Yuan was a shaman. When a shaman tries to invoke the deities in his spiritual world, he usually gives an autobiographical account of himself. As Nora K. Chadwick points out, this is the usual practice of the Tartar shamans. Although Ch'u Yuan conformed to this tradition, he soon departed from it by describing his per­ sonal plight in terms of a celestial journey, which he had experienced in his séance. This imusual experience, pre­ sented with soaring imagination throu^ his artistic tech­ nique, makes this poem an important landmark in Chinese literary history.

This poem is closely related to shamanism. In this poem, Ch'u Yuan states that he is the descendant of Kao-yang and Po-yung. He gives the date of his initiation and his names. He complains that nobody appreciates his incorrup- tiveness, and vows to abide by the rules of P'Sng Hsien, J ^ A shamaness (nu hsu ^ ) scolds him for being too his banishment to the Plain of Feathers. Althpugh he finds 164 out that most ancient heroes, such as Ch'i and I , did something evil in their old age, Ch'u Yuan persists in upholding the principle of righteousness. He asks the gods if he should serve other rulers, and the answer given through Wu Fên's ^ mouth is that he should do so. Since Wu Hsien also encourages him to leave Ch-u, he starts his celestial journey to look for a good ruler. Shortly after, he stops and decides to stay in Ch'u, although he knows that he cannot help his king rule the country. In the preceding chapter, I have pointed out that Kao-yang and Po-yung were shamans, and I have discussed the date of Ch'u Yuan's initiation and his names, his predilection for cleanliness, and the myth of P'eng Hsien. In the following I shall discuss the meaning of the terms "nu hsu," "ch'en t z 'u p ^ ," and "yao-t'ai ^ ," and the myths of Kun, Ch'i and I from the point of view of shamanism,

1, ^ hsu (1. 66)—Host scholars suggest that she was the elder sister of Ch'u Yuan. Kuo Mo-jo and Chiang Liang- fu^^f^;^, however, argue that she was a hand-maid,^^ while David Hawkes translates this term as "mald e n s . I would rather accept the assertion of Liu Yung-chi and Ho Ch'i- chang that she was the shamaness in the temple. Their view is corroborated by the names of female spirits and shamancssas in the Shan hai ching. They all had the p re fix nu.^^ Kato Joken suggests that hsu (=^^) has ■ -J 165 the same meaning as chu ("shaman"Hence, ^ h su i s the same as nu chu ("shamaness").

2. Chung-jan M Yu-chih-yeh ^#-^3 % # (1. 67)—Wên I-to asserts that yao is the same as yao «hich is synonymous -sith o The meaning of this line is equivalent to 1, 27 iu *T*ien wên," which reads, "Long had /k va i/ been banished to Mount Yu, why was he not executed during a period of three years?" Ch*u Yuan*s sym­ pathy with Kun can also be seen from 11. 75-76 in "T'ien wên," which run, "^he field%7 were a ll sowed with the black m illet, and /the lands o ^ the wild grass were culti­ vated; Z&aving done these things^/ why was Kun banished with the other villains and /charged w it^ having /com­ mitted the worst sin?" In the Ta Tai Li chi , Kun was one of the ancestors of the Ch'u people.This may be the reason for Ch'u Yuan's sympathy with Kun. More- 9 as I have pointed out before, Kun was a shaman. Since Ch'u Yuan was also a shaman, he naturally sympathized with Kun, who had made efforts to drain the Great Flood and to cultivate the land.

3» Ch'ên tz'u (11. 73 and 92) —Ho Ch'i-chang suggests that ch'ên is the name of a sacrifice, and that tz'u means

M +.rt n n-Fr»T»jTi r M c n n » ■hrt Vi-i m + ^ . m A a n a report by means of a sacrifice.O b v io u sly , Ho overlooks 166 the grammatical structure of the original lines. In my opinion. tz'u is some kind of prayer, or religious document. According to the Chou l i . there were six kinds of tz'ü . which were composed by the ta-chu ("Chief Shaman") Since a prayer to one's deities should be said in a way as humble and as palatable as possible, a shaman is always known for his eloquence, or ning The classic example is Chu T'o (Shaman T'o), whose eloquence was one of the factors in the national security of the State of Wei.^^ As to Ch'u Yuan, Ssü-ma Ch'ien also points out that he spoke very well. In the Hsun tzü, ch'ên tz'ü means "to chant some words.Therefore, in all probability, this phrsise means "to chant a prayer,"

4. Ch'i "Chiu pien" yu "Chiu ko" hsi (1. 74; see also 1. 65 in "T'ien wên") —Chiang Liang-fu argues that this line should read "Ch'i wu Shao yu 'Chiu ko' hsi However, he has no evidence to support his argument. In the Shan hai cM ^, K'ai (i.e. Ch'i), sone of Yu, had thrice ascended to the heavens to bring the "Chiu pien" and the "Chiu ko" down to the Plain of T'ien-mu ^ This plain was also the birthplace of Kun, C h'i's grsmdfather. We note that -TO the word mu is interchangeable with mi , which means "dense." According to the Chuang tzü. the trees used as shê trees had to have dense foliage Thus, the mi-tu 167 ^ ^|3 in the Shan hai china^^ was in actuality a sacred grove. Furthermore, it would not be too Unreasonable to assume that the Plain of T*ien-mu was also a sacred place (or grove), where sacrifices to Heaven were offered. This assumption can explaiin why both the birth of Kun and the spiritual flight of Ch*i occurred in that same place.

There is a story in the ^ Yueh ch*un-ch*iu ^ that Yu was accosted by a white vixen with nine

tails, when he was working on the T'u Mountain ^ J-j The white vixen, according to the Shan hai ching. lived on the Ch'ing-ch'iu Mountain ji- The pronunciation of the name of this mountain is similar to that of the Ch'ing-yao Mountain , where the mi-tu was situa­ ted; and the Ch’ing-yao Mountain was a good place for coi­ tion (i nu-tzu. ^ ^ It is interesting to note that Yu was also called Kao-mi ^ ^ , which was equivalent to Sao-mei (“The Supreme Interm ediary")to whom the ancient rulers and their harems prayed for male child­ r e n .

It is hardly accidental that these stories are closely connected with Kun*s family. He himself was born in the Plain of T*ien-mu, which, philologically speaking, is equivalent to the mi-tu. where Yu had a love affair with a white vixen. Since Kun and Yu were shamans, Ch'i 168 naturally was also a shaman. C h'i's ability to ascend to the skies is not surprising, as Yu could j»1<3o walk up to Heaven. The line under discussion can be interpreted as the composition of the "Chiu pien" and the "Chiu ko" by Ch’i through divine inspiration in a sacred grove,

5. % yin i i t'ien hsi, %u hao she fu fêng hu ^ (1. 76; see also 11. 69-72 in "T'ien wen:" "Feng yao 1± chueh. fêng hsi shih she. ho hsien cheng-ju-chih-kao. erh hou-ti pu jo? Cho ch'u ch'un hu. hsuan ch'i yuan mou, ^ % chih she kê. erh chiao tMm k'uel chlh? %% Wë ^

?")—Wen I-to suggests that ^ in 1. 76 in "Li sao" should read chu ("swine"),This swine referred to K'uei's son, who was nicknamed Feng-shih ("Great Hog").^^ Since K'uei was a shaman-musician, the struggle between I and K 'uei's son, who would also be a shaman, is quite understandable. Before Genghis Shan came to power, he had to eliminate his rival, Kokocu-Tab-tanggari, a sha­ man. I, a strong man, was in the same situation. How­ ever, in his time, the religious power prevailed; so his L8 violent act was unjustifiable.' Thus, the god was dis­ pleased. To avenge the death of her son, K 'uei's wife, the Bark W%fe the Beguxling «%fe , plotted, with Cho (I's underling) to assassinate I. Her involvement in 169 the assassination notwithstanding, she was s till loyal to the Hsia house. Because of this, Shao-k'ang ‘j/ ' , th e reviver of the Hsia Dynasty, was born and brought up in her clan, the Yu-jêng Clan ^ ^

6. Wang yao-t'ai chih yen-chien hsi. chien Yu-jung chih i nu, . . . Fêng-haang chi shou i hsi, k'ung Kao-hsin ch^ hsi^ wo . . • ( U . 119 and 123)—The word yao here does not merely mean "jade." As Wen I-to maintains, it has other connotations, such as "charming" and "seducing.In the Shan hai ching, the following legend is recorded. The daughter of the Celestial Emperor died on Mount Ku-yao^-^^^ . She was called "female shih »” she changed into yao grass. If one kept or ate some of this grass, one would be able to charm o r sed u ce othersMoreover, in--the "Kao-t*ang fu by Sung Yu, the goddess who seduced the king was also called Lady Yao With these examples in mind, we should not hesitate to accept Wên*s interpretation of the word yao. We may assume that the princess and Lady Yao were shamanesses who had the power to mesmerize or seduce other people. This assumption is supported by the relation­ ship between Chu Jung and Mount Yao . On that moun­ tain lived a man called Prince Ch'ang-ch'in (Prince Long Lute), son of Chu Jung.^^ Further evidence is 170 provided by the fact that Chao-yao Mountain ^ con­ tains the source of the Jung River

From the above it is clear that yao-t'ai was a piece of high ground on which sexual acts might be per­ formed, The meaning of these two lines is: Ch*u Yuan hesitated to go to other states for fear that the kings of those states would not get along well with him. Besides, it was against his conscience to work for other states (11. 120-22 in «Li sao").

7. Wu F#n (11. 150, 140 and 168)—In the Shan hai chingt there was a shaman by the name F 8n^^, a descendant of Shun. He could sing and dance, and was provided with food and clothing without doing anything quid pro ouo.^^ I suspect that these two shamans were one and the same per­ son, because their names are sim ilar in sound.

(B) "Chiu ko« Before discussing this group of poems, I would like to correct the misconception that these poems were basical­ ly popular songsFrom their titles, we know that these poems were religious songs dedicated to ten deities, in­ cluding the Honored Dead,^^ Since in ancient Sàina only the ruler and the priest had the privilege of worshipping the celestial and the terrestial gods, I reject the 171 argument that these songs were sung or chanted by the com­ mon folk. Sun Tso-yun is right in pointing out that this group of poems was w ritten by one or more court musicians,

There are 11 poems in this group. This number does not correspond to the word chiu (**nlne") in the title . Scholars have offered various explanations of this discrep­ ancy. Accepting Wang Fu-chih's ^ ^ (A.D. 1619-1692) assertion that the last one is a "farewell song,"^^ some scholars suggest that the first one is a "welcome song."^^ To make the number of these poems correspond to the meaning of the title , some scholars combine the last three into onewhile others combine the third and the fourth, the fifth and the sixth into two poems.Shen T su-m ien y goes so far as to exclude the last two.^^ It seems to me, however, that the first two theories sound more reason­ able, because the first and the last poems actually des= cribe the opening and the conclusion of the sacrificial ceremony respectively.

Besides the controversy over the number’Of poems, the authorship of these poeias is also a hot issue for some scholars. Hu Shih suggests that it was a group of ritual songs which belonged to the people living along the Hsiang River and existed before Ch*u Yuan's time.^^ Wang I sur­ mises that Ch'u Yuan wrote them to the popular music of 172 Ch'Uj^^ and Chu Hsi (A.D. 1130-1200) asserts that they were originally popular songs, hut were later revised

• • • • by Ch'u Yuan. David Hawkes suggests that they were writ­ ten hy an anonymous poet shortly after Ch'u Yuan.^^ Sun K'ai-ti tries to prove that they were written in th e Han Dynastyhut his evidence is not even "circum­ stantial." I feel that even if Ch'u Yuan were not the author, these poems must have been written by a talented shaman-musician in the court.

Aoki Masaru ÎE ^ and «en I-to are of the opinion that this group of poems was to be sung by shamans and shamanesses, who would also dance.David Hawkes goes further by suggesting that "it was written for a court which enjoyed the performance of religious masques in much the same way as European courts once enjoyed religious music composed by talented laymen." 7 0 For lack of concrete

Ch'en Yung even holds that this group of poems was associated with the rain-making sacrifice. 71

These poems are beautifully w ritten. The fascina­ ting love affairs between divine and human beings are artis­ tically recounted. It is for this reason that Liu Hsieh comments: "The 'Chiu ko' and 'Chiu pien,* delicate and lyrical, express grief.After7 2 reading these poems, we 173 shall fisd it difficult to accept Arthur Waley*s generali­ z a tio n :

In the Nine Songs the typical form is this: first the shaman (a man if the deity is female, a girl if the deity is ' male) sees the Spitit descending and goes out to meet it, riding in an equipage sometimes drawn by strange or mythical creatures. In the nest part of the song the shaman*s meeting with the Spirit (a sort of mantic honeymoon) is over. The Spirit has proved fickle and the shaman wanders about love-lorn, waiting in vain for the lover’s return.73

The first poem was addressed to the Emperor of the East, the Supreme One ^ — . The poem describes the sacrifice hall, with the flowers on the jade table, the good food and the fragrant ale, the music, and the beauti­ ful dress of the shaman or shamaness, a ll of which the officiating shaman hoped would please this god.

The second poem was dedicated to the cloud god.^^ As Wen I-to points out, clouds are symbolic of ses;^^ thus it is small wonder that the last line of this poem reads.

Thinking of my lord f l j sigh deeply, I am very worried and very sad.

Acceptance of Geza Eôheim's thesis that the communication between shaman and sp irit may be a simulation of coitus leads us to think that 11= 7 and 8 describe the male action during the intercourse. 174 The dragon chariot the god commands Wanders and gallops sw iftly.

In Chapter 2, I have pointed out that the ruler in ancient China had to perform the sexual act during the cha sacri­ fice, It is therefore reatsonable to assert that such an act ?as also performed during the sacrifice to the cloud god.

Most scholars believe that Hsiang-chun & was Shun, and Hsiang-fu-jen , his wife (or wives) After examining the third and fourth poems, however, I am inclined to accept Wang Fu-chih's theory that Hsiang-chun and Hsiang-fu-jên were merely the divine couple of the rpO Hsiang Hiver, According to these two poems, because of some misunderstanding during their courtship, they blamed each other for not keeping the tryst. The reconciliation cams when Hsiang-chun went to the northern bank to pay the lady a visit. The latter immediately built a house and invited the gods on Mount Chiu-i the Olympus in the Ch'u tz 'u , to welcome the bridegroom, who came like a cloud, a recurring symbol of sexual relations in the "Chiu ko.”

The fifth poem was written to Ta-ssu-ming ^ 79 , who determined the life-span of every human being. He resided in the Empty Mulberry /Grove/, the sacred pla.ce

?0 — of the Shang people. ne was not very popular. He 175 grumbled that old age was gradually drawing near, and that he was no longer attractive to (11. 19-20), He was sad that his waiting for a companion was in vain, because everyone knew that his companionship would not affect their fate, which was pre-determined.

Shao-ssù-ming ^ , the "children giver to whom the sixth poem was dedicated, was more romantic, b e cau se women d e s iro u s o f h a v in g so n s w ere e a g e r to c o u rt his companionship. He was selective and would spend only a few moments with those he had chosen (11. 9-11). The holy u n io n made th e chosen women happy (1 1 . 13-H)» but those who,had not been so favored were resentful, for they might have spent several nights waiting in the holy grove (11, 17- 18 ). In this poem the cloud symbol is used again (1. 18).

Since the seventh poem is a description of the sun­ rise, the title is "herd of the East ^ The sun seemed to be reluctant to come out. He sighed and hesita­ ted for he had just left the nocturnal party, in which there were good music and many pretty dancing smd chanting shamanesses, who had attracted a crowd of divine specta­ tors, so large that it shut out the sunlight (11. 9-18). Unwilling though he was, the sun s till had to come out= He then shot his first ray at the star named Clestial Wolf (or 176 Sirius, the Dog Star), and, holding his bow, he took a tem­ porary retreat (11» 20-21)»^^ After taking some cinnamon ale with the Dipper, he held the reins and rode upward at great speed toward the vast expanse of the East.

In the poem entitled "The Kiver God " (the eighth poem), there is an interesting sex symbol. The last line of this poem reads.

Then waves come rolling to welcome me. And Schools of fish are my bridal maids /who are the concubines of the bridegroom/.

The fish is a symbol of sex.^^ Robert Briffault points out that the fish was a kind of phallic symbolism in ancient s o c i e t y . I t is true to a certain extent, for in no, 18 of the "Tzu-yeh ko ("Tzu-yeh Songs") and in cer­ tain poems of the Shan ^ » edited by Fêng Mêng-lung (A.D. 1574-1646), the fish is used to represent the lover a girl has mete However^ in the Shih ching* 87 the fish is a symbol of the fair sex. ' Furthermore, in a mime of ancient Greece an adulteress is compared to a staJ.e go fish. At this juncture, it would be better to accept R. P. Knight's idea that the fish can represent both male and 8q female sexes,^ for it is primarily the symbol of produc­ 90 tive power.

The M ountain Demon lU might be the overseer of 177 the secluded bamboo grove where the sexual act was per- 91 formed, as indicated by 11, 11-12, which say.

Standing all alone on top of the peak of the moun’- t a i n , /H e lo o k s zfy the dense cloud down below,

Her-e the cloud symbol reappears, unlike the other poems, there is a possibility that the love in this poem is homo­ sexual, Perhaps for this reason, the spirit is called a demon. In the poem, there is hesitation (1, 20) and sus­ picion (1. 23) on the worshipper's part.

Ling Ch'un-sheng asserts that the tenth poem, "The Honored Dead ,” describes the custom of head-hunting 92 •• in primordial society. Su Hsuoh-lin goes so far as to surmise that this poem is a song to the Indiau? god Ganeéa,^^ Su's suggestion is too far-fetched and unconvincing, because the story of Ganesa does not bear any resemblance to what the poem describes. Neither is Ling's thesis acceptable, because we cannot find any internal evidence to support it. Therefore, it is reasonable to accept the traditional view that this poem was written in honor of the dead warriors.

The last poem, "Tribute to the Souls " is obviously the conclusion of this group of poems,Only this and the first poem mention the drum which is used in every shamanistic ceremony. It is appropriate to have some 178 charming shamanesses to sing and dance to the heat of the drum when the sacrifice is over and the exhausted shamans have retired, and to have the Chief SLaman promise to dei­ ties that this custom of offering sacrifices to them w ill he interm ittently practised as long as the orchids and the chrysanthemums hloom in spring and autumn respectively. On the other hand, the last couplet may he considered an ana­ logy to God's promise in the Old Testament that "while the earth remaineth, seedtime and harvest, and cold and heat, and summer and winter, and day and night shall not cease," (Genesis 8:22)

(0) "T'ien wen" Wang I surmises that when Ch'u Tuan was in exile, he saw in the ancestral temple of the Ch'u house a wall painting (or has-relief) which magnificently depicted the universe, deities, ancient sages, monstrous creatures, and the deeds they had done: so he wrote this poem on the wall, inquiring the underlying reasons for all these happenings in order to purge his sullenness and to give vent to his 05 sorrow,This statement is true to a certain extent, for in ancient times it was not unusual to have bas-relief in a temple. The outstanding example is that preserved in the Wu Liang Temple , dating back to the Han Dynasty. However, if one reads the poem through, one would find that it contains more than one hundred seventy questions. It 179 would be impossible for a wall painting or bas-relief to include all these facts, especially since some of them are net easily presented in art form.^^ It is Arthur Waley who strikes the right note in saying that this poem is an exam- ination paper. 97 It is a pity that he does not mention to whom and for what purpose this examination paper was pre­ pared. To perplexed readers the following statement by Nora K. Chadwick may be enlightening.

An early Greek history of a contest between two seers (Calchas and Mopsos) attributes the victory to Mopsos because he knew the number of figs on a certain tree. In Tartar oral poetry we find a sim ilar contest between two sages with mantic gifts, whose knowledge consists in sim ilar pedan­ tic natural history. . . . In this contest, however, both the sages are surpassed by a woman who knows seven words more than either of them.98

At this point, we can state that ”T*ien wen" is probably a question paper, designed by a shaman, possibly Ch'u Yuan, 99 to test other shamans* knowledge « ^

The inclusion of norths in shamanistic songs is not surprising. In Korea, the bon-phuri ^ sung to the deities includes the myth of the separation of Heaven and Earth, of the shooting of the sun, of Chinese antiquity, and so on-^^^ Having this supporting evidence, I can as­ suredly assert that "T'ien wen" is a piece of writing closely related to shamanism. 180 There are indeed many questions about ancient Chinese myths, to which we do not have answers, because of our lim ited knowledge in this area. We cannot, however, say that this poem does not have any literary value, as Hu S h ih suggests,We should try to unravel these myths in order to understand this poem better. In the following I shall use the myths of Shun, Yu, Chieh, Chiang-yuan, and Chou-kung in "T'ien wên" as examples to discuss how ferti­ lity rite degenerated into sexual orgy, the belief that most sun-gods were lascivious people, and the conflict between the political leader and the shaman, I shall also discuss the shaman's supernatural power and shamanistic transvesti- tisa with the myths of Kun and I Yin as examples,

1, Hu wei shih pu t'ung wei, erh k'uai chao pao (1, 60)—According to Wen I-to , 102 the last word has the connotation of sexual satisfaction, although he does not offer a satisfactory explanation of the word chao. To support Wen's interpretation of the word pao ("full"), we may quote from the ^ tzu a quotation from the Shu ching, which charges Ch'i with over-eating (i.e. overindulgence in sensuality) in the s u b u r b , I n modern Cantonese, "to steal something to eat" is s till used to refer to the illic it love of an adulteress.

In the primitive religions, many sexual rites, such 181 as the Bacchanalia in ancient Rome, were held at night.^^4 In this kind of ceremony coition w ill take place towards the end of the orgy, which often lasts nntil dawn. Poem no. 144 ("Chu lin in the Shih ching tells us that Lady Hsia of t^e Ch’en state held an orgy in a grove and copulated in the m o rn in g .In the Kuo yu the secret lovers of Lady Hsia wore the Southern (i.e. Ch’u) style hat when visiting her.^ Since the members of the ruling family of the state of Ch’en were the descendants of Shun, the first ancestor of the Shang people, it was not surpri­ sing that their religion was sim ilar to that of the Ch’u people, whose culture was closely related to Shang culture.

According to this line, the poet is accusing Yu of debauchery by asking, "Since Yu already had the Lady of T’u-shan as his wife, why did he lust after different 107 tastes to satisfy his concupiscent appetite?" '

2. Tsu ch’iung hsi chêng. yen ho yueh yen (1. 75)—T’ung I (nom de plume of T'ung Shu-yeh) suggests that the first sentence refers to the historical fact that I migrated from Hsu to Ch’iung-shih His explanation, however, does not sound very convincing, because the next sentence would then seem to have no connection with the first. I would tend to think that these two sentences refer to the story of Kun. 182 As mentioned above, Kun was banished to Yu Mountain, the 1OQ legendary place where the sun sets. ^ This mountain is supposed to lie beyond the K’un-lun Mountain ^ , which only I could climb over, according to the Shan hai c h i n g It i s th e r e f o r e a m ystery how Kun was a b le to reach the Yu Mountain. Assuming that he could get there, why and by what means did the other shamans resuscitate him after he had died and metamorphosed into a yellow bear (or a yellow three-legged turtle) (1. 74)?^ ^ ^

From the mythological point of view, his revival was to be expected, because Kun was the setting sun, as stated in Chapter 2. His transformation into a turtle, which could bear heavy objects, smd his confinement under the Yu Mountain are analogous to the eleventh labor of Hercules, who had to hold up the celestial vault in place of Atlas while the latter obtained for him the golden apple in the land beyond sunset. '^ ^ This line, then, can be in te r p r e t e d a s fo llo w s: When Kun m arched w estw ard to th e end of the Earth, where there were precipices, how was he able to go beyond them and reach the Yu Mountain?

5. Pai ni ying fu, hu wei tz*u t*ang? ^ te ^ liang yo, erh pu nêng ku ts*ang? T'ien shih tsung hêng, yang-li y u a n 8 S Û , ta niao ho ming. ^ yen sang chueh t'j ^ If 4 ^ K ilj 183 X A 7 8 - 8 0 ) - The traditional interpretation of the last line is that it refers to the story about the corpse of Prince Ch’iao ^ ^being transformed into a big bird. Nevertheless, it has been rejected by Chu Hsi.^ ^^ Having accepted Ting Ten’s (A^D. 1?94-18?5) interpretation that the first two couplets deal with the legend of Ch'ang-o's flying to the moon, Chiang Liang-fu suggests that the next two couplets refer to I ’s shooting down the nine suns in the sky,^ ^^ but their interpretations still do not fit the text very well. i ^ 7 tI offers another interpreta­ tion. He suggests that the first two lines contain various j ^ legends, such as Yin-chia’s conquest of Hsi-ho the sun-god, I ’s shooting down the nine suns, Yu’s expedition against the San-miao ^ > and T’ang’s de­ thronement of King Chieh of the Hsia Dynasty.' I would agree that Liu’s interpretation is correct to a certain extent, but I think that these questions center on the legends of King Chieh.

First of all, according to one legend that in the reign of Chieh, there were two dragons copulating in the royal court.^ This is a bad omen, as Marie Delcourt sis- serts.^ ^ ^ The phrase ying fu ^ ^ connotes the sexual act of the dragons, as ying ( =ying means "to advance 118 to meet," or "to embrace," "to encircle," and fu (=fu 184 means "to withdraw."

Secondly, people accused Chieh of indulging his con­ cupiscent appetite. He is said to have built the yao-t*ai g ^ ("Jade Tower")^ ^^ and held orgies in the mulberry 120 grove. I suspect that the good medicine refers to aphro-^ disiacs, smd that the phrsme "not able to be securely trea- sured ^ refers to the ejaculation of semen virile. This suggestion may seem too far-fetched, but it is a known fact that sexual technique (or in Chinese term, fang-chung shu ^ /"bedroom technique^!/) was very popular in ancient times. In the "I wen chih ^ " in the Han shu, there is a . Fang-chung chia ^ ^ ("Bedroom S c h o o l") listed.Early religious Taoism attached great importance to the withholding of semen during intercourse. This technique is called "returning the semen to feed the

Thirdly, the word shih in 1. 79 should mean "favor," SLS it does in the ^ tzu;^^^ and, as suggested by Liu Yao-min, yang-li should mean "the sun."^“^ In Chinese mythology, Chieh was a sun-god. For instance, in 125 the Shu ching, Chieh is referred to as "the sun." There­ fore, 1. 79 can be translated as follows: /Although Heaven's favor is bestowed here and there (not- centering on one single person), how did "the sun" (i.e. Chieh) die? 185 Lastly, In the ^ tzu, there is a story that Heaven, by means of many strange happenings such as the cranes* cry­ ing for more than ten nights, ordered T*ang to dethrone 126 Chieh. Liu is correct in saying that 1. 80 refers to this story, because the other interpretations do not accord very well with their corresponding myths. We can now trans­ late these three lines as follows: The white rainbow-ser— pents had copulated, but why in this court? /Clhie^ had obtained the efficacious medicine, but why could he s till not securely treasure up /his semen/? /Although Heaven's favor had been bestowed here and there, how did "the sun" die? For what reason did these big birds cry? How would he (i.e. Chieh) lose his life (lit. b o d y )?

4. Shun min tsai chia, fu ho-i kuan ^ 93)—The traditional explanation is that since Shun was sad at home, why did his father not have Shun married? David Hawkes accepts both Wên I—to*s explana- 127 tion that the word min means "wife" ' and Chiang Liang-fu's suggestion that the word ^ 'jC. should read ^ ^ Thus, he translates this line as follows:

If Shun had a wife in his house, how could he be unm arried?

Though his translation makes more sense than the traditional explanation, I am still unsatisfied» I suspect that this 186 question has something to do with incest. The Mêng tzu ^ records that Shun's younger brother Hsiang ^ desired 12Q ^ incest, ^ In ancient China, the incest between father and daughter-in-law was called pao Indeed, there is no evidence for saying that Shun’s father was incestuous, but the shaman asking these questions had the right to raise a doubt: ^ in c e / Shun’s wife stayed at home, why should we say that his father was ’^wife-less" (lit, widower)?

The word min also appears in 11. 59-60, ”Min f e i

p’i ho, chueh shen shih chi, hu wei shih pu t ’ung wei, erh

k ’u a i Chao ^gao Eh Hawkes translates the first two char­ acters as ’’the lady,” This shows his uncertainty about the meaning of the word min,) These lines can be rendered as follows: He married his queen (lit, wife-consort) /for the purpose of having children/ to succeed him; why did he still lust after different tasts to satisfy his carnal de­ sire (lit, full stomach in the morning)?

5. Ying Yu-hsin chih nu ^ ^ (1, 124)— There is no evidence that I Yin f was a eunuch. How­ ever, since he was a servant waiting on the Lady of Yu-hsin, it is highly possible that he was a transvestite, This phenomenon was v e ry common i n a n c ie n t shamanism-The purpose of becoming a transvestite is to conceal one’s 187 identity in order to avoid attack from the evil spirits and 132 to please the deities, Another explanation of transves- titism at a higher level is given by Mircea Eliade. In his opinion, it means the restoration of the unity of Sky and Earth and the assurance of communication between gods and Eliade also has a metaphysical explanation for transvestitisffi. He says that the principal function of this rite is "to reconstitute periodicaü.ly in order to re­ store, if only for a brief moment, the in itial complete­ ness, the intact source of holiness and power,

6, Hun wei tsun chi, Yu-ti pu ning, ho fan-niao ts*ui

fu tzu ^ ch'ing ^ 1$ . ^ (1, 120)—Yu Kuo-en has explained this line,^^^ but I am by no means satisfied, because his explan­ ation of the last two sentences is not convincing. He asserts that the poet alludes to the poem "Mu men ^ " in the Shih ching, and he suggests that the phrase ^ tzu A -Zx % xf~ has the connotation of "indulgence in sexual plea­ sure," while he accepts "to be sick in bed" as its meaning, I cannot find other allusions to the Shih ching in these faur Ch'u tz'u poems, and I doubt if the phrstse ^ tzu have the suggested connotation, so I cannot accept Yu's assert­ ion. I should like to point out two things. First, a c c o rd in g to Kuo P*u (A=D= 276-324) , th e fa n b ir d is a one-legged owl,^^^ In the preceding chapters, I have 188 discussed the "uniped” problem and the bird image of the ancient shaman. Thus the fan bird apparently represents a a shaman who can dance and fly up to the sky. Secondly, the phrase fu tzu is the same as ^ tzu ("women and children" or just "women"), which appears in the Sbih ching 137 three times, These interpretations lead me to suspect that these two lines are about the story of Chiang-yuan. According to the Shih ching, she became pregnant after walk­ ing on the footprint of the Supreme One, and months later she gave birth to Chi^^^ , who was the first ancestor of the Chou house. ^ Since "foot" is a euphemism for "penis," as Giza Rlheiffi points outtreading on a footprint may be considered a sexual act. On the religious level, the sym­ bol of a footprint on the ground is often taken as a sign "Î / r' of visitation by a supernatural power. ^ There is thus no doubt that Chiang-yuan*s stepping on a footprint means a holy union.

As mentioned in Chapter 2, women in ancient China often went to worship the Supreme Intermediary and pray for male children. The place of worship was a grove. Accord­ ing to another source, Chiang-yuan conceived when she was worshipping in a mulberry grove.

Having explained every detail, I can now translate 1. 120 as follows: In the dusk, treading the footprint. 189 /th e lady o^7 the Ti conceived (lit. felt uneasy); why did she unbridle her emotions, when the single-legged bird Ci.e. the shaman) came to the jujubee /g ro ve/?

7. Ho ch'in k*uei Fa tsu. Chou min g i tzu-chuah ^ 130)—This line should read "Ho Fa ch*in k'uei, Chou ming tzu-chueh ^ ^ 5?^?" which means "Why did King Wu (i.e. Fa) sigh, after personally considering the mandate of the /newly established Chou kingdom?" (or better s till, "Why did King Wu sigh when thinking of the mandate of the Chou Dynasty, after personal­ ly overthrowing /th e Shang Dynasty/»The meaning of this line is the same as that of 1. 161, which says, "What did Fa, King Wu of the Chou Dynasty, worry about, after overthrowing the Yin (i.e. Shang Dynasty)?"

For those who accept Kato Joken's thesis that every ancient Chinese Shaman was either a hunchback or a dwarf it will be interesting to note that ^ also means "to bend,"^^ thus King Wu might have been a shaman. Inciden­ tally, the name of ^ng Wên, Ch*ang ^ , is a loan word for ch'ang , which means " k 'u a n g " ("wild, mad, ecsta­ tic"). In the Shih ching, k'uang-chu M- and k'uang- t'ung are mentioned in Poems nos. 84 ("Shan yu fu-su ^ ") and 87 ("Ch'ien shang ") .^^^ I believe that they were shamans or acolytes at the spring festival 190 on the riverside. The most important evidence is that the assistants to the fang-hsiang-shih , a shaman who took care of exorcism, were called k'nang-fu Moreover, in the chi, Tzu-kung ^ "W describes the re­ action of the people to the cha sacrifice, which was held towards the end of the lunar year, as k'uang,^^^ which should mean "telestic madness," as pointed out in Chapter 2,

If, as Eato Joken maintains, the Duke of Chou was a ls o a sham an,it is small wonder that in the I Chou shu King Wu is uneasy about his control over the newly estab­ lished kingdom until the Duke pledges allegiance to him.^^^ This story is analogous to that of Liu Pei^i (r, A.D. 221-223); who from his death-bed asked Prime M inister Chu- ko Liang (A.D, 181-234) to take over, should Liu's son be hopeless® Liu was of course reassured by Chu- ko’s avownl of his loyalty.

8= Fan Ch'eng erh wang, ch'i tsui i ^ ^ ^ (1. 132) —According to the Shih chi, since the Duke of Chou was suspected by the people in the court of intending to usurp the throne of King Ch'eng , his nephew, he had to go to the state of Ch'u before the thing cleared up.^^^ With this historical background, we can translate this line as "Having returned the kingship to Ch'eng, /the Duke of Chou/ then fled; what was he accused 191 of?"

(D) "Chao hun” Ssu-ma Ch'ien attributes the authorship of this poem to Ch'u Yuan, ' but Wang I asserts that it wais written by Sung Yu.^^^ Scholariy .opinion is divided on t&a question of whose soul was being recalled by the poet. Some scholars suggest that Ch'u Yuan recalled his own soul, some argue that he recalled King Huai's soul, while others say that Sung YÛ recalled Ch'u Yuan's soul.^^^ These are all mere conjecture. This is unquestionably a shamanistic poem. In the ^ chi, the shaman (or chu-lou ) called back the 15A soul of the dead with an arrow. ^ This custom is also seen in Mongolia and Tibet.However, the introduction to this poem makes it clear that it is not a poem intended to call back the soul of the dead. I think, rather, that this is a poem written by a shaman to recall the soul of his novice, who has lapsed into a state of trance during the initiation «#e Q ceremony.The introduction reads, "The Supreme Emperor spoke to Shaman Yang, 'Now, there is a person down below, to whom I wish to give assistance, but since his soul has departed, you /must find iX / by divination and give it back to him,'" This can be interpreted as the sanction given by the deity to the novice for the practice of shamanism. The trance can be considered as "ritual death," and 1. 15 ("They use /human/’ flesh for sacrifice, and the bones to 192 make paste,”) can be considered as bodily dismemberment.^ These are two of the important rituals in the shamanistic initiation.

The teacher of the novice (i.e. Shaman Yang) then said to his assistant. who took charge of the bygsotization, "Controller of Dream, you heard the mandate of the Supreme Emperor. Although it is difficult to carry out, you must ^ind the soul/ by divination and give it back to him (i.e. the novice). Otherwise, I fear that /our power to communi­ cate with the worlds beyon^ w ill be ineffective (or dis­ credited) , and /consequently, i ^ can no longer be em­ p lo y e d ."

The introductory psissage of "Chao hun" is rather difficult to understand. This is perhaps because people cannot identify the Controller of Dream as the shaman's assistant^^® and partly because of misunderstanding of the meaning of the word hsieh I believe my translation makes more sense than the others.

Many scholars have misunderstood the last paragraph. They think that 11, 129-30 refer to Ch’u Yuan’s accompanying King Huai on a hunting trip in the vicinity of the Meng ^ ("Swamp"), and that this paragraph alludes to King Huai's negligence of his duties as a king. We can, however. 193 interpret this paragraph from a different angle. First, since a shaman is often in the entourage of the king, he would surely follow the king on a hunting trip. Secondly, the hunting should not be construed as pleasure-seeking; in fact ; hunting is important for a king, because before he performs a sacrifice, he has to shoot the sacrificial animal and bring it back to the altar. For these reasons, the last paragraph can be interpreted as follows: In the Spring, you, as a shaman, w ill accompany the royal hunting group to the Mêng ("Swamp")» where the king w ill shoot to death the black rhinoceros; by that time, the vernal scenery is so attractive that it washes away all the worries and sorrows from one's heart,So come back, you soul, and enjoy /th e b e au ty o f / the South,

Since mêng can also mean "grass,there i s an­ other possible explanation of the term chang mêng . In ancient China, grass was used in divination;^there­ fore, chang mêng can mean "Chief Grass-Diviner," This explanation also fits very well into the introduction, in which Shaman Tang asks the Chief Grass-Diviner to find out /the whereabouts of the soul/ and to restore it to its owner. This explanation can also be applied to 1, 129 which says that the king, accompanied by the shaman, has- 1 f\f\ tened to the grass-/aivine3^ to divine what should be done first. Moreover, the term ch'ing ssu 3^ in 1. 130 194 may, according to Yu Yueh, refer to a flag which is held up to warn other people that they are near the water. Thus 1 , 130 can be rendered as:

The king sets off (himself), but he is afraid to / s e e j the black rhinoceros flag.

This explanation accords with the context; /The caravau/ goes forward but stops short, and the guides go first. Stopping and advancing smoothly, the chariot then turns to the right. Because of this, the king, accompanied by the shaman, hastens to the grass-/diviner/ to consult /the gods/ about what should be done first, ^ fte r the consultation^ the king sets forth, but he is afraid of the black rhino-» ceros flag; and he is /advise^/ not to stay long, when the day has succeeded the night. /Nea]^ the prairie, the orchids cover the footpath, which is vanishing. Looking forward, one is thrilled by the view of the rippling water and th e maple-lin ed bank, which extend a thousand li. So, come back, you soul, enjoy /the beauty o f/ the South.

The discussion of the four Ch'u tz*u poems in the above enables us to have a better understanding of the re­ lationship between the Ch*u tz'u and shamanism. "C hiu ko" describes the sacrifices to the gods of the Ch'u people, most of them are fertility gods. Some of the myths in "Li sao" and "T'ien wen" indicate that most mythic heroes lulged in sensual pleasure, and consequently, the fertility 195 rite , which was performed to propitiate the fecundity of the land, degenerated into sexual orgy. They also indicate that as the governmental authority became more and more powerful, the conflict of interest between the political leader and the shaman intensified. Since Ch’u Yuan was involved in this kind of conflict. the reason of b-is exile is easily understood* While most of the questions in "T’ien wen" shed light on the study of the religious beliefs in ancient China, "Li sao" is the best example of Chinese shamanistic literature. 196 NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

^Huang Po-ssu, "Esin chiao Ch'u tz'u hsu A," in Huang-ch'ao wen chien é» ^-5-4'Si, ed. Lu Tsu-ch'ien ^ (SPfg' e i . ) \ 9È .T 5â. ------^ %oshikawa Kiyotaka, S5.ji no kenkyu, pp. 3-35» ^Suzuki Torao, "S5fu no seisei o ronzu," SbiTiagaku 3:11 (Aug., 1923), pp. 813-62. (The article is included in his Shina hungaku kenkyu /Kyoto: KSbundo, 1^23/») . See also liu Yung-cni ^ ^ , Ch'u fu t'ung chien w (Peking: Jen-min wên-hsüeh ch'u-pan-snê, I96i ) , pp. 1-4. It is worthy of note that Ssu-ma Ch'ien did not think that tz'u and fu were the same thing. He wrote, "Sung Tu and others were fond of writing tz'u, but they were renowned for their See Shih chi, 84.6a. ^See supra, pp. 108-110. ^Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 84.1b. _ _ . ^See Nishimura Tokeo Æ? ^ ^ , "Kutsu Gen fu setsu Geibun 11:7 (July, 1920),^p. 17. Yu Kuo-en, Ch'u tz'u kai-lun, pp. 125-26; idem. , Ch'u Yuan, p. 61 ^ ^Ÿu's idea may come from Tung Yueh dü'ï kuo k'ao ^ ^ /§hou-shan-ko ts'ung-shu oj ^ % % e d ,y , 1'lf.5b.) ^YuJ^s thesis is accepted by many scholars, see

^ashikawa Tokeo, "'Riso' to wa nani ka L (j; )'?" Jimbîin kenkyû 4:8 (Aug., 1953) * PP. 1-17. %ang Liu-ch'iao, "'Li sao' t'i chieh Win-hsueh i-ch'an tseng-k'an. Vol. I, pp. 70-73* ^^ên Huai-sha, Ch'u Yuan "Li sao" chin i, pp. 100- 102. 11 Chia-yen, "'L i sao* chih sao wei ti-ming shuo Wen shih tsa-chih

^^Shan hai ching, I6.7b-8a.

ang Hui, Lun hêng chiao shih, p. IO 4 I. ^^See Chuaag tzu, 2.24a; Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 64.' ^^Shan hai ching, 3.6b. ^ also means a mountain; see Erh ya, B'.13a. 41 Chao Yen, Wu Yueh ch'un-ch'iu, 6.4a. ^^Shan hai ching, 1.3b-4a, 9.2a, 14. 3b, 199 tz — —...------^ rSl'i'A*,-’ Eits'omeikan bunsaku 150-151 (Dec., 1957), p .^ 0 . ^See Wen I-to, Ch’uan chi. I, 99. ^^Ibid. , II, 564. ^^See Yuan-ch^ao ml shih $ 4 (reprint o f 1837 ed.: Taipei: Knang-w^n sïïïï-chü 1968), Sections 244-46, 12,3a-5b. See ailso Michael irawdin, The Mongol Empire: Its Rise and Legacy. tr. Eden and Cedar Paul (Lon­ don: Seorge A liéné unwin, ' 1940) , pp. 97-101; Jean-Paul Rcux, ”Le chaman gengiskhanide," Anthropos 54 (1959), PP. 424- 2 8 . Tâb-tanggâii is a title . It was also given to Ch'iu Ch'u-chi ^ b y Genghis Khan; see Jagcid Secen44-§ "T'an Hêng-wên shih-liao Chin lun cli-ien fu ZAltan ^|dun ian|^^K ekisutÿ-||. ^ x

^^See Tso chuan. "Chao-Kung." 28th year, 26.5a; Legge, The Chiaese C lassics. V, 726-27. ^^The legend of Ch*ang-o's flying to the moon might be the mythicization of the shaman's insubordination to I; and the larceny of the longevity medicine might signify the forfeiture of the heaven's mandate to I and his descendants to r u l e . ^^Tso chuan. "Ai-kung-^/j 1st year, 29.1h; Legge, The Chinese C lassics. V, 794. ^^ên I-to, Ch'uan chi. II, 402- 403. ^^Shan hai ching. 5.18b. ^^See Hsiao T'ung, Wen hsuan, 31.20a, 19.1h; also Wen I-to, Ch'uan chi. I, 87. '^ S h a n h a i ch3-Pg = 16.2b = ^^ b i d . . 14. 4b . ^^Ibid. . 16.3a, 15.3a; see also Chu Chi-hai, Ch'u tz'u chieh~ST7 pp. 309-10. ^^Eu Shih, Hu Shih wen ts'un. Vol. II, p. 94. ^^Many scholars have made studies on these deities. The following are some examples. W«n Ch'ung-i, "'Chiu ko' 200 Chung Ho-po chih yen-chiu i^'i^ KPHCK 9 (Spring, 1960), pp. 139=62; idem., Chiu ko' chung te""sE^-sh§n yu Hua-nan te lung-chou sai-shen ^ 2 4; d m ., * M u cbi d . 11 (S p rin g , 1 9 6 1 ), p p . 51.-124;i r l2 4 ; idem idem . , . "*CM, "*CM u u k o k ' o chUng' cib te shang-ti yu tzu-jan-shin ^ ," ibid. 17

Hua-kan^ hsueh-pao (Mar.^ 1969), pp. 1-34.%5im Ssueh-lin has a new theory : Tung-chun is the sun-godÎ Yûn-chung-chûn is the moon-goddess, the Honored Dead is Mars, Ho-po is Mercury, Tung-huang is Jupiter, Hsiang-fu-jen is Venus, Hsiang-chun is Saturn, Ta ssü-ming refers to eclipse, Shao-ssu-ming refers to a comet, and Shan-kuei is Dionys^. See '"Chiu ko* tsung lun Tung-fang tsa-chih ^ '^ ^ tè rn .s. 1:2 (Aug., 1967), pp.^40- 44; 1:3 TSept., 1967;, pp. 39-45; "Tung-huang t'a i-i yu Mu- hsing-chih-shen ^ ^ T- %. " ibid. 1:3 (Nov., 1967),

Ch'eng-kung ta-hsuen hsueh-pao 3 I May, lÿboj, pp. T-n ; "Hsiang-chun y il Èsiang-f u- jen, " ibid, 4 (May, 1969), pp. 49- 94; "Tung-chun yu jih-shen ibid. 5 (May, 1970), pp. 1-22. Her theory is rather'w ild. Should we adopt her method, we would say that Poem no. 212 ("Ta t'ien 7^3? ") in the Shih ching is the Chinese version of the "Book of Ruth" in the ôld testament, ChiJe birth is another version of Gilgamesh epic, and Hsi-ho and Ch'ang-o are the Chinese transliterations of the American Indian's names for sun-god and moon-goddess, ahêwa and awora'k (see Alfred Mêtraux, Myth of the Toba and ï^ilagâ Indians of the Gran Chaco Philadelphia : American Folklore Society, 194§7, p. 19). ^^Sun Tso—yun, "IChiu ko' fei min-ko shuo in Yu-yen yu wên-hsüeh. pp. 133-7S, ^%ang Fu-chih. Ch'u tz'u t*^g shih (Hong Kong: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1^60),p. 45» ^®See Wen I-to , Ch'uaui c ^ . I, 265-74; also Sun Tso-,. yun, "'Chiu ko' fei min-ko shuo," p. 168. This is suggested by Huang Wen-huan and Lin

1965), 2:2b. *^^See Chiang Chi, Shan-tai-ko chu Ch'u tz 'u . p. 195; also Lin Keng, Shih-.jen Ch'd Ytian chi ch'i tso-?'in yen-chiu. 201 ^^Shên Tsu-mien, Ch'ü Yu^ fu chêng pien /& (Shanghai; Chung=hua shu-c'hû, 1960; , pp. p2 ana 11 o. Li J shang ^ ^ „ ......

^^See Hu Shih, Eu Shih wên ts'un. Vol. II, p. %; ko p'ien tso-phê 1 chi-k'an ^ “Ssheii-lin suggests that they are the religious ritual' songs of the Southerners or the Ch'u peoplesee "Chiu ko” chung jên shên lien-ai w ên -t ' i Mr^' M3FTTaIpeil îlfên-hsing shu-tien 1967), pp. 1-49. ^ ^^See Wang I , C h 'u t z ' u . p . 2 4 . "^See Chu Hsi. Ch'u tz'u chi chu (reprint of 1235 ed.; Peking: Jên-min %&n-hsùeh ch'u=pan-»hê, 1955)» 2 .1 a . ^^David Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u. p. 56. ^^Sun K '^ -ti, Ts'ang-chou ^ vt M ^ (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chu, 1965), I I , 455-40. ^^See AokL M asaru, " S o ji *2yuka' no b u k y o k u tek i 1 9 5 3 ), Shina bungaku ÎU ko /T okyo: EobundCT, 1 9 4 2 /.) [Chinese "Eranslation oy Chi Yung was published in Kuo- wen yueh-k'an 72 /O ct., 19487, pp. m-25.) See also Wên 1-

chieh-kou chi h T ung-hai

, . . - ^ -P5 k'an 2:7 (Dec., 1966), pp. 33-37. Ling Ôh-un-shêng 202 disagrees with these scholars. He thinks that "Chiu ko" is a group of poems describing the sacrifices to nine gods; see "T’ung-ku t'u-wen yu Ch'u tz'u 'Chiu ko'," p. , 70,David Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, p. 36. 71

gods are more or less related to farming and rain-praying; see "'Chiu ko' chung te shang-ti yu tzu-jan-shên," pp. if^= 7 U ^^liu Esieh, Wên hsin tiao lung, 1.8b; Vincent Yu- chung Shih, The Literary Mind and tke Carving of Dragons by T"*" srrr-t-i— nr.—rnr— - — - »v — #nhj „ ______74- 94. ' 73 •^Arthur Waley, The Nine Songs, p. 14. ^^Chiang Liang-fu^suggests that Yûn-chung-chûn is the moon goddess, see Ch'u Yuan fu cMao chu, pp. 208-209. Chang Shou-p'ing makes a compronZse that nhls poem is de­ dicated to the cloud god and the moon goddess, see "'Chiu ko' so ssu chih shên k'ao," pp. 9-10. ^^See Wên I-to, Ch'uan chi. I, 81-116. rpr Gêza Bôheim, Animism, Magic, and the Divine King (New York: A lfre d A. K nopf, 1§3(>)} p p .^ ^ 5 -6 6 * ^^See note 78 below. O^oaoto Masashi argues that Hsiang-chun was 0-huang-^fif ^ , and Hsiang-fu-jen, Nu- ying ^ ; see "Sokun Sofujin densetsu ni tsuite ^ t »*' in Chugoku kodai no shakai to bunka t Ciiâgoku kodaishi kenkygkai (Tokyo: TokyS daigaku shuppansha 1957), pp. 155-78. Hung Hsing-tsu has already had this idea; see Ch'u tz'u pu chu, 2.8b-9a. *^%ang Fu-chih, Ch'u tz'u t'ung shih, p. 31. See also Ku yen-wu;# ^ ^ , Jik chin lue ( SPFY e d . ) , 25, 4b-5b;Ab—Sb: Chao IT -à*'® . Kai Kai yü vh ts'unFlc'ao ts ' un ? k * ao ife. (reprint('ran-rint. of ( 1791 ed.; Taipei:' Shih-cïïiek shu-ckü, 1^65)T :9.3&-4b. ^%ên I-to identifies Ssu-ming as Hsuan-ming "S , the assistant to Chuan-lsusee Ch'uan chi. I, 139-42. ®^See Gh'ên Ping-liang, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shên-hua hsin shih lisng tsê," pp. 206-10. 203 ^^Wang Fu-chih, Ch'u tz'u t'ung shih, p= 36. Qo Ling Ch'un-sheng thinks that this poem describes the sacrifice to the sun-god; see "T'ung-ku t'u-wen yu Ch'u tz'u 'Chiu ko'," pp. 412- 13. ^^According to the I lin (SPPY ed.), I shot the Sirius, see 2.13a. (For the authorship~oT“the I li.n, see Hu Shih, HuTT__ Shih hsuyi chi yi" Taipei: / m _ • Î . Chuan-cE /V,____T" wen- e__ who slew the hugh wolf Kapod; see Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay: Jehanjir Ë. karani's Sons, n .d .;, pp. 20-21. See also Henri Maspero- "Légendes mytho­ logiques dans le Chou Ring," JA 204 (19245, p. 31. ^^See Wên I-to, Ch'uan chi, I, 117-38; II, 126-29. ^^Sobert Briffault,"Sez in Religion," in Sex in C ivilization, ed. V.F. Calverton and S. D. Schmalhausen (New Ÿork: Macaulay, 1929), p. 42. ^ ^ ^^Kuo Mao-ch'ien (ed. ) , Yueh-fu shih-cM & (reprint of Sung ed.; Shanghai: Wên-hstieh ku-chT“ch'u- pan-she, 1935), 44.4b; Fêng Mêng-lung (éd.), Sh^ ko (Vol. II of the Kuo-li Pei-ching ta-hsueh min-su hsüen-h^ mln-su ts'ung-shu ^ =5. /heprint; t^pei: Tung-fang wén-huakung-ying-she * ^ 197Q/;, pp. 54a and 68b. ^

^^See Shih ching, 7.2a-b; Karlgren, "The Book of Odes; Kuo feng and Siao ya," p. 214. See also^arl ÈenEze, Mythes et symboles lunaires, p. 122, Figs. 114 and 115; ^123,7ig. 1l6; p. I 4 9 , ï'ig. 144. 00 See Jack Lindsay (ed. and tr .) , Rib^dry of Ancient Greece (New York: Frederick Unger, 1963/1 P. 60. ^%îichard P. Khight, The Symbojical Languies of Ancient Art and Mythology (New "îork: Bouton, 189^7, on. 66. i r i - i 2 , ^ — ^^Sangar Brown II also says, "The fish, the dolphin, and a number of other aquatic creatures came to be female representatives." See The Sex Worship and Symbolism of Pri­ mitive Races : An Interpretation, p. 33. Qi Sun Tso-yun suggests that the deity is a female and the human being is King of Ch'u; see "'Chiu ko' 'Shan= kuei» k'ao ," CHHP 11:4 (Oct., 1936), pp. 977- 1005. Shên Yen-ping asserts that shan-kuei is equivalent to 204 the nymph in Greek mythology; see Chnng-kno shln-hua yen- chiu, PP* 2? and 156= ^%iing Ch'uQ-sheng; "'Kuo shang* 'Li hun' yu kuo- shou c h i hsiao% " mHCK 9 (Spring, I960), p p . 411-61= See a±so Ferenc Tokei, "Deux notes au Kouo- chang de K'iu Yuan," ^ 26 (1958), pp. 621-25. , _ ^ _^Su Hsueh-lin, "Ch'u tz'u 'Kuo shang* hsin chieh ^ T I^ 4:7 (AprTTl^^n, pp. 1-5. ^^in Kêng thinks that it is the envoi of "Kuo shang;" see Shih-.jên Ch'u Yuan chi ch'i tso-p'in yen-chiu, pp. 135-37. ^^Li Ch'iao supports this assumption, see "Ch'u tz'u 'T'ien wen' kuan-chien Wen-lan hsueh-pao (Mar., 1936), no pagination; whereas Su nsuen- 11n IS opposed to this assumption, see, "/T'ien wên' cheng chien^chi shu cheng yin-yen I ," Ch ' eng-kung ta-hsueh hsueh-pao 1 (O ct., 1961), pp. 1-30. Ch'èn^Ùihung- •Tan maintains that this pcem was not w ritten by Ch'u Yuan; see "Ch'u tz'u ko p'ien tso-che k'ao," p. 593. ^^See Fujino Iwatomo, Fukei bungaku ron, pp. 54-58. ^^Arthur Waley, The Temple ^ d Other Poems tNew York: Alfred A.^Knopf, 1923), p. 20. Mis idea is stron^y opposed by Su Hsueh-lin, see Tsui ku te jên-lei ku-shih è; (Taipei: Wen-hsing shu^ien, 1967) , p. 72. ^%ora K. Chadwick, Poetry and Prophecy, pp. 2-3. ^^Matsumura Takeo his book, Girei oyobi ration of the Slavic people that in fact the part of the ballad in the incantation is mixed with ancient myths (p. 1 5 0 ). ^^^See Chan Jukun_^^^, ”Kcdai=teki girsi to shin- wa no ichi keitai Bungaku (Iwanami shoten) 38:11 (Nov., 1970), pp. 47-58= ^^^Hu Shih, Hu Shih wên ts'un, »ol. II, p. 94. ’°%en I-to, Ch'uan chi, II, 125-26, ^^^Mo t z u . 8 .1 9 a ; Y, P . M ei, The E th ic a l and P o li­ tical Works of Motse, p. I8l. ^^^See Otto Kiefer, Sexual Life in Ancient Pome, tr. 205 Gilbert and Helen Highet (New York: Barnes and Nobles, 1964), pp. 118-25. ching. 7.5a-b; Karlgren, ”The Book of Odes. Kuo feng and Siao ya," p. 215. Lady Hsia %as a devotee of shamanism; see Pan Ku, Han shu. 28B.22b. ^^^See Kuo yu, "Chou yu chung , 2.11a. 1 0 7 •* See also Yin Chung-jung, Lu s^h ch'un-ch'iu chiao shih, p, 249* lu Ssu-ma Ch'ien^s ShibTcbi, . the sun-god, is also accused of debauchery; see 2 . 19 a .

^*^^See C h 'en P in g - lia n g , "Chung-kuo k u - t a i sh en -h u a hsin shih liang tsê," pp. 212- 15. ^^^Shan hai ching, 11.5a. ^^^See Ch'en Ping-liang, "Chung-kuo ku-tai shên-hua hsin shih liang tsê," p. 217. ^^^See H. A, Guerber, The Myths of Greece and Rome (revised by D. M. Stuart; London: George G= darrap & Co.. 1945)» p. 150; also R. Flaceliere and P. Devambez, Héraclès : Images et récits (Paris: Éditions E. De Boccaurd, 1966), p . 12Ô. ^ ^^Chu Hsi, Ch'u tz'u chi chu, 5»12b. ' ^^Chiang Liang-fu, Ch'u Yuan fu chiao chu, pp. 519- 22 . *‘^^Liu Yao-min, "Ku-tai jih-shih ch'uan-shuo ho Ch'u tz'u 'T'ien wên’ chung 'pai ni ying fu' pa chu te k p p . 14- 2 4 . 116%^Kuo yu, "Chêng yü," 16.6b. 117 'Marie Deleourt says that there is danger in the

Presses Universitaires de France, 195b), p. 57, 206 118 . ——Ha-ÎTi» CÎîiîl----- Siiang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1966), p. 31* ^ ^%@e Liu Hsiaag, Hsia hsâ, 6.1a, Lo Pi, Lu shih. «Hou chi," 13B.3b.

^^^Paa Ku, Haa shu. 30»41a-b' 1 See Hear! Maspero, Hêlaages posthumes sur les religioas et l'histoire de la Chiae (?aris; Civiliz&tioa du Hud, 1950 ), lï, Il4-l3; âiso Mircea Eliade, Yoga; Imnortal- aad Civi]î.zatioa in Chiaa. Vol. II (Cambridge: Cambridge TISversity Press ,"T95ST7”PP • 146-52. ^^^o tzu. 8.19a; Y. P. Mei, The Ethical and Poli­ tical Works oflïôtBe. p. I8 1 . ^^^iu Yao-œia, "Ku-tai jih-shih ch'uaa-shuo ho Ch'u tz'u 'T'iea wên' chuag 'pai ni ying fu' pa chu te kuan-hsi," p . 15. ^^^Shu chiag. 4.1b; Karlgrea, "The Book of Docu- meats," p. ÈÔ. see also Shaag shu ta ciiuan ± / t (SPTK 63777 2.13a. ^ tzu, 5-11b; Y. P. Mei, The Ethical and Poli­ tical Works of Motse. p. 112. I-to, Ch'uan chi. II, 398. ^^^C-hiang Liang-fu, Ch'û Yuan fu chiao chu, p. 329. ^^%êag tzu, 9=4a; Legge, The Chinese Classics. II, 347. ^ Li Tsuag-t'ung, Chung-kuo ku-tai shê-hui shih T (Tf^pei: Chung-hua ^a-hua shih-ysn cn'u- paa-shê "f 1954), PP. 154-61. 13lT'ao Tsung-i says that male shaman is also called "shih-aiang see Cho kêng lu (Taipei: Shih-Chieh shu-chu, 1963 ), 14.211. '^ShJE-niang" is the same as "shih-p'o which is the translation of IduYto; see Albert E. Diea, "A Possible Early Occurrence of Altaic IduYaa." Central Asiatic Journal 2 (1956). pp. 12-20. ■ f —' — *^^arie Delcourt says, "Les ethnographes oat plus 207

, - rdeat toute leur vie, jouent le r51e d'une femme à“tel point qu'il leur arrive parfois de prendre un mari." See Hermaphrodite. p . 59. ^^^Mircea Eliade, Mephistopheles and Androgyne, 116,

^^^bid. . p. 113. ^^%ee Yu Kuo-ên, Ch'u tz'u lun-wên chi, pp. 159-63. ^^^Shan hai ching, 3.2a, 16.la. ^^^Shih ching. Poem nos. 134 ("Ch'i yueh^^ 211 ("Fu t'ie n 'a n u 291 ("Liang ssu "); 8.1a-4b, 14.1a-2b, I9.l6a-Î7a: Earlgren, "The Book of Odes; Kuo feng and Siao ya," pp. 21o-19, 248; idem. , "xhe“~5ook of Odes. Ta ya and Sung," p. 93. ^^^Shih ching, 17.1a-4b; Karlgren, The Book of Odes. Ta ya^a^ èung," pp. 71-72. There is another sîôry. When Hua-hsu stepped on a huge fc^tprint, she conceived and later she g^e birth^to Fu-hsi See Shih wei han shên wu Yu-han shan-fang chi i-shu), p. 4a. ^^%éza Rdheim, The Eternal Ones of the Ihream. p. 10. ^^^See Peter Gelling and Hilda E llis Davidson, The Chariot of the Sun, ^ d Other Rites and Symbols of the Northern‘~5roMe Age (jifew York and Washington: Frederick A. Prasgsr, 1969). pp. 152-33» also T. Ï. Solleston, Myths and Legends of the Celtic Race (London, Sidney, etc.: “Taeorge G. Èarrap, T^lTTT PP 64 and 77. L. Castiglione also says, "Les attributes d'accompagnement / l e serpent "raeus, le fau­ con, le situle, la branche végétale, et le disque solaire a ile/ sont donc des preuves indéniables du caractère divin des empreintes de pieds." See "Tables votives â empreintes de pied dans les temples d'Egypte," Ac ta Orientalia (Hun- garicae) 20 ( *967/ » p. 251. Wen i.—te suggests stepping on a footprint means "to dance;" see Ch'uan chi. I, 73-77. 'Since Pu Chu 4^ ^ had once taken refuge in the land of the Jung 44^' and the Ti^< , I suspect that Chiang- yuan was a Ti woman. $ee Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Shih chi, 2.2a. ^^K'uel is eq^valent to k'uei^*. which means **W«aTinTl Î ** tsoa ninil rîVlÏÏT»—«aVlSnff RV-nn vr&n + * iin o> h a n n 4--ivi» shSng. pp. 339a-340a. 208 ^^^Sâto Joken, ‘’Fushuku kô,^ pp, l-ifB* ^‘^ ê n I-to, Ch*nan chi. II, 168-69. ^^^Chiang Liang-fn, Ch*u Yuan fu chiao chu, p. 16. ^^^Shih chÿig, 4.14&-b, 4.15b-l6aj Karlgren, "The Book of Odes, kuo feng and Siao ya," pp. ^98 and 199. “Sêe âüEïïc ÜEiang Shao-yûan, Chung-kuo ku-tai lü-hsing chih yen- chiu, pp. 52 and 55,

^^^Chou li, 7.5a; Biot, Le Tcheou-li. II, 150. Sornettes they were called k'uang-fu-tsu 4s. ^ fâ. (or k*uang- fn-chu see Kuo yu. "Chin yü," I, 7.15b; also tso^ chuan, "Min-kung (%?^ ," S d year, 4.4a-5«. chi, 12.17a; Legge, Li Vol. K2VIII, p. 167. ^^^Katü Joken, "Fushuku ko," pp. 1-48. 1 '"''1 Chou shu, 5*3b-4b. ^^^Ses Ch*ên Shou fÉ i , San kuo chih 3- (SPPY éd.), «Shu chih ^^,« 5 . 6 ^ ------^^fsee Ssû-ma Ch'ien, SMh chi, 55.4a; Ghavannes, Les mémoires historiques, IV, 96. ^^Ssû-ma Ch'ien,Shih chi, 84.12a. Most scholars

5965), 5 5 -5 2 :

’Chao hun hsueh i-ch'an tse

_ , ^^'ang I, Ch'u tz'u. p. 101. See also Eu 2îien-iT^ «Sung Yû tso-p'in te chen wei w en-t'i Peg'll»" Wén-^ueh i-ch'an tsêng-k'an. Vol. I, PP^40-55; Idem. , Ku-tien wên-hsüeE lun ts ’ung 3^/^ W % (Shanghai: a n -

i t was written by a certain literary man in the period of Ch'in I7sw% CAA iinVitii 4»*7 9 % Im ?> Ir # tf fp f kuan-hsueh chi-k'an 2':'l (Sept., 1927), p. 85. 209 ’'% ee Ch*ên Tzû-chan "*Chao. hun* shih chieh Chügc-hsa wên shih Inn ts'ipg Vol.

'^ € 5 = 7 5 7 ^^^Li c ^ , 2.6a; Legge, Li Vol. XXvII, p. 1^29. For the meanTng of chu-lou, see SatîT Joken, "Fushnka ko," p p . 18-2 3 . ^5^See C. R. Bawden, "Calling the Soul: A Mongolian Litany," BSOAS 25:1 (1962), pp. 81-103; F. D. Lessing, "Calling the Soul: A Lamaist Ritual," University of Califor­ nia Publications in Semitic Philology 11 (SubixtiiS Semitic ~ Oriental Stud^s: A V^ume ïh*es^ted to ^g^llj^ Popper) (l95wj pp. 26^04; aiso Kèné de aeoesky-wojKoiatz, oracles and Demons of Tibet; The Cult and Iconography of the"1cibet- an Protective Deities (Bague: Mouton & Co., 1^6), p. ^4 4 . ^^^Alfred Hêtraus says, "Comme chez les Taulipâng, le maître prend à sa charge un petit groupe d*élèves qu'il réunit dams une hutte spéciale. Il commence par leur faire faire des maraca ou sonnailles sacrées. Ensuite il leur donne â boire une forte infusion de tabac qui les plonge dans un état de transe," See "Le shamanisme chez les Indians de l 'Amérique du Sud tropicale." Ac ta Americana 2 (1944), p. 207. ^^%ee Mircea Eliade. Naissances mystiques: essai ...... * — ------Ganim ari, T959T, hi f hf»i n g CUt and then boiled in a huge cauldron. See René de Nebesky- Wojkowitz. Oracles and Demons of T ibet. pp. 550=51. ■^^Chiang Chi, Shan-tai-ko chu Ch'u tz 'u , p. 237= ^^Vên I-to, Ch'uan chi. II, 226-28. '^^h'en P'an f r M • "Eu shê-hui t'ien-shou vu chi- ssû chih kuan-hsi Chi-k'an 21:1 ( 1948 ), pp. 1-17; revised text, ibid. . 36:1 (bec., 1965), p p . 309 - 3 0 . '®^The word shang in the original text should read tang ^ . See Wen I-to, Ch'uan chi. II. 457. ^^^Chu Chi-hai, Ch'u tz'u chieh ku. pp. 276-77= ^^^See "Li sao," 1. I3 0 . 210 I66m>,e word k*o in the original text may mean "divination." tsal-f alf ^ CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION

I n th e Bvltis Dynasty Shên Kua (A.D. 1029- 1093 )^found that the final particle s ; ^ in the Ch*u tz*u was also used in his time in the shamanistic invocations of South China.^ His discovery was lauded by Chu Hsi, who said that most Ch'u tz'u scholars tended to ignore popular (or ^ in Chinese) culture (such as shamanism, folklore, etc. ) Unfortunately, the slighting of popular culture is s till prevalent in to-day*s academic circles. Although some scholars have tried to use the mythological approach in studying the Ch'u tz'u . their superficial study^ can hardly satisfy us. Recently, some Japanese scholars have studied the Ch'u tz'u in the light of shamanism. Many scholars still are unwilling to accept their viewpoint. The caution exercised by the conservative scholars is best exemplified by David Hawkes* remark:

The student of Chinese literature, exhausted with labouring in his already over-extended domain, justifiably shrink back from those border-lands in which misleading spirits csm all too easily beg^le the traveller into swamps of facile generalization and crackpot theory.5

211 212 As a result of the predominance of conservative scholarship, Ch'u tz'u studies in recent years have come to a point where nothing new is offered.

My present study is a belated response to Chu Hsi's call for the research relating popular culture to this field. Having approached the subject from an entirely dif­ ferent angle, I was delighted to find many interesting things which have escaped the attention of more astute scho­ lars. In my study I have also discussed the role of sex in ancient times. The distaste Chinese scholars have for even the academic discussion of sex has naturally led to some misunderstanding of ancient Chinese culture.

The study of shamanism in ancient China enables us to understand various aspects of ancient Chinese civiliza­ tion (such as the evolution of the various schools of philo­ sophy,^ the religious beliefs and customs of the ancient Chinese people,'^ 7 end the origin of religious Taoism), and8 even certain aspects of history and literature (such as the background of the peasant rebellions throughout the long history of China,^ and some of the "Kuo fêng" poems in the Shih ching)

In this dissertation, my interpretations have necessitated the discussion of many details. As a French 213 proverb says, "Nothing is more important than details." I began by pointing out the impropriety of the "antiquity- doubting" attitude toward the study of euicient Chinese civilization and the im practicability of Karlgren's classi­ fication of Chinese sources of mythology, I have also dis­ cussed the legends of K-uei at great length to illustrate that myths and legends are capable of various interpreta­ tions. To provide the background for my study of Ch'u Yuan's biography and some of the Ch'u tz'u poems, I have tried to gather as much information as possible about shamanism in ancient China. Since there is a dearth of such information, I have had to rely on my own interpretations of the myths about some of the culture heroes. I have found that there was a sun cult in ancient times. People believed that the sage-king Shun was the father of the sun and the moon. The myth that the ten suns, which came out alternately, were hanging on a mulberry tree was in accord with the belief that the mulberry grove was the sacred place to worship. Moreover, Kun, Yu, Chieh and T'ang were considered sun-gods. The fertility cult was also popular. Even in Confucius' time, people s till observed the vn and cha sacrifices. The people officiating at these sacrifices v/ere shamans. Their social status in ancient China was very high, because in addition to being priests, they acted as physicians, tea­ chers, and political advisers. I therefore concur with Sato Joken and Mori Yasutaro that such ancient kings as Shun, Yu, 214 T’ang and the Diike of Chou were shamans» It is interesting that the idea of .jên was derived from ancestor worship, and that the numbers representing the yang hsiao and yin hsiao can be explained from the sexual viewpoint» V/ith all these new interpretations in mind, I have studied the "Bio­ graphy of Ch’u Yuan" in the Shih chi and have found that it is not a forgery. He was ordained as a shaman on the kêng- yin day; his name Ling-chun, like Wu Hêng in the Chou li, can be interpreted as "a shaman having the ability to con­ trol the celestial bodies®; he was a palace official and a teacher of the ruling family and was entrusted with the drafting of new legislation; he was accused of having com­ mitted lèse majesté and was sent as an envoy to Ch'i; he was banished after King Huai died in Ch’in as a hostage; and he finally drowned him self. As a shaman and a member of one of the royal fam ilies, he was well qualified to be a teacher in the palace, a political adviser, and a diplomat. From the modern psychoanalytical viewpoint, his literary talent was closely connected with his profession.

The authorship of the early Ch’u tz ’u poems has been controversial since the Han Dynasty. I am of the opinion that "Li sac" was written by Ch'u Yuan, and that the "Chiu ko," "T’ien v/en," and "Chao hun" were most probably written by Ch’u Yuan too.^^ The ascension to the sky, described in "Li sao" and "Chao hun," is what a shaman usually does. I 215 think that the latter- poem is a descriptive account of the initiation ceremony for a novice shaman. The questions in "T’ien wên" about the mysteries of the universe and the human world are not uncommon. Questions of this kind were also asked by shamans in other societies. In the "Chiu ko" the poet describes the love affairs of his deities. As men­ tioned above, sex and the fertility of the land influence each other. I am convinced that these poems are not folk­ songs. The myths and legends in "Li sao" and "T’ien wen" also give us some clues about shamanism in ancient China. The shaman’s over-indulgence in sexual activities is not surprising to a student of mythology, who is well aware of how the worship of Bacchus degenerated into a sex cult. The childless mother’s praying for male children can also be considered one aspect of the fertility cult. The political leader’s need for cooperation with, and his rivalry against, the shaman can be exemplified by the stories of King Wu and

------A Tinlrfik --- -- n f-- T a w-- /i IT( n---- a n f o csrw% - T v a/QX w

Ch’u Yuan’s tragedy also illustrates the fact that the in­ fluence of the religious group declined when politics played 1 p a more decisive role in government.

Having completed my study on this subject, I am con­ vinced that the study of literature has now become inter­ disciplinary and, perhaps, cross-cultural. I have drawn parallels from non-Chinese mythology to help reconstruct the 216 practices of ancient Chinese shamanism in order that we may understand more deeply the Ch*u tz 'u , which was all-perva­ sive in the development of Chinese poetry and of the Chinese attitude toward life.^^ My study w ill inevitably raise new questions which cannot be answered here, but I hope that further- study of Chinese mythology and Ch'u culture w ill illum inate many areas now obscure to us.^^ 217 NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE

For a discussion of the dates of Shen's birth and death, see Chang Chia-chu Shên Kua (Shanghai; Shang-hai jên-min ch'u-pan-shê, 19é2)> PP« 247-48. ^See Hu Tao-ching Meng-ch’i pi-t'an chiao chêng #^(Shanghai: Chhng-hua shu-chü, 1980), TDT>, 109-11 ; ^Chu H si,li, Chu tzu yu lei ^ S-1# (reprint of 147^ reproduction of the 12^ euT; Taipei: Chêng-chung shu-chu ’962), 139.5555. ^See, for example, Chung Ch:^ng-wên Ch'u tz'u chung te shên-hua ho ch'uan-shuo % the"%hung-shan ta-hstieh min-su_ ts ' ung-shu "f ■% /reprint; Taipei ^ Tung-fang wên-hua kung-ying-shê, 1970/); Fu H s i - j e n , "Ch'u tz'u 'T 'ijn wên^ p'ien,jÆ Shan hai ' ^ . _ . . . (Tan- 111. ^David Hawkes, "The Quest of the Goddess," AM n.s. 13:1-2 (1967), p. 94. "" ^See Liu Shih-p'ei, "Wên-hsüeh ch'u yu wu-chu-chih-

slie-hui-hsueh te yen-chiu ^ ^ " Shê-hui k'o-hsueh lun ts'ung (Jan., 1933), PP. 89- 9o. 7 See Chapter 2 above. ^See Fu Ch'in-chia Tao-chiao-shih kai-lun ^ J:-© (reprint ; Taipei : Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, l96b). We can even trace the origin of Chinese knight-errantry to_^ shamanism: see Lao Kan, "Lun Han-tai te yu-hsla /# ," WSCHP 1 (June, 1950), pp. 237-52; Masubuchi Tatsuo 1/fü "Ë!an-dai no okeru fu to kyo iTTj ^ in ^ugoku kodai no moro mondai cn e d . Mikami ÿ su g io 3 anci Kurihara Tomonobu (Tokyo : Todai shuppanicai 1954), pp. 255-55; also James J. Y. Liu, The Chinese Knight-errant (Chicago: University 218 of Chicago Press; London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967), PP « 2—4• ^See, for example, Ma Shao-ch'iao ^ "Kuan-yii

^^See Taki Ry'Sichi, “Shikyo no ^aw areta fuka." pp. 161=209; Hu Huai-chsn, Ch'ong-kuo wën-hsüeh pien chêngl pp% 2 4 -2 9 . ^ ^Ssu-ma Ch'ien suggests that "LI sao," "T*ien wen,” "Chao hun" and "Ai Ying " were written by Ch'u Yuan; see S h ih c h i , 8 4 .1 2 a . ' 12 See Chapters 2 and 4 of Cho-yun Hsu's Anoieni Chÿia in Transition: An Analysis of Social M obility, 722- 22!à"'B.ÜT (S ta n fo rd : S ta n fo rd U n iv e rs ity P r e s s , 1965) • ^^See Jao Tsung-i, Ch'u tz'u yu tz'u ch'u yin-yueh, pp. 1-2. Compared with the Shih cnlngj on which has been" imposed the responsibility of moral edification by Confucius and the followers of his school, the Ch'u tz'u has had more influence on the Chinese poetic tradition. 1 ’Tlircea Eliade remarks, "... our best chance of understanding the structure of mythical thought is to study cultures where myth is a 'living thing’ where it constitutes the very ground of the religious life; in other words, where myth, far from indicating a fiction, is considered to reveal the truth par excellence." See The Quest : nistory and Mean- ing in feeligron (Chicago and London: University of Chicago ^s¥7 p. 75. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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