Universitätsforschungen Zur Prähistorischen Archäologie

UNIVERSITÄTSFORSCHUNGEN ZUR PRÄHISTORISCHEN ARCHÄOLOGIE

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes”

Band 206

´As time goes by´? Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal

edited by

Martin Furholt, D. Mischka D.

 “As time goes by” refers to the temporal perspective of monuments. Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka The main idea was to change focus from the notion of durability that is commonly emphasised when discussing monuments in the historical and archaeological disciplines, towards a perspective M. Hinz highlighting biographies and histories of monuments, their changing  shapes, associations and forms of use within the dynamic social landscapes of which they are part. 2012 M. Furholt

UPA 206 DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH, BONN “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Monuments and Time 23 Trevor Watkins Household, Community and Social Landscape: Maintaining Social Mem- ory in the Early Neolithic of Southwest Asia 45 Martin Hinz Preserving the Past, Building the Future? Concepts of Time and Prehis- toric Monumental Architecture 61 Emma Cunliffe Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study

Global Perspectives, diverse Strategies 73 Joshua Wright Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 85 Manfred Böhme The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture in the Oman Peninsula 95 Maria Guagnin The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 105 Kirstin Marx, Christoph Rinne, Monica De Cet, Rainer Duttmann, Rolf Gabler-Mieck, Wolfgang Hamer, Corinna Kortemeier and Jo- hannes Müller Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures Considering Monumental Architecture on Mallorca

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

133 Doris Mischka Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 145 Uffe Rasmussen and Henrik Skousen Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia. Non-monumental Ritual Behaviour in a Time of Megalithic Tombs and Causewayed Enclosures 159 Erik Drenth A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands during the Late Neolithic 169 Marzena Szmyt and Janusz Czebreszuk Monumental Funeral Sites: Creation, Long-term Use and Re-use in the Neolithic and the Bronze Age. Case Studies from the Polish Lowland 195 Dariusz Król Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs in the South- eastern Group of Funnel Beaker Culture 205 Dariusz Król, Jakub Rogoziński and Małgorzata Rybicka Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów, Radymno Commune, Podkarpackie Voivodship 215 Andrzej Pelisiak The Messages – Consigners and Addressees. The Corded Ware Culture Barrows in the Cultural Landscape of the Eastern Polish Carpathians during the 3rd and 2nd Millennium bc and the Monumental Structures between the Carpathians and the Baltic Sea in the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Furholt, M. Hinz and D. Mischka, “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments 13

“As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Monuments and memories iants of rituals as a technique of social remembrance. In connection with this, Connerton emphasises the The concept of monumentality, the discussion about importance of material incorporation and inscrip- structures and the interpretation as monuments, tion into human bodily behaviour and material cul- seems to have intensified in recent years (Beier et al. ture. Especially the technique of inscription with its 2009 VI; Landscapes 2010, 76 – 169; Furholt et al. effect of creating durable material outcomes touches 2011). A closer look at the use of this concept reveals upon the function of monuments, as it is commonly its fuzzy nature. In colloquial language, “monumen- understood in archaeology. Bradley (2002, 11) sees tal” seems to be used to describe the size of a build- the form of material culture in general – he names ing in the first place. From the papers of this volume, “monuments”, domestic architecture, decorated it becomes clear that this aspect of monumentality is pots – as a means of actively creating reference to a only a secondary one, and that the defining quality remembered tradition in which it is strategically set. of a monument would rather be found in the mean- “Making a decorated pot according to a time-hon- ing of the Latin word from which it derives, monere, oured formula was an act of remembering just as to remember. There seems to be a broad consensus much as visiting and maintaining a burial mound” on the importance of monuments as a stage for the (Bradley 2002, 11). transmission of socially relevant meanings, of social Surely the question of the intentionality of such memories. It is evident that especially pre-literate “acts of remembering” has to be discussed, but as an societies need special media for the transmission alternative to rather habitual references to past forms of meanings, as the historical and anthropological such a concept is helpful concerning the understand- evidence suggests a fundamental instability of oral ing of memory transmission processes. Moreover, tradition when long time spans are concerned. Fol- Bradley´s statement clearly shows that when speak- lowing Halbwachs (see Marcel / Mucchielli 2003), ing about monuments we normally mean more than “communicative memories” – messages that are only the memorial function. As any built structure maintained in everyday communicational contexts – or artefact can be used for the purpose of preserving do not last more than 80 – 100 years, whereas the social memories, or following Bradley, is used for longer lasting ”cultural memories” need the support this purpose, there seem to be more aspects implicit of special techniques. Such tools are again of differ- in our concept of monumentality. ent nature and stability. Bradley (2002, 8) referring Of course, we tend to restrict the concept to im- to the works of Henige (1974) and Vansina (1985) mobile, built structures. This may be seen in connec- states that even with the help of techniques like tion with the notion of durability that is evidently orally transmitted poetry, as in the case of Homer’s connected to the memorial function. As Bradley tales or Anglo-Saxon genealogies that are stabilised states (see above), mobile artefacts can both have by the use of alliterative verse, meanings are desta- the same durability and memorial function as built bilised or significantly lost after a time of approxi- structures, but they lack the quality of their mate- mately 200 years. rial stability in space. As social memories are spa- Thus Connerton (1989) refers to “commemora- tially located in the landscape – which is especially tive ceremonies”, that is especially performative var- significant given the dialectic relationship between

In: M. Furholt / M. Hinz / D. Mischka, “As time goes by?” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective [Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio‐Environmen- tal Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th – 18th March 2011)” in Kiel] (Bonn 2012) 13 – 20. 14 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka landscape and man – through its durable position, Correspondingly, such a meaning-overload could, a built structure is fundamentally more powerful in be identified by evidence of a lack of or a ceasing preserving social meanings in its spatial context than functionality, as for example a fortification with nu- mobile artefacts. Or, put in other words, if we take merous gaps, or isolated gates that do not block any- the notion of material objects as active parts in social thing. processes seriously (Olsen 2003), then the practical Why would it be necessary, one could argue, to quality of spatial permanence must play an impor- clearly define and delimit the concept of monu- tant role in the shape of social performances. And ments from other built structures and other media this permanence has to be discussed both in a spatial of memorisation as it is done here? One important and in a temporal dimension. answer, it seems, is the fact that structures bearing A look at the archaeological literature highlights this kind of significance have been – and are con- a second important factor that is normally implic- stantly being – intentionally created by human so- itly included in the monument concept. A structure cieties. It can be assumed that the memory function referred to as a monument commonly exhibits a of those structures classified as monuments here is higher degree of non-functional aspects. The colos- clearly acknowledged by the people erecting it. Such sality already mentioned is but one possibility, an- an intentionality of the inscription of meanings into other would be a special elaboration that exceeds a monument should, in our opinion, be seen as the utilitarian purposes. When it is about the inscrip- next important aspect of the monument concept. tion of meanings (Connerton 1989), in more recent Surely memories are associated with all kinds of monuments, special symbolic signs like written texts things, places and structures, but a monument is a serve to store special meanings, whereas in pre-liter- structure erected mainly, or predominantly, for this ate times iconic signs are often applied for the same specific purpose. purpose. Frequently the forms of the monuments The most obvious examples of monuments in themselves have been discussed as being iconic the sense defined here are modern memorial sites, signs, the T-shaped pillars of Göbekli Tepe repre- war memorials or national memorials, and it is evi- senting human beings (Schmidt 2006), the kerb- dent that the concept of monuments is determined stones of megalithic graves in Britain representing by these modern structures. In the same way, the gatherings of people (Bradley 2011), the menhirs of triumphal arches or stelae of antiquity are classical Brittany (Tilley 2004, 39; Scarre 2010, 79) represent- monuments created to commemorate specific acts, ing axes or bearing the connotation of erect sexual persons and thus affirming social structures. Con- organs (Cassen 2009, 60), the earthen long barrows sidering less obvious examples, such as ancient tem- symbolising long houses (Sprockhoff 1938; Childe ples, for instance in Egypt’s New Kingdom, other, 1949, 135; Hodder 1992, 50; Midgley 2005, 126 ff. more “functional” aspects of the architecture, serv- and many others), “houses of the dead” and so on; ing the purpose of worship of the deity, might domi- but surely also non-iconic, purely symbolic mean- nate at first sight, but it is evident that the inscription ings determine the form of monuments. This could of socially relevant messages concerning the legiti- be achieved in the way Bradley (2002, 11) referred misation of power and regime relations plays an to, that is by reproducing already known forms (in extraordinary role in the layout of these temples. In this way acting as iconic signs) or by an especially a somewhat similar way, burial monuments of pre- unique form (then solely being understandable in historic times combine the functional means of the context and thus acting as symbolic signs). celebration of rites of passage with the function of a Nevertheless, all these possibilities can be memorial place. summed up as a means to create a symbolic over- Thus a monument could be defined as a tool for load without which most archaeologists would the memorial, i. e. the transmission of socially rel- refuse to speak of a monument. A domestic house evant meanings: one that is durable in its material that has clearly been used for living, a wall or ditch- and form and its spatial context, that has a special system suitable for the fortification of a settlement, non-utilitarian aspect, a surplus of meaning, that is may of course store and transport social memories achieved through its size, elaboration, its unique- in the sense of Bradley´s argument, and this should ness or its resemblance to a special standard or its be acknowledged when discussing the transfer of position in the landscape; a monument is intention- memories; but to speak of a monument, one would ally created as such and has a form serving its vis- expect an especially elaborate decoration, a non- ibility and an accessible position due to its collective functional hugeness, the association with especial- relevance. It is clear that monuments in this sense ly meaningful elements, like burials or offerings. are only one medium for the storing and transfer of M. Furholt, M. Hinz and D. Mischka, “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments 15 social memories, and that they are used in combina- experience in practice would not in the first place be tion with others, such as Connerton’s (1989) “com- the result of social complexity, but rather the means memorative ceremonies”, oral traditions, or Brad- to establish it. This topos is well known in later his- ley’s more general ways of strategically using formal tory, as Assmann continues to argue (Assmann 1992, traditions of material culture. But nevertheless, as 147), naming the mausoleum for Lenin in Moscow we know from historical times and can infer from or that of Mao in Beijing with its 700,000 workers the prehistoric record, structures described by the participating. monument concept referred to above have played All these examples highlight the crucial role of an important role in the creation and maintenance monuments in periods of massive social and politi- of societies and political systems, and it is useful cal change, in the shaping of new, previously un- to conceptually separate them from other forms of precedented social systems. memory transmission. Only after such a conceptual Watkins links monuments to the emergence of identification of monuments can one start to discuss sedentary societies extending the range of regular things like the monumental aspects of otherwise personal contacts, Assmann to the emergence of clearly functional buildings or the parallels of mon- states and to the establishment of new revolutionary uments and special portable artefacts. Additionally social systems in the 20th century. The size and com- we can start to discuss the specific characteristics of plexity of the monuments seem to grow together different monument structures and exceptions to the with the size of the political units connected to them. aspects defined above (see Furholt, this volume; But the mechanism described is surely not bound to Furholt / Müller 2011). the scale of group size or complexity. Particularly the prehistoric monuments referred to in this volume are mostly rather small in scale and simple in layout, but again there is a considerable variation. It is also clear that there is no evolutionary develop- Monuments and social identities ment, from small and simple to large and complex monuments. Rather, we believe that the structure What is more, having defined monuments and other of monuments is connected to the social reality – is media for the transmission of social memories, we part of it. Believing that social relations are formed also have to discuss their impacts and role in soci- through practice, and that the layout and shape of ety. It might even be argued, as Trevor Watkins does monuments is not a passive reflection of single in- in his keynote paper (Watkins, this volume), that dividuals´ plans and intentions, but rather the out- such monumental activities are a condition sine qua come of collective activities, it follows that the layout non for the emergence of society in contexts where a of monuments can be seen as an indexical sign rep- group of people is involved that exceeds a number resenting the structure of social organisation among where direct personal interaction on a daily basis is the group of people building it (see Furholt / Mül- possible. Collective identities have to be re-practised ler 2011). through the regular participation in commemorative ceremonies, where material symbols provide durable fixed points. In a similar way, Jan Assmann (1992), when deal- Monuments and time ing with the role of “cultural memories”, argues for the role of monumental architecture in the establish- Above, we referred to the quality of durability as ment of early state systems (Assmann 1992, 146 ff.). one important aspect of monuments as media for As an example, he cites Wolfgang Helck (1986, 19), the transmission of social memories. Indeed, most who believes that the project of the construction of discussions on monuments seem to treat them as the pyramids in the 4th Dynasty (2600 bc) should static structures that seem to be constructed in one be seen as a collective challenge initiating the crea- single, pre-planned act. Planning certainly plays an tion of the complex Egyptian state with its tremen- important role in the construction of monuments, dous – and previously unknown – multiplicity and but as emphasised above, the collectively experi- complexity of social roles, where “everyone has his enced practice connected to the building process is place” (Helck 1986, 19). Thus the extraordinary gi- the pivotal aspect, much more than the planned fi- gantism of the great pyramids as a visual symbol, nal shape. What is more, the role of overall planning and the extraordinarily large workload and complex seems to be quite varied. Especially in the Neolithic organisation of the working process as a collective and Bronze Age examples discussed in this volume, 16 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka the histories of monument building seem to be much same time (Schmidt 2006). Maybe both variants are more marked and variable than any preconceived to be thought of as combined. plan that may have played a role. The biography Thus, regarding the temporal dimension of mon- concept that is fruitfully applied to material culture uments, we have touched upon two different layers. objects (Apadurai 1986) is also relevant for the un- The first was the question of changing patterns in derstanding of monuments. Several examples in this monumental activities over time, in different social volume demonstrate the relevance of the temporal contexts. Here, it seemed important to state that the dimension in the construction of monuments. Maybe marked differences in monument structures and the most marked example of this is the Flintbek LA3 building activities are not a mere reflection of differ- long barrow, as its temporal sequence is minutely ent social organisation but rather that these activi- worked out (D. Mischka, this volume). Here it is ties are a crucial means to create and maintain these clear that we are dealing with several small build- kinds of different social systems. ing events, each altering the overall layout of the The second question is that of the temporal dimen- monument. Single grave is set next to single grave, sion of the building activities, which should be ana- more or less unintentionally resulting in an oblong lysed not as single occurrences, but as a temporal se- mound-like structure, which then, in a later stage, is quence of social practice. In fact, when viewed from acknowledged through the addition of a stone frame this perspective, the difference between the build- and, again later, through the addition of a second, ing process and commemorative ceremonies, the similar long barrow, resulting in a doubling of the rituals connected to the monuments, is blurred. In structure´s breadth. Here, overall planning seems practice, the monument´s erection takes the form of to play a very minor role in the early state, gaining a commemorative ceremony, albeit one intended to ground only in the later part of the sequence. On leave a visible sign. Nevertheless, in cases where the the other hand, even in the case of the most exactly erection of monuments can be proven to be a longer preconceived and planned layouts, culminating in and varied process of building activities, the ques- Assmann’s pyramid example, the argument is still tion arises whether durability really was intended, evident that it is the joint activities of the building as claimed above as one characteristic for the defini- process that shape social identities much more than tion of a monument. Rather, the changes should be the actual material form of the structure. For many emphasised. This applies both to a sequence of erec- years, activities, hierarchies, social roles are repeat- tion or use of a structure, and to the question how edly practised and incorporated into people’s con- monuments are perceived in times of major changes sciousness. The participation in the building process or even breaks in social systems or traditions. will have been both experienced and referred to in It is obvious, especially in cases where monu- the time after the finishing of the monument. ments were used over centuries or even millennia, From the papers of this volume, and also from that the meanings and social practices connected the examples given above, it clearly follows that to them must have been subject to considerable the relevance of pre-modern monuments lies much changes, especially when viewed against the social more in its performative character than in its mate- background. To identify and describe these changes rial shape. These performances turn out to be rather is surely the most fruitful empirical approach to the complex. In many cases, building activities are con- temporal dimension of monuments. The papers of tinued for several generations, continuously or peri- this volume, in our opinion, represent a good start- odically – both are conceivable, though rather hard ing point for such considerations. to prove in the archaeological context. It is however evident that we are dealing with collective, repetitive actions that are near to Connerton´s “commemorative ceremonies.” In many cases, it is not possible to make a distinction between a “single monument” The papers in this volume and between activities that are only transferred to a “new” neighbouring structure. The megaliths are Monuments and time a good example as they are normally grouped into clusters of rather similar structures, or – as a proto- In this volume, the temporal dimension of monu- type – the Göbekli Tepe site, where we still do not ments is studied from different perspectives. In his know if the approximately 20 stone circles represent keynote paper Trevor Watkins, as already pointed successive building activities or if they were created out above, explores the preconditions for the crea- by several “building teams” or social groups at the tion of monuments and their role in the creation of M. Furholt, M. Hinz and D. Mischka, “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments 17 society. He draws from psychology, and the study of Umm an-Nar period (3200 – 1900 bc) monuments in evolutionary cognition and sees monumentality as Oman. He is able to reconstruct patterns of destruc- one crucial example of the use of external symbolic tions and rebuildings of older monuments, and in storage, which is newly available to humans only this way points out “the recurrent monument” as a after cognitive developments in the late Pleistocene. mode of temporal practice towards these structures. Thus, he puts monumentality at the beginning and Maria Guagnin’s case study of the rock carvings into the core of sedentary and larger scale societies. of the Messak plateau in central Sahara enriches the Martin Hinz approaches the concept of monu- scope of the monument concept in more than one mentality from the perspective of time concepts and perspective. First of all she is able to demonstrate time perception, defending the importance of the how natural features are transformed into monu- two concepts of cyclic versus linear time, arguing, ments through a loading with meanings, without however, that they could both play their role in the actually changing their shape. This widens our con- same society, but in different domains of activities. cept of monuments. In this way the simultaneity of Furthermore he points out the importance of an ana- the physical environment and a meaningful land- lytical separation of cause and effect when interpret- scape is illustrated. Secondly, the deep temporal per- ing monuments so as to avoid the concentration on spective of 8,000 years, and the possibility to connect the material outcome. He proposes that the ritual the icons of the carvings with the known sociological activities performed could have been of greater im- background allow a consideration of the interplay of portance for the societies involved than the material changing and transformed monumental landscapes form so highly valued by the archaeologist. and social systems, as referred to above. Emma Cunliffe discusses the modern role of Kirstin Marx, Christoph rinne, Monica De Cet, monuments, both with regard to monuments built Rainer Duttmann, Rolf Gabler-Mieck, Wolfgang by modern societies and to the use of ancient monu- Hamer, Corinna Kortemeier and Johannes Müller ments for modern purposes. With her case studies discuss the phenomenon of the naviform buildings for the Syrian evidence, she deals with the interplay and talayotic towers of the second and first millenni- of ancient intended monumental memories and um bc and other monumental elements incorporated their modern conception and instrumentalisation, in a domestic sphere, from a diachronic perspective and raises the question of the politics of monuments: of the settlement patterns on the island of Mallorca. who owns the ancient monuments, and who decides Spatial patterns are investigated in their temporal what is the right way to treat them? changes and the significance of monuments is analysed in their social context.

Global perspectives, diverse strategies

A group of papers addresses the diachronic patterns Neolithic and Bronze Age monuments and the of monument construction in different regions of the northern European plain world and, especially in their comparison, demonstrates a remarkable spectrum of different modes A larger section of papers is devoted to the Neolithic with which monumental landscapes are reproduced and Bronze Age monuments of the northern Europe- and transformed through time. an lowlands. Martin Furholt discusses the charac- Joshua Wright discusses the temporal dimen- teristics of barrows and megaliths of the Neolithic in sions of monuments created and used by mobile northern central Europe and southern Scandinavia. foragers and pastoralists in Bronze and Iron Age First, he points out a row of peculiarities, when com- Inner Asia. He analyses the variety of forms and pared to other groups of monuments, involving a their setting together with the temporal position lesser degree of durability, expressed in often undi- and sequence, which indicate their relevance in rected building activities. Secondly, he highlights a times of social change – from forager to pastoral- shift in this temporal layout of monuments from the ist – and a long-term use of the structures, together early specimens to the late passage graves. In con- with an additivity of monuments in the same areas trast to the former, the latter involve a much greater through time, in this way describing the biographies stability of material shapes, while the focus of social of monumental landscapes, emphasising continuity practices moves from the activities of construction and the respect for older structures. A quite differ- and reconstruction to the insertion and deposition of ent mode of temporality of monuments is presented goods and human remains. For this, the passage is by Manfred Böhme, who introduces the Hafit and the most marked symbol. 18 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Doris Mischka demonstrates the complexity of and the massive LBK house structures. In doing so, the temporal record of different grave complexes Pelisiak also discusses the question of the receivers in the multi-phased monument area of Flintbek in of the monumental messages, finding a change from northern Germany. Doing this, she describes the a basically “inward” or “in-group direction” in the spatial and temporal arrangement of commemora- early phase to a higher degree of outward symbol- tive practices resulting in a ritual landscape that was ism from the fourth millennium onwards. used for more than 2,000 years and today gives us one of the best documented examples of ritual behaviour during the Neolithic in the whole region of Romanised Europe northern Germany. Uffe Rassmussen and Henrik Skousen use the Three papers deal with monumental expressions in case study of the natural spring connected to Early the context of romanised societies in highly stratified Neolithic activities at the Skejby site in eastern Jut- and elaborated social settings. land, to shed light on the use of natural features for Carsten Mischka introduces the Roman axial- monumental functions. Natural springs and sacred type villae from the Eiffel mountains in western bogs are analysed in their temporal dimension and Germany as a domestic complex which neverthe- in connection to other monumental structures like less exhibits several traits of a monument. This is megalithic graves. achieved through a colossal size, the integration of Marzena Szmyt and Janusz Czebreszuk deal with burial sites and the incorporation of natural features the cultural biographies of monuments of the Neo- into the overall layout. He discusses the social back- lithic and Bronze Age in Kujawy. Using five com- ground of the monument function and the temporal plexes as case studies they are able to reconstruct development leading to a fundamental transforma- and infer complex stories of continuity involving tion of these places. In a somewhat similar setting, issues of the stability of traditions and variations in Jana Škundrić investigates the changing patterns of the structure of these “sacred places”. Eric Drenth meaning associated to the late antique fortified pal- discusses similar cases for the Dutch Neolithic. He ace complex of Felix Romuliana and its surrounding especially concentrates on the continuous use or re- landscape starting with the Bronze Age and includ- use of monuments during the Single Grave and Bell ing modern reception of the complex. Janine Leh- Beaker period and investigates the patterns of conti- mann treats “sacred places” of the Iberian Peninsula nuity and segregation from one period to the other. in relation to changing political and social structures Dariusz Król introduces the state of research of the from Roman to modern times. southeastern Polish non- and sub-megalithic monu- We are talking about monuments, and thus about ments, discusses their formal patterns and social the “arena of social reproduction”; following Wat- associations. Their temporal structure still remains kins we are even talking about a key mechanism to be studied more thoroughly. One contribution enabling the existence of any large-scale societies. to this is surely the study of Dariusz Król, Jakub Monuments provide durable points of reference Rogoziński and Małgorzata Rybicka, who intro- that form part of a social and natural landscape duce the case of site no. 7 in Skołoszów, southeastern that forms the basis of human development. In this Poland. At this site there is evidence of burial monu- volume we have discussed the temporal dimension ments from the late Funnel Beaker period through of these structures and the human activities con- Corded Ware to the Early Bronze Age Mierzanowice nected to them. The evidence is of course manifold. group. Thus, more than a thousand years of mon- We have seen a diversity of shapes of monuments umental activities are recorded that bridge several or features to which we may attribute monumental assumed fundamental changes in the social back- functions, from the more obvious megaliths and bar- ground. rows, grave towers and platforms to natural springs, In a larger overview, Andrzej Pelisiak discusses natural rocks that are carved with iconic symbols, to the shape, meaning and different contexts of monu- domestic structures that are loaded with symbolic mental structures in a diachronic survey from the meanings. We have seen a variety of modes of conti- Early Neolithic period to Early Bronze Age in Po- nuity and discontinuity, like the respecting or re-use land, stressing their connections and associations of older structures, the addition of new structures to with changing social and economical structures dur- an already established landscape, or the successive ing these times. He applies a broad monument con- destruction and reconstruction, the final destruc- cept, including the symbolic and monumental function of older monuments, as well as the unaltered tions of domestic structures like defence systems continuation of established structures. These differ- M. Furholt, M. Hinz and D. Mischka, “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments 19 ent strategies have been connected to the broadest national group of colleagues, nonetheless allows the possible range of different and highly changeable identification of a common thread; remarkable, too, social systems, and these variable associations must how the papers are thus able to enrich our under- certainly be discussed further. standing of the monument concept, especially in its To us, the editors of this volume, it is remarkable temporal perspective. In fact, in this volume we have how such a wide variety of papers as has been as- only been able to touch on some aspects of this broad sembled here, with very different regional, chrono- topic, but we hope that it will contribute to further logical and also theoretical approaches and an inter- research in the future.

References

Apadurai 1986 Helck 1986 A. Apadurai (ed.), The social life of things. Commodi- W. Helck, Politische Gegensätze im Alten Ägypten. Ein ties in a cultural perspective (Cambridge 1986). Versuch (Hildesheim 1986). Assmann 1992 Henige 1974 J. Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erin- D. Henige, The chronology of oral tradition: Quest for a nerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen chimera (Oxford 1974). (München 1992). Hodder 1992 I. Hodder, Burials, houses, women and men in the Euro- Beier et al. 2009 pean Neolithic. In: I. Hodder (ed.), Theory and practise H.-J. Beier / E. Classen / T. Doppler / B. Ramminger in archaeology (London, New York 1992) 45 – 80. (eds.), Varia Neolithica VI. Neolithische Monumente und neolithische Gesellschaften. Beitr. Ur- u. Frühgesch. Landscapes 2010 Mitteleuropa 56 (Langenweissbach 2009). Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Land- Bradley 2002 scapes”, Landscapes and human development: The R. Bradley, The past in prehistoric societies (London Contribution of European Archaeology. Proceedings 2002). of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Bradley 2011 Dynamics of the last 12,000 Years: The creation of land- R. Bradley, Passage graves, statues and standing stones: scapes (1st–4th April 2009)”. Univforsch. Prähist. Arch. Megaliths and social identities in prehistoric Scotland 191 (Bonn 2010). and Ireland. In: Furholt et al. 2011, 47 – 52. Marcel / Mucchielli 2003 Cassen 2009 J.-C. Marcel / L. Mucchielli, Eine Grundlage des lien S. Cassen, Exercice de stèle. Une archéologie des pierres social: das kollektive Gedächtnis nach Maurice Halb dressées. Reflexion autour des menhirs de Carnac (Paris wachs. In: S. Egger (ed.), Maurice Halbwachs – Aspekte 2009). des Werks (Konstanz 2003) 191 – 225. Childe 1949 Midgley 2005 V. G. Childe, The origins of Neolithic culture in North- M. S. Midgley, The monumental cemeteries of prehis- ern Europe. Antiquity 32, 1949, 129 – 35. toric Europe (Stroud 2005). Connerton 1989 P. Connerton, How societies remember (Cambridge Olsen 2003 1989). B. Olsen, Material culture after text: Re-membering things. Norwegian Arch. Rev. 36, 2, 2003, 87 – 104. Furholt et al. 2011 M. Furholt / F. Lüth / J. Müller (eds.), Megaliths and Scarre 2010 identities. Proceedings of the third European Megalithic C. Scarre, Landscapes of Neolithic Brittany (Oxford Studies Group Meeting in Kiel, 15th – 19th of May 2010. 2010). Frühe Monumentalität und Soziale Differenzierung 1 Schmidt 2006 (Bonn 2011). K. Schmidt, Sie bauten die ersten Tempel: Das rätsel- Furholt / Müller 2011 hafte Heiligtum der Steinzeitjäger (München 2006). M. Furholt / J. Müller, The earliest monuments in Eu- Sprockhoff 1938 rope – Architecture and social structures (5000 – 3000 BC). E. Sprockhoff, Die Nordische Megalithkultur. Handb. In: Furholt et al. 2011, 15 – 32. Urgesch. Deutschland 3 (Berlin 1938). 20 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Tilley 2004 Vansina 1985 C. Tilley, The materiality of stone. Explorations in land- J. Vansina, Oral tradition as history (Madison / WI scape phenomenology (Oxford, New York 2004). 1985).

Martin Furholt Martin Hinz Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel 24118 Kiel Germany Germany [email protected] [email protected]

Doris Mischka Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel Germany [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Trevor Watkins Household, Community and Social Landscape: Maintaining Social Memory in the Early Neolithic of Southwest Asia

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 23

Household, Community and Social Landscape: Maintaining Social Memory in the Early Neolithic of Southwest Asia

Trevor Watkins

abstract In parts of southwest Asia in the Epi-palaeolithic and Early Neolithic periods (very approximately, between 20,000 and 10,000 years ago), the social landscape underwent a profound transformation; in place of tribes made up of small, mobile bands of hunter-gatherers, there emerged large, permanently co-resident communities. Living in permanent settlements with populations of several hundred, or even several thousand people was only possible because people were able to evolve new levels of cognitive and cultural skills with systems of symbolic representation. The ideas of psychologists such as Merlin Donald (exograms and systems of external symbolic storage), Michael Corballis, and Thomas Suddendorf (concerning memory and mental time travel) and philosophers such as Andy Clark (the extended mind) and Kim Sterelny (cultural niche construction) enable us to approach some understanding of the cognitive revolution that underpins the emergence of life in large, permanent communities. Given the theme of the workshop from which this publication stems, this chapter explores the role of collective, or, more properly, distributed memory in the formation and maintenance of community identity. As a by-product of this discussion, the importance of recursion for several aspects of modern cognitive and cultural skills is noted. Recursion defines the ability of most modern languages to nest subordinate clauses within a main clause; but it may also be used to define the nesting of episodic memory within the construction of self-identity, and the nesting of personal and social networks, all essential cognitive skills of modern human minds.

Introduction a “cultural niche”, a culturally constructed living environment. These concepts can be brought into focus Although the time perspective of monumentality by relating them to the theories of Merlin Donald has been implicit in my work, the theme “Monu- concerning the evolution of human cognition and mentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspec- social communication, especially Donald’s idea of tive” required me to seek to make the temporal per- “external symbolic storage” as the most recent trans- spective explicit, and therefore to explore the role of formation in communication, a transformation that collective memory in the first, large, permanently enables minds to operate in ways that were previ- co-resident communities of southwest Asia. First, I ously not possible. shall summarize what seem to me to be the essen- The extended mind and external symbolic stor- tial characteristics of the new social landscape that age lead us on to the essential role of memory in the emerged in the Epi-palaeolithic and Early Neolithic maintenance of ideas of self and identity. We need to periods. In particular, the context of these new, large know how psychologists describe human memory, social networks placed new levels of cognitive and focusing particularly on the role of episodic memory cultural demand on individuals. Next, I shall bring in the formation personal autobiographies and the into the discussion of the nature and culture of these sense of self and personal identity. In moving from communities some relevant ideas from cognitive personal memory to collective memory we must psychologists and philosophers about the working recognize that collective memory must consist of of the modern mind: the concepts of “situated cogni- shared memory distributed among the members of tion”, “the extended mind”, and “niche construction the collective. And we must add into the picture the theory” can be very useful in helping us to appreci- uses that humans make of material culture, in the ate how these new living environments constituted form of buildings, monuments, sculpture, figurines

Fig. 1. Southwest Asia. Sites mentioned in the text. Fig. 2. Çatalhöyük, Houses in cutaway. House 1 (green) replaced House 5 (blue), its main wall being founded on the walls of the earlier house, its burials being inserted through the floor into the fill of the previous house (Copy- right Çatalhöyük Research Project). numbers of people to live together over many centuries. Those constructs were what the philosopher other, when a household set about replacing their John Searle has called “institutional facts” (Searle old house with a new one, inevitably the new house 1995). Searle used constructs such as “money”, was founded on the remains of its predecessor, the “marriage” and “baseball” to illustrate his defini- new walls built on the reduced base of the old house. tion of “institutional facts” that are established by And it seems perfectly sensible at Çatalhöyük, in the “collective intentionality”. Thus, when we speak of middle of a treeless plain, to remove the roof-beams money, we do not need to explain to the shopkeeper and the main posts that supported the roof in order what we mean; nor do we have to ask ourselves if to re-use them in the new building. But there is evi- the shopkeeper knows what we know about money. dence at Çatalhöyük that, having built a new house, “Money” has become a cultural fact that we share the occupants attached a plastered bull’s skull to a and can use without thinking what the other person wall (in the middle of the [green] house in Figure 2) thinks or knows about it. By the time that the new which had been recovered from the equivalent wall communities of the Epi-palaeolithic and Early Neo- of the previous (blue) house (Hodder 2006). Wher- lithic emerged, humans had already had notions of ever we look around southwest Asia, the attention kinship for a long time that allowed them to extend that was devoted to the house, its maintenance, and beyond directly experienced relationships through the awareness of the site of the house as the history the formulation of cultural constructs for systems of its occupants is palpable. of kin-relations (Gamble et al. 2011; Read 2010). But There is also a time dimension, a laying down of they needed to devise ways to turn the brute fact of memory, in the widespread practice through the bricks and plaster and timber posts into an institu- Epi-palaeolithic and Early Neolithic of burying bod- tion that we could call a household; no doubt they ies within the settlement, or, as at Aşıklı Höyük and also understood the non-domestic, special purpose Çatalhöyük, within the house itself (Fig. 3). In some buildings that we can only describe as communal or parts of southwest Asia, it was common practice in public buildings. And at another level, for its inhab- the late Epi-palaeolithic and especially in the Early itants, the dense concentration of buildings that ar- Neolithic to return to a burial to retrieve the skull. chaeologists describe as a settlement could become Skulls were curated; sometimes, facial features were the material embodiment of the “community” to modelled onto them. Groups of curated skulls have which they all belonged (Fig. 2). been found buried in or near houses in caches. Ian In the houses of densely packed settlement sites, Kuijt has written of the cycles of ritual, a first cycle such as Çatalhöyük or the somewhat earlier Aşıklı involving the burial of the newly dead body, the sec- Höyük, both in central Anatolia, the time dimen- ond involving the retrieval and curation of skulls, sion soon becomes obvious; indeed, Ian Hodder has and a third involving the burial of caches of skulls written of the houses at Çatalhöyük, defining them (Kuijt 2000a; Kuijt 2000b; Kuijt 2001; Kuijt 2008). as “history houses” (Hodder 2006; Hodder / Pels Thus we can see how memory was formed, modi- 2010). Since the houses butted up against one an- fied, shared, reframed and shared again. T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 27

to a house; and that, after a due interval, the grave should be dug into and the whole skull or cranium should be retrieved; on the other hand, the precise way in which those general precepts should be artic- ulated is something that has become differentiated from one community to another. As more and more settlements have been investigated, the variations in practice have become clearer. While the usual position of the buried body is lying in a flexed or contracted position on its side, there were communities that did things differently. At Tell Halula, on the Euphrates in the north of Syria, for example, a deep cylindrical pit was dug, and the body, wrapped and Fig. 3. Çatalhöyük, sub-floor burial. The female body has bound in a cloth, was placed in a sitting position had the skull and mandible removed, displacing some of with the knees drawn up under the chin (Guerrero the cervical vertebrae (Copyright Çatalhöyük Research et al. 2009). Project; photo Jason Quinlán). At Tell Aswad, near Damascus in Syria, bodies were placed against the base of the house wall, sometimes on the exterior face, and sometimes inside the There are two more observations that we can house, or partly in a hollow that was cut into the make when we look at the traditions that had de- base of the wall, and covered with soil; the mound veloped to frame how bodies were buried in many that covered the body was plastered over in the same settlements around the hilly flanks zone. The first is way that floors and wall surfaces were plastered that the number of burials found is never enough to (Stordeur / Khawam 2009). Here, small plastered account for the population of the inhabitants who mounds were very visible reminders of the ceremo- must have lived within the area that has been exca- ny and the body at the centre of that ceremony. But, vated. In most cases, the number of burials can only at a certain point in time, that singular tradition that equate to a very small percentage of the population. had developed at Tell Aswad was abandoned, and Even at Çatalhöyük, which is famous for the large a quite different, but equally distinct practice was numbers of bodies found buried beneath the floors devised to replace it. Two mortuary areas, consist- of its crowded houses, the excavators estimate that ing of broad scoops cut into the earlier strata, were the bodies buried within the houses represent at established at the edge of the built-up area of the most half of the population. Since the buried bodies settlement (Stordeur 2003a; Stordeur / Khawam seem to represent a fairly representative cross-sec- 2006; Stordeur / Khawam 2007; Stordeur / Khawam tion of the population – there are generally as many 2009). Each mortuary area was initiated by the burial males as females, and there are children and adoles- of a clutch of skulls. Those skulls had also had fa- cents, as well as a minority who have reached old cial features modelled in clay on them and painted age – we can infer that some processes of selection (Fig. 4). Modelled skulls have been found here and were employed that were not governed by concerns there in the Levant, but they are rare, although they for age, seniority, acquired status or sex. For lack of have been frequently illustrated in books since the evidence of any other selection criteria, perhaps we first examples were found at Jericho more than half should instead think that a death could be the oc- a century ago. Skulls have been found reburied in casion for ceremonies and rituals that needed to be small groups. But in this case, the last act in the ritual performed from time to time. Thus, the dead body cycles of burial, skull retrieval, curation and reburial and its burial might be the necessary medium for was used to institute a new cycle of burials. The de- ceremonies whose main focus was not on the proper posit of a clutch of skulls was followed by a succes- disposal of the body. At Çatalhöyük, for example, sion of single and multiple burials of bodies in both there are bodies buried beneath the founding of the mortuary areas. wall of a house, or under a doorway between a main At a number of Early Neolithic settlements we and a secondary room. know of special purpose buildings, or commu- The second observation, which has a bearing on nity buildings; we may think of these buildings memory and tradition, is that there is a very general as scenarios for communal activities of some sort, set of rules that say that certain bodies should be and important for the community’s sense of iden- selected for burial within the settlement, in or close tity. Çayönü, in southeast Turkey, had a succes- 28 Monuments and Time

Fig. 4. Tell Aswad. A cache of curated skulls with remodelled features (by courtesy of Danielle Stordeur; photo Danielle Stordeur).

sion of communal buildings at the centre of the site its successor (labelled EA 30 by the excavators) is (Özdoğan 1999; Özdoğan / Özdoğan 1990; Schirmer already well-documented. It was constructed in 1990). Each was rectangular and each was different a massive cylindrical cavity about 7 m across and from the others. Although the houses were based on more than 2 m deep (Fig. 5). The vertical sides of stone and mud foundations at ground level, the the cylinder were lined with two stone walls, the in- communal buildings seem to have preserved an an- ner of which had vertical wooden posts set within cient tradition of being at least partly cut into the it to support a flat roof. The walls projected above ground. The most elaborate of the buildings, the so- the then ground level. There was no staircase, so it called skull building (Croucher 2003), was repeat- must be supposed that entry was gained by means edly remodelled and rebuilt, but throughout its long of a ladder from a doorway in the roof. Within the life it had a series of stone-built cells below the floor cavity there were seven cells arranged around about level which were found to contain large quantities two thirds of the perimeter. Around the rest of the of human bone, and, in one of the cells, a careful ar- perimeter the floor was constructed as a low plat- rangement of skulls at one side of the cell and long form, separated into two segments; the floor of the bones on the opposite side. central area was at a slightly lower level. None of the Among the small buildings, at the centre of the cells had interconnecting doorways; one cell, at the early aceramic Neolithic settlement of Jerf el Ahmar, centre of the range of cells, had a small hole open- there was a succession of much larger, circular, sub- ing into the central area of the floor. The roof of this terranean structures, which the excavator, on the ba- complex structure was deliberately dismantled and sis of her analysis of their features, fittings and life- the structure itself was obliterated at the end of its history, has called “bâtiments communautaires”. use-life. The posts were pulled out, the roof was col- The earliest of these is yet to be described and fully lapsed and burnt, and the cavity that remained was illustrated (Stordeur et al. 2000, 32 and fig. 2), but filled in. But the first act in this dramatic closure of T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 29

Fig. 5. Jerf el Ahmar, oblique overhead view of EA30. The second of the “bâtiments communautaires” was about 7 m in diameter, and was dug more than 2 m deep below the surrounding ground level (by courtesy of Danielle Stordeur; photo Danielle Stordeur). the building was to place a human head in a corner, ately dismantled and obliterated at the end of its life. and a decapitated body with limbs spread-eagled in There are at least three other early aceramic Ne- the centre of the floor. olithic settlement sites in the Euphrates valley in The village shifted sideways over time, and an- north Syria, contemporary with Jerf el Ahmar, that other communal building was constructed at the possessed similar buildings. They are large, circu- centre of the village; it was similar to its predeces- lar, subterranean structures within the settlement, sors in proportions and overall shape, but quite dif- though each has distinctive features. The most dis- ferent in design and therefore how it functioned. tinctive is the circular structure of massive mud- Danielle Stordeur describes the earlier buildings as brick that is emerging at Dja’de el Mughara (Co- “polyvalent”, arguing that the cells may have been queugniot 2000). The building has massive internal communal food storage facilities, while the build- buttresses, or stub-walls, whose mud-plastered sur- ing as a whole served as the arena for some kind of faces are revealing painted, polychrome, rectilinear ceremonies (Stordeur et al. 2000). The new build- designs. These communal buildings clearly involved ing was also circular in outline, subterranean, and great investment of labour and the coordination of roofed, but internally it was theatre-in-the-round. the skills and efforts of many of the community. It Six tree-trunk posts (fir trees from somewhere in appears that the structures (those where the investi- the hills of southeastern Turkey, well to the north of gations and analysis have progressed sufficiently to Jerf el Ahmar) were set in a ring, and between each inform us) were in use for a long time, though we as pair of posts a stone kerb was set to front a raised yet have no information as to what took place within area all around the building. The kerb-stones were them. It is a reasonable inference that their construc- carved with pendant chevrons in raised relief; and tion, maintenance, modification and repeated use each post had a deep collar made of plaster. Like its served to perpetuate collective memory, something predecessors, this communal building was deliber- that will be pursued later. Even more remarkable 30 Monuments and Time

ing floor surfaces (Eshed et al. 2008; Goring-Morris 2005; Goring-Morris 2000). However, there is no sign of everyday living at the site, though there is evidence of feasting episodes; and the rectangles of lime-plaster floor are not part of roofed buildings. The site appears to have been devoted to rituals that are evidenced on settlements of the period in the region, but it is difficult to imagine why a “central place” site was needed for the exclusive performance of practices that were also practised within settlements. The second site is Göbekli Tepe, near Urfa, in southeast Turkey (Schmidt 2000; Schmidt 2006; Schmidt 2007; Schmidt 2010; Schmidt 2011). Superficially, the site appears to be a typical tell: it is a nine-hectare mound about 300 m in diameter and 15 m thick, and the mound is formed of anthropogenic debris and structures built mainly of stone. However, in the fifteen years that the site has been in excavation no normal occupation remains, either structural or occupation debris, have been found. By far the greatest part of the matrix that forms the mound consists of small-to-fist-size pieces of the hard, local limestone, together with some soil, many chipped stone pieces and amounts of broken animal (and some human) bone. The site’s stratigraphy is rather complex. The latest stone-built structures so far found are, as one would expect, close to the surface of the site and near its highest point. But the earliest structures encountered to date were built in huge, cylindrical cavities that were dug into already existing deposits. Fig. 6. Göbekli Tepe. One of a pair of T-shaped monoliths, 5.5 m tall, standing in the centre of a large, circular, subter- These early structures date to the second half of the ranean structure, where it is surrounded by a dozen other tenth millennium bc. In respect of general structure, similar monoliths. The top of the monolith is temporarily being circular and subterranean, they are similar to stabilized in a wooden brace. It stands in a pedestal carved the community buildings at Jerf el Ahmar, but they out of the living rock floor of the structure. The T-shape is a are much larger (and probably earlier). The extraor- highly schematized anthropomorph, with the narrow side dinary T-shaped monoliths that were set within the (facing us) being the front of the figure. It has arms in light structures are not unique to Göbekli Tepe (Fig. 6), for relief, and the fingers of the hands meet on its “belly” above similar monoliths have been found associated with a belt with an elaborate buckle, from which hangs the skin a community building at Nevalı Çori, a small set- of a fox, its tail dangling between the animal’s hind legs. The figure also has a pendant on a band around its “neck” tlement some distance to the northwest of Göbekli (by courtesy of Prof. Klaus Schmidt; photo DAI). Tepe (Hauptmann 1988; Hauptmann 1993; Haupt- mann 1999; Hauptmann 2011). There is much evidence of rebuilding of the large circular structures at Göbekli Tepe, of monoliths being moved and set in new locations, for example, are two sites that have the superficial appearance of set within a perimeter wall that concealed some of settlements, but were central places to which many the reliefs sculpted on the monolith; and there are people came from a number of communities for spe- instances where sculpted designs on the surface of cific purposes. In Israel the site of Kfar HaHoresh a monolith were erased so that new designs could dates to the later aceramic Neolithic, and it shares replace them. And, as at Jerf el Ahmar, the subter- with southern Levantine settlement sites the burial ranean buildings at Göbekli Tepe were deliberately of bodies, the retrieval of skulls, and, from the typi- obliterated by filling with hundreds of tons of soil, cal houses, the elaborate use of lime-plaster for mak- stone chips and other debris. T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 31

One feature can be noted across the range of buildings, from the regular domestic, through the special purpose, public buildings and at the central places, Göbekli Tepe and Kfar HaHoresh: buildings were carefully and elaborately constructed, and were then repeatedly re-surfaced, modified, replaced on the 1 same site, and often carefully and elaborately obliterated at the end of their use-lives. What impresses the archaeologist-excavator is the repetition, the continual acts of one kind or another, and finally the deliberate acts of closure. At Çatalhöyük, the excavators have come to believe that the walls of the houses were treated with a new coat of white marl wash 2 perhaps each year, or even twice a year; and any of the new washes might receive painted motifs, a car- pet of painted decoration, or whole scenes, only for the paintings to be covered by another coat of wash within a few months or a year (Hodder 2006). What should impress us is that it was the act of building, 3 or re-making, or redecorating, that was important: by our actions and our attention we can show how much we care, but I shall argue that these were acts of memory. The repetition of actions underpins the forma- 4 tion of an archaeological phenomenon of local, regional and supra-regional networks of sharing and exchange (Watkins 2008). What we have are distribution maps and, in the case of obsidian, sta- Fig. 7. Jerf el Ahmar. 1 – 4 Small stone haft-straighteners tistics of the frequency of obsidian amongst all the and plaques with incised signs (by courtesy of Danielle chipped stone; but our maps and tables of num- Stordeur; drawing G. Deraprahamian). bers are very partial and static representations of innumerable acts of exchange that took place over hundreds, even thousands, of years. We have had glimpses of the functioning of extended networks of I would argue that such extended networks, sus- exchange for a long time. In the 1960s, Colin Ren- tained across hundreds of kilometres and hundreds frew and his colleagues began to analyse the extent of years, need extended minds (Clark / Chalmers of exchange networks that carried central Anato- 1998, to whose “extended mind” theory we shall re- lian obsidian as far as southern Jordan, and east turn shortly). For us who have lived for generations Anatolian obsidian as far as southwest Iran (Ren- in societies of thousands, tens of thousands, and frew / Dixon 1968; Renfrew / Dixon 1976); and that millions of people, such a way of life is normal and research has been greatly extended by more recent seemingly natural; but if we go back in human evo- collaborative work (Cauvin et al. 1998). We can add lution only as far as the Upper Palaeolithic period, other materials, such as marine shells, serpentine, or the basic unit of human society consisted of clusters malachite beads, that were exchanged between com- of small mobile bands of fluid membership, such as munities and across these supra-regional networks. have survived as small-scale hunter-gatherer socie- It is important to note that these artefacts and ma- ties (Chapais 2011; Hill et al. 2011). Research led by terials were not the only things that were shared Robin Dunbar has shown that the ratio between the across the networks: it is becoming clear that in the cortex and the rest of the brain in primates is corre- north Levant, at sites in north Syria and southeast lated with the scale of social grouping (Aiello / Dun- Turkey, there was a repertoire of shared signs that bar 1993; Barton / Dunbar 1997; Dunbar 1997; Dun- are found incised on small stone tablets (Fig. 7), as bar 1998; Dunbar 2003; Dunbar 2010; Hill / Dunbar well as some shared iconography in the larger carv- 2003). Extrapolating from that correlation for pri- ings (Morenz / Schmidt 2009; Stordeur 2003b; Stor- mates to hominins, and in particular to Homo sapiens, deur 2010). Dunbar and his colleagues have estimated that mod- 32 Monuments and Time ern humans have a cognitive capacity that enables We are unfamiliar with what it means to sustain them to cope with the complexity of social relations a community, because we have grown up in cities among a maximum of 150 persons; that is, there is and nation-states whose rules and conventions are an effective cognitive limit to the number of people maintained by many kinds of authority; we accept that they can “know” personally and whose social those authorities, and that allows us to be generally relations with one another they know well. passive and inactive in the cause of community. We Somehow, people learned how to use their ex- can begin to learn what is meant by building and tended minds so as to be able to build communities maintaining small-scale communities when we read and networks of communities on a much greater what the anthropologist Anthony Cohen has to say scale than basic, biological limitation imposed by the on the symbolic construction of community (Cohen brain. In his ground-breaking study of Palaeolithic 1985). Cohen illustrates from his own fieldwork ex- societies in Europe, Clive Gamble showed that the perience how a sense of community is vital to peo- first signs of long-distance exchange networks ap- ple in small-scale societies, and how it is forged and pear in the Upper Palaeolithic, that is, with the colo- maintained by symbolic means. The consciousness nization of Europe by Homo sapiens (Gamble 1999); of community, he says, is kept alive “through ma- it is significant to note that, as well as high-quality nipulation of its symbols”; above, I drew attention flint, the materials exchanged included marine shells to the repeated actions that are observable in the ar- from the Mediterranean, objects whose value was chitecture of Early Neolithic settlements, and here I symbolic rather than utilitarian. Recent discoveries link that to the idea of the constant manipulation of of red ochre and marine shells at Middle Stone Age the symbols of community. In a similar vein, in his sites in southern Africa extend the beginnings of the cross-cultural analysis of small-scale societies, the formation of extended networks back several more anthropologist Peter Wilson argued that the social tens of thousands of years (e. g. Bouzouggar et al. life is the stuff that composes community into exist- 2007; d’Errico et al. 2005; Henshilwood et al. 2009; ence (Wilson 1988). And the Palaeolithic specialist Mackay / Welz 2008). Clive Gamble likewise links performance with soci- Andy Clark’s thesis of the extended mind says ety: “the individual plays an active role in performing that the modern human mind links with external society and its structures into existence” (Gamble entities in two-way interaction, creating a coupled 1999, 33). If community is performed into exist- system that can be seen as a cognitive system in its ence, it requires material form. Together with those own right. Clark’s ideas are not unique to him; un- acts, those performances, the notion of community der different labels, the ideas of “situated cognition” needs those things that represent aspects of the com- are rapidly becoming standard (Robbins / Aydede munity, things that guide and govern the way we 2008), and leading cognitive psychologists and do things, and that act as constant reminders. That philosophers have been developing related ideas material form may be in utterances, gestures, or in (e. g. Damasio 2000; Damasio 2010; Sterelny 2004; more solid and lasting form. But even such solid Sterelny 2007; Sterelny 2011; Tomasello 1999; To- and durable forms as architecture require that the masello 2008; Tomasello 2009). What modern hu- community or their representatives continue to en- mans have learned to do is to create external media act symbolizing actions in order to maintain the ab- that effectively extend the mind, and through that stract notion in attention and memory. Thus, in the extended mind extend the network of people con- Epi-palaeolithic and Neolithic periods, too, repeated stituting the community; describing the beginnings action was needed to maintain shared complex and of this process, Gamble described a new ability to complicated abstract notions in mind. relate to people who were at a distance, who were “Bands”, “tribes”, “ranked societies” and “chief- rarely, if ever, met, but were in some sense known doms” are top-down definitions of social group into as “the release from proximity” (Gamble 1998). That which we have tried to fit prehistoric societies: com- evolved capacity for the “extended mind” was taken munity is a bottom-up notion of social group that is a huge step further in the Epi-palaeolithic and Ear- recognized by the individuals who are the members ly Neolithic periods in southwest Asia. Extended of a community, but is hard to categorize from the minds, using symbols, icons, shared ideas about the perspective of the social scientist. It is perhaps rather value of things, were able to construct, and through easier for the prehistoric archaeologist interested in exchange, maintain communities of many hundreds, the Neolithic of southwest Asia to recognize in the even of several thousand people, and subcontinen- deeply stratified settlements the former existence tal-scale networks of communities – community at a of communities; those settlements could not have larger, wider scale. lasted across their chronological span of centuries T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 33 unless their inhabitants felt that they were a com- development in the context of my subject today – the munity. first, large-scale, nested communities. I have already The two central issues with community are social used the phrase “extended mind”, which is bor- capital and trust. Social capital is all that a commu- rowed from the work of Andy Clark, a philosopher nity has invested in social engagement and coopera- and cognitive psychologist colleague at Edinburgh tion, and in the social coherence of their community (Clark 1997; Clark 2006). His idea is that our minds and its good functioning (Field 2003; Halpern 2005, do not just react to things outside our brains, or use for concise introductions to the subject). In Field’s things external to our bodies, but that we make words (Field 2003, 1 – 2), the central notion of social things out there, creating a cultural niche that plays capital is the importance of social relationships, and an active role in our cognitive processes. The Aus- the idea that “social networks are a valuable asset”. tralian philosopher Kim Sterelny works on the same Studies of contemporary societies indicate that soci- lines, but adds an important additional dimension eties with a good “stock” of social capital, measured to Andy Clark’s ideas – that we humans use “epis- in terms of the density of social interactions and the temic engineering” in addition to physical engineer- richness of social networks, show lower than aver- ing to make cultural niches that we share (Sterelny age crime statistics, better health, greater educational 2004; Sterelny 2007). The ideas of the “extended achievement, and better economic well-being (Halp- mind”, “epistemic engineering” and “cultural niche ern 2009). Conversely, reducing levels of social capi- construction” converge on Merlin Donald’s theory tal are associated with the breakdown of society. So- on the evolution of hominin cognition and culture cial capital is reinforced by social memory (to which (Donald 1991; Donald 1998; Donald 2001). Donald I shall return), and is closely involved with trust. The has become fairly well-known among archaeologists new communities, numbering hundreds and even because of the third and most recent transformation thousands of people, were very challenging for the in hominin cultural communication, which he labels individual; they involved living with large numbers “external symbolic storage”. Donald originally ar- of people to whom you were not related and whom gued that the emergence of alphabetic writing com- you scarcely knew, but whom you needed to trust. pleted that transformation; but Renfrew argued with Signalling common membership of community was him that other uses of material culture could serve essential. And sociologists, unsurprisingly, note a as modes of symbolic storage (Renfrew 1998), and correlation between reduced social capital and the Donald, in his concluding remarks at that confer- breakdown of trust, whether trust in other members ence, modified his views accordingly. of society or trust in the society’s institutions. These ideas of the extended mind and cognitive The formation and maintenance of Neolithic com- niche construction raise the question of when in hu- munities, involving large numbers of individuals, man evolution the capacity for epistemic engineer- required measures that would transcend the biologi- ing and building a cultural niche reached a level that cal capacity of the individual human brain – now be- we could recognize as effective and “modern”: and ing referred to as Dunbar’s number. It also involved my answer, of course, is that the built environments the ability of people to understand and value what of the Early Neolithic settlements, with all their com- the philosopher John Searle calls “institutional facts” plexity and symbolism, show us that the capacity to (Searle 1995; Searle 2010). Searle uses “money”, use “epistemic engineering” to sustain the cultural “marriage” and “baseball” as examples. Colin Ren- niches for communities had evolved to “modern” frew explores when the concept of “value” can be levels at the end of the Pleistocene and the begin- inferred from the archaeological record (Renfrew ning of the Holocene periods. In company with Col- 2008). For our purposes, Neolithic communities re- in Renfrew, I would also argue that the realization quired intuitive concepts such as “home”, “house- of the power of external symbolic storage should be hold”, “neighbour” and being a good neighbour. placed around the beginning of the Neolithic. These institutional facts can be mapped onto the Following the differentiation between indexical architecture of the settlement. The social capital of and symbolic reference by the American philoso- the community could also be mapped into social pher Charles Peirce, I distinguish between the use of memory through the medium of the community’s things as signs to signify (indexical reference), and historic environment and its customary behaviours the quite different framing of a system of symbolic and ceremonies. representation (symbolic reference). Terence Dea- Before moving on into the nature of memory and con gives a simple introduction to Peirce’s tripartite collective memory, I want to mention an area of cog- scheme of signs, icon, index, and symbol, in his book nitive psychology that I think has great potential for on the evolution of language (Deacon 1997). Robert 34 Monuments and Time

Preucel is deeply influenced by Peirce’s ideas, and upon formulae or rituals, and people who are spe- devotes a significant part of his recent book to relat- cialized bearers of cultural memory; the knowledge ing Peirce’s theory of signs to archaeology (Preucel preserved in cultural memory is both formative (ed- 2006). In a system of symbolic representation, the ucative, civilizing, and humanizing) and normative “tokens”, whatever they are, acquire their meaning (in that it provides rules of conduct) (Assmann 1995, in relation to one another, as do words in a sentence; 130 – 132). with language, the system of symbolic represen- Let us start by acknowledging that there is no tation that we all know best, the sentence is more such thing as “collective memory”. Rather, collective than the sum of the individual words of which it is memory is memory distributed and shared among composed. We could equally well view a medieval the individuals of a community. Collective memory Christian cathedral, or a Byzantine basilica, with all studies go back to the fundamental work of Maurice its furniture, furnishings and images, as a complex Halbwachs (Halbwachs / Coser 1992, the English symbolic representation of a Christian cosmology, a translation of the original 1925 French book) (and whole that is much more than the sum of its parts. Aby Warburg, in Hamburg) in the 1920s, but it has And the great circular structures at Göbekli Tepe, remained strangely neglected till recently, mostly with their monoliths, and the images carved on the because it has proved difficult for psychologists to monoliths, might be described as systematic sym- devise scientifically satisfactory methods of inves- bolic representations of the same sort. tigation of something that is so nebulous. In recent I want to draw attention to something that phi- years there has been a “memory boom” in psycho- losophers and cognitive psychologists who talk of logical research, spurred on in part by the advent of “institutional facts”, “extended minds”, “epistem- sophisticated neuro-psychological techniques. There ic engineering”, “cultural niche construction” or has been a parallel burst of interest in such ideas “systems of external symbolic storage” would all as collective memory and the historical narrative agree on: Merlin Donald expresses it most dramati- that sustain ideas of national identity (Connerton cally (Donald 1991, 312): “The brain may not have 2006, 15 – 17); and, of course, in public life we now changed recently in its genetic makeup, but its link have the phenomenon of the “heritage industry”. to an accumulating external memory network af- It is these aspects of history, collective memory, and fords it cognitive powers that would not have been ideas of “patrimoine” and “heritage” that have at- possible in isolation. This is more than a metaphor; tracted most attention and driven theoretical discus- each time the brain carries out an operation in con- sions. There is another problem for us, too, in that our cert with the external symbolic storage system, it ideas of who we are and where we have come from becomes part of a network. Its memory structure is are formed from school history teaching and history temporarily altered; and the locus of cognitive context-books, the writings of influential authors (for trol changes.” Anglophone readers) like David Lowenthal (Lowen- thal 1985), Edward Said (Said 1978; Said 1993; Said 2000), Eric Hobsbawm (Hobsbawm / Ranger 1983) and Benedict Anderson (Anderson 1983), and above Collective memory all from the repeatedly seen images that are recorded as photographs, or cine-film. Such preoccupa- Where does collective, or social, or cultural memory tions with anomie, alienation and the nation-state, fit into the scenario? The distinguished scholar Jan and these omnipresent cultural media and their Assmann has argued magisterially and persuasively management are simply not applicable to the pre- that collective memory is an essential underpinning historic past. of cultural identity (Assmann 1995), just as personal If collective memory exists distributed in and memory underpins the sense of individual identity. through the memories of individuals, we need to Assmann therefore speaks of cultural memory: cul- know something of how individuals remember. And tural memory “preserves the store of knowledge that word “remembering” is a good place to start. from which a group derives an awareness of its Most contemporary psychologists refer back to a unity and peculiarity”, defining who “we” are, and book of fundamental importance on human memo- how “they” are different; cultural memory “always ry by F. C. Bartlett, published in 1932, and titled “Re- relates its knowledge to an actual and contemporary membering: a study in experimental and social psy- situation”; the communicated meaning and shared chology” (Bartlett 1932). In short, memory exists knowledge is objectified, stabilized, in a linguistic, in the act of remembering (in what follows, I have ritual or visual form; cultural memory depends relied on Assmann 2006; Boyer 2009; Wertsch 2009). T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 35

Psychologists distinguish different kinds of memo- who form the collective, is essential to community ry, and neuro-science is now beginning to identify identity. And if autobiographical memory is based where and how in the brain these different kinds of upon episodic memory, with its images and emo- memory function. For our purposes, we need to dif- tional affects, it follows that the collective memory of ferentiate semantic from episodic memory. Seman- the community is based on the foundation of shared tic memory has been described as the “what-where- acts of remembering that are imagistic and affecting. when” kind of factual memory; it involves the kind Here, it is worth noting that the anthropologist of re- of facts that we learn at school as “history”. ligion, Harvey Whitehouse, contrasts an “imagistic” Episodic memory is personal, and it is essential with a “doctrinal” mode of religiosity (Whitehouse to our idea of self, therefore to our sense of identity. 2004); the imagistic mode of religiosity depends on And much of our episodic memory starts from re- relatively infrequent and sometimes traumatic ritual experiencing images from our past; it is about feel- events that can trigger enduring and vivid episodic ing and emotion, rather than fact. In his own essay memories, memories that are shared among all those on memory in a recent book, Pascal Boyer notes re- who were present. membering “is certainly not about the past but about Again, we should notice that Paul Connerton ti- the present and future behaviour” (Boyer 2009, 3). tles his book “How Societies Remember”, not “Col- When he refers to “future behaviour” he is alluding lective memory” (Connerton 1989). Connerton to the relationship between episodic memory and particularly emphasizes the central role of “com- imagination. People who have no autobiographi- memorative ceremonies” and “bodily acts”, but I be- cal memory cannot look forward, speculate, and lieve that he pays too little attention to the point that make choices for the future. In that regard, memory there is a proper place for ceremonies to take place, and imagination are related; indeed, together they and a proper place for the “bodily acts” – gestures represent a capacity for “mental time travel” (Sud- and rituals. What we as archaeologists see are the dendorf / Corballis 2007; Suddendorf / Corballis monuments and other cultural artefacts, the places 1997). where the ceremonies took place, and the things that Our sense of our own identity is made up of au- were essential parts of the gestures and rituals. But tobiographical memories that are set within a gen- note how these things are hierarchically, or recur- eral framework (Conway / Pleydell-Pearce 2000). sively, arranged. For example at Göbekli Tepe, the Conway and Pleydell-Pearce use the term “lifetime site in its setting in the landscape, the great circular periods” for the overall structure – such as “when I structures set into the historical stratigraphy of the was at school”; this structured narrative of our lives site, the monoliths set within the structure in a very is formed from culturally stereotyped norms, one of definite order, and setting relief-sculpted animals the linkages between personal and cultural memory. upon the monolith. Within that overall structure, we arrange memories of “general events” – my Latin classes. And at the basic level there is “event specific knowledge” and “flashbulb memories” – that occasion when I was Nested and recursive systems embarrassed because I mistranslated horribly a line of symbolic representation of Vergil’s Aeneid. The actual memories are of episodes, or even images. In passing, I draw attention The essential cognitive and cultural faculties for the to the fact that our self-memory is recursive, just as formation and maintenance of large, permanently fully modern language is recursive , in two senses. co-resident communities were all in place around Firstly, it involves “previous experience inserted 12,000 years ago; some, like full modern language, into present consciousness” (Corballis 2011, 83); had been in play for many tens of thousands of years, secondly, it involves a nested structure, whereby but others, in the hypothesis proposed here, were the “event specific knowledge” is set in the context newly emergent, selected for by the requirements of a “general event”, which in turn fits within a “life- long-term, large-scale community life. These cogni- time period”. Recursion and the cognitive facility to tive and cultural faculties involve the ability to han- handle recursion in working memory are critically dle recursion within systems of symbolic representa- important, and we shall return to this in the conclud- tion. Linguists variously place the emergence of full ing discussion. modern language, whose distinctive characteristic If individuals need autobiographical memory in is recursion, between 100,000 and 50,000 years ago, order to have a sense of self, it follows that collec- that is about half-way or three-quarters of the way tive memory, distributed among the individuals through the time-span of our species, Homo sapiens. 36 Monuments and Time

Written representations of language, the archetype four, or even five, levels of intentionality (essential of Merlin Donald’s systems of external symbolic in the complex social worlds in which we operate). storage, began to appear, also in southwest Asia, a Corballis does not claim that he has covered all the little before 3000 bc; but other, non-linguistic systems ways in which recursive thought is employed; and I of external symbolic storage had been devised from have suggested here that we should include the nest- around 10,000 bc, the beginning of the Neolithic. ed networks of social relations within and among This cultural capacity for devising systems of communities, and – critically important – the abil- external symbolic storage opened the way for cul- ity to construct and deconstruct nested systems of tural niche construction, the formation of built en- symbolic representation. These are all cognitive and vironments that shaped and signified the way that cultural activities in which contemporary humans a community lived. Each settlement was a com- engage; they are highly complex, involving many munity that was composed of subsidiary elements, parts of the brain in a hierarchy of processes, even whether by family, lineage, household, or quarter. though we manage for the most part without explicit The maintenance of such nested networks of social teaching or training. If we think that the people who relations required performative maintenance, as did formed the communities of the Early Neolithic were the networks of communities at local, regional and also engaged in these kinds of complex, abstract, supra-regional level. Collective memory, essential symbolic activities, then they were fully “modern” to cultural identity, also required the performance humans. of commemorative ceremonies, “bodily acts”, and It is also clear that people living in the kind of appropriate artefacts, whether small or large, such large, permanent communities and networks that as buildings to accommodate meaningful artefacts existed in southwest Asia from the end of the Epi- and to house ritual performances. And all three of palaeolithic and through the Early Neolithic needed these phenomena, the cultural niche, the nested net- to be able to conceive of and work with what the phi- work of social relations within the community, and losopher John Searle has termed “institutional facts”. the construction of acts of cultural memory, share He explains what is involved, using examples such the feature of recursion. Since the conference from as “money”, “marriage”, “private property”, “base- which this publication stems, I have found that the ball” (but he is American), or understanding that eminent psychologist Michael Corballis argues in Mr Obama is President of the United States (Searle his recently published a book entitled “The Recur- 1995; Searle 2010). He talks of “status functions”, by sive Mind: The origins of human thought, language, which he means that a piece of printed paper can and civilization” that the cognitive facility of manag- be accorded the status of a twenty-dollar note, and ing recursive structures and processes is the essen- by virtue of that collectively recognized status it can tial underpinning of much of our (modern) uniquely function as twenty dollars for the purpose of com- human mental and communicative capacities (Cor- mercial exchange; of “constitutive rules”, such as ballis 2011). Recursion is a term that is used in those that mean that Mr Obama, by virtue of satisfy- mathematics, but it is also used by linguists; indeed, ing certain rules or conditions, may be taken to be Chomsky and his associates believe that recursion is the President; and of “deontic powers” whereby a the essential characteristic of human languages. In a status function carries with it certain rights, duties, discussion of the nature of human thought and the obligations or entitlements (Searle 2010, 6 – 10). Hav- role of recursion in language, Steven Pinker, who ing introduced these and other terms that form part researches on language, cognition and evolutionary of his “conceptual apparatus”, Searle can continue psychology, and Ray Jackendoff, whose research is for the rest of the book, his second on the subject, in linguistics, cognition and philosophy, have de- to expand on these ideas and their implications for scribed recursion as “a procedure that calls itself, how we structure life in our civilization. The kinds or … a constituent that contains a constituent of the of things that he talks about – money, marriage, or same kind” (Pinker / Jackendoff 2005, 203). Like private property – are constructs that are fundamen- Michael Corballis, they believe that “the only reason tal to our lives, and which we mostly learn about language needs to be recursive is because ift func- without much explicit teaching. If we think that the tion is to express recursive thoughts” (Pinker / Jack- people of the Early Neolithic could generate “insti- endoff 2005, 230). tutional facts” such as “community”, “household” Corballis’ purpose in his recent book is to show or “neighbourliness”, “private” and “public”, then how fundamental recursive thought is for episodic they were engaged in the same kinds of complex, ab- memory and the sustaining of identity, and for the- stract, symbolic cognitive and cultural activities as ory of mind and our ability to comprehend three, ourselves, and they were fully “modern” humans. T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 37

Stating the hypothesis construct a fully cultural niche was evolved among biologically modern humans at the end of the Pleis- It is time to state the hypothesis around which I have tocene and early in the Holocene periods. been working and at which I have been hinting. In The role of collective memory is generally said to my title, I promised that I would be concerned with be vital for maintaining the community’s sense of how people built and maintained social memory common identity. Here, I emphasized the point that at different, nested levels of community: that is, at collective memory, as such, exists as the distributed the level of the household, the community and the and shared memories of those who make up the col- networks of communities that constituted the social lective. And I argued that collective memory that in- landscape. Here, I have restated in brief ideas about forms the community’s sense of identity is formed, the use of architecture to make of the house an in- as is the individual’s personal sense of identity, upon stitution, “home”, and to make of the settlement an episodic memories that are essentially imagistic, institution that we can call “community” that I have emotional and affective. These include what have laid out more fully in other publications over a num- been called “flashbulb memories”, the memory that ber of years (Watkins 1990; Watkins 1996; Wat- US citizens have, for example, of where they were kins 2004a; Watkins 2004b; Watkins 2006). I have when they heard of the 9/11 attacks on the World also argued elsewhere the idea that people needed Trade Center. The key point about personal or col- to be able to manage complex systems of symbolic lective memory, we are told, is that we should think representation in order to maintain the networking of it as acts of remembering; to repeat Pascal Boyer’s of communities at local, regional and supra-regional clear statement, remembering “is certainly not about level, creating by cultural means social landscapes the past but about the present and future behaviour that were of the greatest importance to them, if we (Boyer 2009, 3).” An important point to remember, may judge by the intensity of symbolic exchange both for individual and for collective sense of iden- and sharing that we see throughout the Early Neo- tity, is that episodic memory is a construction. Mi- lithic (Watkins 1998; Watkins 1999; Watkins 2008; chael Corballis recalls that Uric Neisser has written Watkins 2009a; Watkins 2009b; Watkins 2010a). that “Remembering is not like playing back a tape The hypothesis is simple to state: the formation of of looking at a picture; it is more like telling a story” such institutions, such communities, and networks (Neisser 2008). And Corballis goes on discuss how of such a scale implies that people had learned how we can embellish and even fictionalize our past in to deal with “institutional facts”, giving things like the process of establishing our own identities, add- simple buildings and whole settlements “status ing that the distinction between memory and fiction functions”, in the terms used by John Searle (Searle is often blurred (Corballis 2011, 124). This makes 1995; Searle 2010) in his discussion of how (con- it easier for us to understand how the distribut- temporary) people create their social worlds. In the ed sense of a group’s identity may be founded, at past I have relied heavily on Merlin Donald’s idea least in part, in fictions and myths. In that regard, of systems of “external symbolic storage” (Donald we can recognize that communities have developed 1991), arguing that Early Neolithic communities had ways of evoking shared memory that are scaffolded learned to embody cultural knowledge and mean- in various ways. Paul Connerton prescribes “coming in their architecture, its fittings and furniture, memorative ceremonies” and “bodily acts”, that is, including the embodiment of memory in the intra- conventional gestures and routines, as the essential mural burial of bodies and rituals with recovered forms of collective remembering (Connerton 1989), skulls. Here, I have suggested that the ideas of “ex- to which I added that ceremonies, conventions and tended mind” (Clark 1997; Clark 2006; Clark 2008; rituals have their proper place. The proper places for Clark / Chalmers 1998) and “epistemic engineer- ceremonies of collective remembering are usually ing” (Sterelny 2007; Sterelny 2011), based on theo- scenarios that were designed and built for the pur- ries of contemporary cognitive psychology, apply in pose, and that are themselves loaded with symbolic a similar way: people – communities – were creating representation. Thus, collective memory is material- cultural niches, a reference to niche construction the- ized in the sense that the communal places where re- ory and its application to human evolution (Kendal membering was shared were “theatres of memory”. et al. 2011: the introductory essay to a special issue Finally, I have implied that the intensity of per- of “Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Soci- formance, of re-working, re-modelling, re-plaster- ety B: Biological Sciences”, devoted to human niche ing, re-building that is pervasive in the detail of the construction). I am suggesting that the cognitive and archaeological record is evidence of the essential cultural ability to develop “extended minds”, and to process of performing the institutions of the com- 38 Monuments and Time munity into existence, and of the acts of remember- ally “modern”, because I do not believe that one can ing that are essential to keeping collective memory recognize the characteristics that I have summarized alive. These actions, or performances, are carried out in the last few paragraphs in, for example, the Upper in their proper places, and they are repeatedly re- Palaeolithic period. enacted, thus giving a temporal dimension to those places. Ian Hodder and his colleagues have worked together to investigate the linking of domestic space and the many acts of daily practice with memory Testing the hypothesis and the temporal dimension in the context of the houses at Çatalhöyük (Hodder 2006; Hodder 2007; In the previous section, I laid out a hypothesis, and Hodder / Cessford 2004; Hodder / Pels 2010). Hod- explained why it may be thought plausible. The hy- der himself has referred to the houses, particularly pothesis has been developed out of the landmark the larger, more elaborately furnished houses which work by Jacques Cauvin, which was left in out- served as the focus for burials as “memory houses”. line only by his death ten years ago (Cauvin 1994; And I set the emergence of the first, large, per- Cauvin 2000); Cauvin wrote of a “psycho-cultural” manently co-resident communities in the context of revolution in the Neolithic whereby people began to long-term hominin evolution of “deep social struc- formulate fully symbolic representation in material ture”, where I suggest that it forms a critically impor- form; having completed the composition of his mag- tant stage in the advanced development of “human num opus in the early 1990s, he was fully occupied societies as multilevel, nested structures of allianc- with revising and updating the book in terms of new es” (Chapais 2011; Hill et al. 2011). This is how I an- archaeological discoveries, responding to publish- swer the question that was posed half a century ago ers’ requests for a slimmed-down paperback edition, by Robert Braidwood, the question why the “Neo- and working with his team on the preparation of the lithic revolution” happened when it did, and not excavations at Tell Mureybet for publications, until earlier (Braidwood / Willey 1962, 332). Braidwood he was incapacitated by illness in 2000; there is no was referring to the adoption of farming practices, evidence that he had begun to be aware of the burst but the question applies equally to the emergence of of new ideas on the human brain and mind, and in new, permanent communities. Braidwood’s presci- cognitive and evolutionary psychology that started ent hunch was that perhaps culture was not ready. to appear (almost entirely in English) in the 1990s. Kim Sterelny has recently written most interestingly In a very real sense, my work since completing the and persuasively about the importance of scale and work on the English edition of Cauvin’s book and the cohesiveness of the human social network, or his departure from the scene has been concerned cultural niche; as he shows, scale and cohesiveness with making sense of the remarkable archaeology of are important for the stable transmission of more, the Early Neolithic and setting this chapter of human and more complex, cultural information, to allow a prehistory in the context of contemporary theories of degree of specialization of skills, and to promote in- the evolution of the human brain, the human mind novation, and the filtering, adoption and spread of and in particular the co-evolution of the (extended) desirable innovations (Sterelny 2011). I suggest that mind and culture. the scale of the settlements, with their implied popu- For more than twenty years, since at least 1989, lations, the increasing diversity of material culture, it has become common for Palaeolithic specialists to and the greater rates of cultural change that we see claim that Homo sapiens of the European Upper Pal- in the Epi-palaeolithic and the Early Neolithic are aeolithic (or of the somewhat earlier Middle Stone evidence of a step-change in human niche construc- Age in Africa) shows evidence of the cognitive and tion abilities. cultural skills that allow them to talk of a “human Ultimately, I can only point to activities and at- revolution”; by means of various elements of the ar- titudes that are inferred from the archaeological chaeological record, they say, we may recognize that record of the Neolithic, and suggest that they are the people of that time were essentially “modern”, so recognizable to us that we can accept that these like us (Mellars et al. 2007; Mellars / Stringer communities were generically similar to those of our 1989). Although the idea of an Upper Palaeolithic contemporary world. The people who formed those “human revolution” has been considerably modi- communities of the Early Neolithic of southwest fied, it remains the case that the coming together Asia were behaviourally “modern”: and I would of prehistoric archaeologists, evolutionary anthro- conclude by saying that these were the first commu- pologists, cognitive psychologists, philosophers etc. nities of which we can say that they were behaviour- has been largely restricted to Palaeolithic specialists T. Watkins, Household, Community and Social Landscape 39 and a Palaeolithic time-frame (Dunbar et al. 2010; medieval western European cathedral or its eastern, Whiten et al. 2011). Greek Orthodox equivalent without knowledge of The extension of Cauvin’s hypothesis of a “psy- the history of earlier Christian art and symbolism? cho-cultural” revolution that has been discussed We are beginning to recognize that motifs and de- here would no doubt be contested by a number of signs that have been found on, for example, the small Palaeolithic specialists; perhaps it is a measure of stone plaques at Jerf el Ahmar are also to be found on how compartmentalized the discipline of archaeolo- similar small stone pieces at other sites in north Syria gy has become that Palaeolithic specialists and Near and southeast Turkey (Morenz / Schmidt 2009; Stor- Eastern Neolithic specialists are largely unaware of deur 2003b; Stordeur 2010). Their existence used in each others’ work. Somehow, the hypothesis that the combinations at several different sites implies the emergence of large, permanently co-resident com- existence of a system of signs that was shared, held munities required a step-change in human cognitive in common, and “readable” across a whole region. and cultural faculties must be tested both against the Again, such a shared system of “signs” must have a criticism of archaeologists who promote the idea of prehistory. Since the phenomena discussed here be- a “human revolution” around the beginning of the long in the earliest Neolithic, it is clear that we need Upper Palaeolithic period. It must also be tested to know about developments in the Epi-palaeolithic against the criticism of cognitive and evolutionary period in the region, which at present is severely psychologists. And there is a third area in which the under-represented and under-researched. hypothesis should be tested: if the hypothesis pro- The scale, the richness and the complexity of the posed here were true of communities in southwest structures at Göbekli Tepe, or the succession of com- Asia, it should also apply to people in other parts of munal buildings at Jerf el Ahmar can only sharpen the world, at more or less the same time, where suf- our awareness that we understand very poorly ficient population densities could be supported to how the communities of the Early Neolithic func- allow the formation of sufficiently large-scale nested tioned. This is not the time or the place to get into networks of the kind that we see in southwest Asia. a discussion of this subject; from the start, Robert Braidwood’s labelling the period as characterized by “village-farming” was compromised by Kathleen Just the beginning Kenyon’s contemporaneous exposure of the size and complexity of PPNA Jericho, with its wall and ditch, Finally, it is worth stepping back from the rather and circular tower. In part, our difficulty with this theoretical discussion and the concentration on just subject is due to our vocabulary: are the terms “vil- a few recently excavated sites that has occupied the lage”, “town” and “city” that we use for our own discussion so far. There are other questions that are settlement hierarchies applicable to a period in the raised by the archaeology we are now encountering. prehistoric past? When we look at the large settle- The cultural phenomena that we are now seeing in ments, implying a population of thousands, or the the early aceramic Neolithic are already highly de- sophistication of Göbekli Tepe or Jerf el Ahmar, it is veloped and complex. It is unimaginable that some natural to draw upon our own experience and specu- Neolithic mastermind, seized with an entirely new late that those societies must have had hierarchically concept, sat down and drew out a plan for a circular organized systems of authority and specialized ar- enclosure at Göbekli Tepe, complete with designs for chitects, builders, sculptors and artists. To date, there monoliths and sketches that showed what would be is no evidence in the archaeological record to sup- represented on the surface of each. Just as the houses port such assumptions. We have to think how we of the later phases at Çatalhöyük imply a long pre- can interrogate the archaeological material and sites history of development that may be documented in so as to produce information relevant to the social the earlier phases, and further back in the houses of functioning of these communities and networks of the earlier settlements in the area, so it must be the communities. case that the earliest structures so far known at Gö- What we have seen so far is exciting and dramat- bekli Tepe are themselves preceded by earlier and ic, as well as unexpected. There is so much still to earlier stages in the development of such complex find out, and we can be sure that there will be more symbolic representation. Arguably, we shall only surprises, more wonders, and the coming years will begin to penetrate such complexity when we know be an exciting time. If we archaeologists and the col- something of how it had developed. How could an leagues with whom we work can rise to the chal- art historian make sense of the rich, complex sym- lenge of devising new ways to investigate the ques- bolic representation system in the form of a high tions, it promises to be a very rewarding time. 40 Monuments and Time

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Trevor Watkins Archaeology, School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh Doorway 4 Teviot Place Edinburgh, EH8 9AG UK [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

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2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 45

Preserving the Past, Building the Future ?

Concepts of Time and Prehistoric Monumental Architecture

Martin Hinz

abstract Temporality and the different concepts of time are closely connected to the investigation of monumentality. In the archaeological literature a dichotomy between a cyclic and linear notion of time seems to be prevalent. Also the general notion that these concepts are present seems to be valid; they represent two aspects of a dialectic relationship rather than a total phenomenon that guides the actions of past and present societies. This mainly theoretical article tries to explore the different levels of temporality, on the one hand as part of a cognitive framework in which ancient societies acted and the link between action and time, but on the other hand also the tension that exists between the perspective ancient societies could have held and the perspective of the present investigators of past processes. It tries to illustrate the fact that in order to interpret the meaning of things and events, archaeologists have to consider that actions are mainly guided and directed by the present necessities, and that an interpretation can only be made from the present perspective of the past individual. A consequence of this is that the importance of material remains of rituals, for example, may be overvalued by scientists today.

Introduction on white some day. On the 6th of August 2011 he died without reaching this goal. Although the aim was to Time as duration is only recognisable if one is waiting paint eternity, the structure of this work reveals the for something. This is true in more than one sense. following aspects: time is visualised to have a fixed On the one hand it means that time is only present beginning, a measurable progress and a state when in the changes we can observe, be it the change of at least the actual process comes to an end. Here seasons, the progress of work or the movement of eternity is reached when further actions no longer the hands of a clock. But to have an idea about time change anything: the first white-on-white painting in general a general framework is necessary. Such a will essentially be the same as the thousandth. Our general framework is present in many recent socie- scientific universe starts with the Big Bang, it can be ties, which mostly calculate their time in relation to measured in its duration, and it will reach a status of the advent of a prophet. But for example the calcu- finality either when it collapses in a Big Crunch or in lation ad only found wider acceptance from the 8th the death of entropy. This idea of time’s arrow seems century. One could speculate that this was due to the to be plausible, rational, natural. approach of the world’s end, which was expected to Why then do we deal with time concepts in ar- occur 1,000 years after the birth of Christ (Augusti- chaeology at all? One reason is that talking about the nus, De civitate Dei 20,9). flow of time incorporates ideas of cause and effect, One visualisation of our notion of time is the of causality. If we wish to understand the reasons opus of Roman Opałka, a polish painter who defor actions in the past, we have to think about what cided to paint eternity. In 1965 he started his work could have been the motivation for people acting in “1965/1 – ∞”: he painted a 1 onto top left-hand cor- a specific way, and what could have been merely un- ner of a canvas and started counting up. Later he intended consequences. The key examples here are started to mix one percent white in the ground of the erection of megalithic burials and the change in every new canvas. The final goal was to paint white the sign systems of Early Bronze Age Únětice cul-

In: M. Furholt / M. Hinz / D. Mischka, “As time goes by?” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective [Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio‐Environmen- tal Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th – 18th March 2011)” in Kiel] (Bonn 2012) 45 – 60. 46 Monuments and Time ture. I would argue that in these examples different (social) actions and communication. For humans concepts of time were in use, and that some of the in- time is only relevant as it is part of their world, as terpretations applied to these phenomena probably it constrains and forms the way people can act. On confuse cause and effect in the processes involved. the other hand a lot of processes that are not under As Bradley (1991, 209) put it, “without a clearer the control of human actors have their own tempo- conception of time itself, it may be difficult to make rality, like seasons, movements of animals, day and the transition from chronological studies to interpre- night and so on. The trouble with the term time is tation”. As long as archaeology is not engaged with that it is used for the process of (natural) change as the meaning of things in the past, former concep- well as for the processing and appropriation of these tions of time may not be that relevant, but still our changes by the human mind. In this sense it is a dia- own idea of temporality deserves attention. But as lectic term: it evolves from the interplay of (re)action a subject that deals not only with things, but with of humans and the (re)action of their environment, humans in (pre- and proto-)history, we have to in- be it natural or social. corporate attempts to get closer to one of the fun- The different connotations of time are empha- damental organisational axes of human life. How- sised also by Ingold (1993, 157 f.). He divides it into ever if we deal with the time consciousness of past the terms of temporality, history and chronology. societies, we are faced with the problem that Nagel While chronology is “any regular system of dated (1974) elegantly phrased with the question “What is time intervals, in which events are said to have taken it like to be a bat?”. We very likely will never know place”, history is “any series of events which may be how it felt to be a Neolithic farmer, and how the flow dated in time according to their occurrence in one of time felt for him or her. But we are in a slightly or another chronological interval”. One is tempted better position than a biologist studying chiroptera: to add that history is a series of meaningful events our “objects” are humans too. only, since history is constructed as a retrospection In this article I will argue that some ideas about usually in form of a narrative with a certain topic or time may not have been that different from ours or topos to be covered, with a specific purpose. from that of other contemporaneous societies. The Hereafter he constructs an analogy to landscape, link is the necessity deriving from different activi- saying that temporality is formed as “taskscape”, ties that were and are of importance in dealing with where each task gets its meaning from its position the natural and social environment. But on the other in an ensemble of different actions, including social hand archaeologists should respect these necessities and functional activities Ingold (1993, 158). What is and the viewpoints of the past individuals that were important here is that in extending the analogy to essentially different from those of the investigating landscape, he states that there are no real borders in scientist. I will also argue for and against some gen- the taskscape, formed by “periodical recurrences of eralisations because I think that these are necessary rites, feasts, and public ceremonies”, as Durkheim in the process of scientific reasoning from the mo- stated, but that these rituals are part of the taskscape ment when we expand our interpretation beyond like walls and fences are part of the landscape Ingold the individual case to a larger field. But it has to be (1993, 159). This is surely true, but what he is not clear that they are generalisations, which means: aware of is that both in landscapes as in “taskscapes” they are wrong in every single individual case, in these events or objects form places with meaning, one aspect or another. and thereby function as structuring entities for the whole “scape”. It is clear that the social meaning of tasks, the order and duration of events are thought of in relation to these places, as well as in the rela- Time concepts tion to other tasks. Although not all tasks have their endpoint at certain borders in the taskscape, some What is meant if we talk about time? A large se- definitely arise in or point to theses places. mantic field is covered by this term. Because of its Our ideas of the other perceptions of time are complexity and because of its fundamentality, it drawn almost exclusively from the investigation of seems to be impossible to give a definition. Time is the concepts of contemporary societies, filtered by duration, time is sequential (older – younger), time is the methodological and theoretical framework of punctual. Time is process as well as state. Like land- anthropology (Cooper 1993, 263 f.). Applying this to scape, for example, time is totally cultural and it is the past means mixing three layers of time concep- not, depending on the point of view. Time is human- tions: that of the “anthropological analogy”, that of made in the sense that it is produced through human the investigating anthropologist, and that of the past M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 47 society (presuming that the concepts of contempo- 1993, 248) argue against the exclusive use of binary rary anthropologists and archaeologists are essen- oppositions when stating in general that the percep- tially the same, otherwise make it four). With each tion of time is a complex process that interlinks and passage from one layer to the other, distortions are blends both ideas. inevitable. In anthropological research it has become quite Even more we as archaeologists may be the worst clear that there is not solely a notion of constant flow possible investigators of past temporal perspectives, or eternal repetition, but there are also events that because we are so focused on the progression of time mark a sharp change in the historical perception of and on the past. The past is important for us, so we non-literate societies. One example can be drawn wish to find our mirror image in the past. And we from the Andaman Islands, where time is divided wish to unravel the mind of past individuals, so we by the arrival of the British colonists, referred to as assume that their attitude can be revealed by empa- time before and after the introduction of dogs. The thising. For example Hodder (1993) argues that the traditional past is named bibipoiye, meaning “days sequential change of ceramic decoration is part of when there were no dogs” (Cooper 1993, 265). the narrative of the past societies and that, just as he Linearity comes in two flavours: one is that which is aware of living in the decline of the imperial age recognises the progression of time with the counting of Great Britain, past people could have also been of cyclical events (years, moon phases), the other is aware of the changing tides of time, and that there- that which incorporates a kind of progress, growth, fore sequencing of time in the past experience could constant change with a direction. be interpreted in the light of the material culture. Although there is a referential, cyclic time concept But it is not clear how such an interpretation should among the Tivs, still they have a notion of linearity be proven, because different stories and narratives of time. It is displayed in the way they recognise the could be woven out of the same thread. One main succession of generations. They say that their num- difficulty may be that we have a bird’s eye perspec- ber increases over time, and accompanied by that, tive onto the landscape of time of the past, instead the area of land occupied by them, because every of that of an ant onto our own position in this land- generation of children has a greater number than scape. that of their parents (Bohannan 1953, 326). The same Not the best position to start from, but neverthe- is said about the Ijesha (Peel 1984, 121). less, as pointed out above, activity on the field of Perhaps one of the most influential studies is the temporal perspectives is necessary as theoretical un- one by Bloch (1977). He criticised the assumption derpinnings for an interpretative archaeology that that non-literate societies are more or less trapped in doesn’t float in free air, and anthropological data a state of stasis, and that cognition of time according about different cultures are our only mean to con- to Durkheim is determined purely by society and not front our notion of time with a different perspective. by the natural environment. He believed that both as- From and only from that differences we can become sumptions are strongly connected (Bloch 1977, 279). aware of our own. The idea that “concepts of time are closely bound to social organisation and therefore vary from society to society” implies that there are a huge number of Cyclic and linear chronotype? different time concepts around, but in reality there number shrinks down to two or maximum three dif- Most of the concepts about time archaeologists ap- ferent concepts recorded in ethnographic literature: ply to their data originate in anthropological re- cyclic time, linear time and perhaps static time; as search. Mostly it is the case that these concepts are long as it regards not only different measurements of a certain age when they find their way to us. Also of time but fundamental frameworks (Bloch 1977, this article surely does not reflect the cutting edge 282). One of the arguments against this multiplicity of anthropology. In general it can be said that time and incompatibility of concepts is that we are able to is usually thought to exist in different systems: the communicate about time with other cultures. More- cyclic and linear notion of time. Often, especially over he asserts that the fundamental logic in the syn- in older literature, they are thought of as total phe- tax of all languages has turned out to be the same, so nomena for a whole society. This binary opposi- that the (temporal) principles of these languages and tion, originating from the ideas of structuralism, in with them the mental structures should be compara- the form of “hot” and “cold” societies, is surely not ble (Bloch 1977, 283). sufficient for describing the complexity of temporal But why, then, have different anthropologists re- perception. Dietler and Herbich (Dietler / Herbich corded such different (but mainly cyclic) temporal 48 Monuments and Time concepts with respect to other cultures? He believes To trace the different usage of cycles and lineari- that the reason is that most ethnographers concen- ties in the archaeological record is not an easy task, trate on the one hand on the ritual aspects of society but there are some examples of trials in this direc- and on the other hand are enthralled by the other- tion. ness of the Others (Bloch 1977, 290). Additionally The binary opposition is the basis of an article of temporal concepts are most explicitly expressed in Bailey (1993). In a diachronic study about the differ- rituals. His example is the well known investigation ent temporal frameworks in Bulgaria from the Neo- of the Balinese culture of Geertz (1966). He admits lithic to the Early Bronze Age he stated that these two that in some contexts the Balinese people do have a chronotypes are operative simultaneously, but with “non-durational notion of time”, but these contexts shifting importance Bailey (1993, 204 ff.). But what are limited to ritual communication and settings, he is able to show is only that different tasks were while in other contexts they do not – and he men- undertaken by the ancient people of Bulgaria that tions agriculture, village and national politics or made different ways of organisation necessary. If he economy, that is in “practical” domains of culture states that Mesolithic hunter / gatherers relied on the (Bloch 1977, 284). In the ritual aspects of culture, cyclic activities of animals and plants, and that this temporality is surely socially determined because dependence on the seasonal changes increased with these aspects serve a purely social function. Other the adoption of an agrarian lifestyle, he only dem- domains are more closely linked to the natural en- onstrates that there was a necessity to adopt and to vironment, and therefore a universally comparable reflect on cyclic events. He tries to identify a linear notion of time is in effect here (Bloch 1977, 285)1. notion of time on the basis of three arguments: re- Some positions of Bloch’s paper were not left un- cord keeping, indicated by (the interpretation is not challenged. Howe (1981, 222) rightly pointed out certain) stamp marks that marked the property of that a strict distinction between the “practical” and an owner permanently Bailey (1993, 212 f.); burials “ritual” sphere is problematic. Bourdillon (1978, outside the domestic area with personalised grave 592) added that especially some aspects of the “prac- goods, which represents the consciousness of the fi- tical” sphere, like agriculture, do follow a cyclic nality of death Bailey (1993, 214 f.); the settlement concept because they are tied to the change of sea- custom of tells that indicates a progressive time by sons. But the main points seem to be valid: temporal the growth of the tell itself Bailey (1993, 216 f.). Lu- notions are not a total phenomenon; they differ not cas (2005, 82 f.) comments that Bailey’s paper rep- so much between societies as within societies. The resents “an interesting attempt to actually examine view of totality is a result of the research strategy of temporal perception through practice”, but it “suf- ethnographers. Thus different concepts of time are fers from an oversimplification and reliance on ‘tem- bound to specific realms of actions, to specific activi- poral typology’ of chronotypes”. ties and thus to specific necessities. But the number Both may be true and false at the same time. Ar- of possible temporal concepts boils down in the end chaeologically concepts of time are only detectable to two or three. And the reason for this opposition of by their materialised results, i. e. by the results of static / cyclic vs. progressive / linear lies in the inten- practices that indicate certain conceptual frame- tion of the actions. We shall come back to that later. works. This link is a weak one. But having such To sum up, while there is a lot of criticism of the sparse data only general statements are possible. binary opposition of cyclic and linear time, all in all And also a generalisation of the analytic tools, they seem to be the basis of our sense of time, and coarse-meshed sieves, is necessary and useful in quite probably also that of our ancestors. But these interpreting these data. Such a sieve is formed by terms cannot be seen in contradistinction to each these chronotypes, and actually seems to have some other. They belong to a dialectic relationship: with- substance also in the ethnographic record. Therefore out progress a cycle cannot be fulfilled, without cy- they are not purely technical terms, but meaningful cles there is no way to recognise progress2. maybe also for past societies. Anyhow one should

1 When Bradley (1991, 212) referred to this article he combined it with Sahlin’s idea of prescriptive vs. performative structures / and societies. But it is questionable if these two concepts are combinable, since the totality of Sahlin’s suggestion is in contrast to Bloch’s critique: He is actually stating that a general attribution of such dichotomies for a whole society is inaccurate. 2 If e. g. Murray (1999a, 2) following MacCullough (1991, 1 – 2) distinguishes four separate notions of time, he clearly has another perspective: He is concentrating on the domains in which different time concepts are used, not on the concepts themselves, which again boil down to the difference between progressive and referential time. M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 49 not get overfond of concepts, because practice may have been more down to earth than theory today. The same applies to the attempt of Mizoguchi (1993, 223), who tries to link repeated actions in burial practices with an idea of “routine”, which would indicate a concept of cyclicality. This routine, this cyclicality constrains possible scopes of action, but can be used as a resource for an active production of Fig. 1. Temporal structure among the Ainu, according to meaning, for the strategic use of options. Neverthe- Ohnuki-Tierney (1973, 293). less this attempt also has its weaknesses: Mizoguchi (1993, 226) is speaking of two burials that form a cycle, but are two events enough to deserve the term ing the material we have to construct a narrative or cyclic process? Moreover the author assumes a secret the past. Nevertheless it is clear that this time is our knowledge about the position of the already buried, time, rooted in our present day “modern” society; it held by certain persons who use this knowledge for produces meaning for our narrative that is not nec- strategic purposes. Neither do the sense and benefit essarily the same narrative that past societies had of such knowledge become clear, nor is this the most (Cooper 1993, 261). plausible explanation for the regular position of The connection between time and memory is ob- buried individuals in relation to each other: cultural vious: memory is the reference to the past in the pre- norms represent a much more likely explanation. sent. But this process could be supported by means Cultural norms can act as potent external memory of (cultural) transmission from the present for the fu- storage device themselves. ture, e. g. traditions. Generally there is a distinction But to be honest: is there a way to avoid (over)sim- between incorporated and inscribed tradition. While plification of a matter that is so complex that even in the former is enabled by repetitive performance and the philosophical discussions of today there seems therefore not necessarily objectified, the latter gets to be no consensus about what time is and how our its efficacy through materialisation of information recent time concept relates to the nature or relativ- Rowlands (e. g. 1993, 142). istic idea of temporal processes. With the structure Archaeological interpretation often highlights the of space-time, the connection of landscape and time inscribing practice of memory, the materialisation, may become even closer, but not necessarily easier because we are dealing with material culture. But to understand. With the sparse material remains of maybe it is often rather wishful thinking that pro- cognitive processes a critical position is always easy cesses of preserving memories necessarily material- to adopt. Nevertheless time is one of the most basic ise. And that these memories are actually memories. principles of human thought, and because of that, What seems to be a reference to the past may have the organisation of human action is guided by this been a reference to something that was thought to principle. It is worth being investigated in a construc- represent the past, without an actual memory of tive manner. In all cases of anthropological research how that past really was. Information that is cultur- I have come across, the two elements of referential, ally transferred is of two (or maybe more) kinds: cyclic and progressive, linear time were present in one is actually memory of events, the other may be some sense – though to be sure in most cases the called cultural norms, best practices that have their investigators were part of or at least influenced by link to the past in that they have proven useful, with- “western” culture. It seems as if this opposition is at out referring to a specific event or person. least very fruitful for scientific investigation of tem- In his attempt to characterise the structure of poral conceptions, so long as the two elements are Ainu temporality, Ohnuki-Tierney (1973, 293) pre- thought of not as mutually exclusive but as part of a sented a scheme where most processes are directed dialectic relationship. in one direction (left to right, one is tempted to say forward), while the most important direction for the individual, his or her personal life cycle, has the op- Time and memory posite direction (Fig. 1). A quite similar pattern is reported by Mbiti (1974). He explains that in most Af- The western concept of memory is strongly influ- rican societies time is not tripartite like our western enced by our western scientific reasoning as it is a notion (past, present, future) but bipartite. He uses linear process (Rowlands 1993, 143). Our time per- the Swahili terms sasa and samani. Sasa contains all spective has proven useful in organising and order- processes of the present, which could have begun in 50 Monuments and Time the past and range into the future, including the im- on our life per se. Nearly all known calendars that are mediate certain results of these processes. The tem- based only on these movements are of religious or poral horizon extends two years into the future at astrological purpose. They are not of “practical” use most. If a process is complete it has the chance to be- but are purely cultural constructed time of social im- come samani (Mbiti 1974, 26). In this course of time, portance. Their effectiveness is based on a cultural the present moves not into the future, but into the agreement and the resulting coordination of (social) past, so essentially time is seen as something flowing acts. Because different moons do not have a meaning backwards. It is important to note that ancestors are per se they are a very useful resource to manipulate part of sasa also, as long as they are remembered as social configurations and actions. The same is true of individuals (Mbiti 1974, 32) – one could say, as long the concept of weeks, which may be often connected as they are history. to a quarter of the lunar movement. Also Gosden and Lock (Gosden / Lock 1998) ar- And seasonal indications may also differ among gued for a division between history and myth in one “cultural unit”. Dietler and Herbich (Diet their article about “Prehistoric Histories”. Such a ler / Herbich 1993, 251) showed that among the Luo distinction may be quite fruitful for the analyses there are different systems of seasons, according to (although Lucas 2005, 85 is not convinced). In this the different habitats they inhabit. Also the weekly sense history is the product of actions of human ac- cycle differs from region to region, but this is clearly tors, while myths “refer back to a previous state of an import and an effect of the different missionising the world, where human beings either did not exist, Christian communities. or had no power, and where processes of cause and As with most concepts it is only necessary to de- effect manifest themselves differently” Gosden and velop a concept of time if it is necessary. This may Lock (Gosden / Lock 1998, 5). One could say that sound like a truism, but actually it involves the pos- these humans are humans in the narrow sense, be- sibility that on certain levels of life, ancient people cause it becomes problematic if we are faced for ex- had no concept of time because there was no need ample with a mythological ancestor. Maybe it would for it. For example, a linear idea about progress is be better to loosen this definition a bit, by saying that only necessary if in a cycle of events the precondi- the myths refer to a stage where human beings also tions change with every cycle. Processes of (nonre- represent principles rather than individuals, ideas ciprocal) exchange over relatively large (temporal; rather than persons. social; spatial) distances need a record of who is in In this sense the idea of (cultural) memory has also debt to whom (Bailey 1993, 217 f.). In the presented to be seen in two different ways: one is the memory example of the Luo there is a need for a seasonal of individuals or events in the past that are remem- system that fits with the weather conditions for or- bered per se, which forms a history of a community. ganising agricultural activities. There is obviously The other is the memory of cultural norms that are no need for a general seasonal temporal framework preserved in mythological form, maybe connected to structure activities on a supra-regional level. For to events in the past, but their meaning lies less in the Christianisation there was a need for a system the actual historic episode than in their value as a of weeks to arrange religious services, but also this topos for the present society. While the former has need was different in different regions, and there an intrinsic time, the latter doesn’t need this to work. was no need for a general system. The question of necessity is also relevant in relation to the idea of “structural time” vs. “oecological A question (not only) of necessity time” originating from the most influential article of Evans-Pritchard (1939). Both times are essentially One of the things to keep in mind when thinking the same, both are “structural time” in a sense; they about time concepts is the question of what are they differ only in the realm of life they are structuring. useful for. While “oecological time” structures the activities For example, usually cosmic cycles are only rec- that happen mostly on a yearly basis, and the du- ognised and become part of meaningful chronology ration in that time scale is often of importance (and if they affect the life of the individuals. We do not more easily perceivable), “structural time” often react to the cosmic cycles themselves (rotation of the structures the activities concerned with, and the re- earth, movement of the earth around the sun) but lation to, other individuals. They often take place on to their effects (day-night, seasons) (Ingold 1993, a longer time scale, making the perception of dura- 163 f.). An exception is the movement of the moon, tion harder but often unnecessary. This fits with the which in most circumstances does not have an effect observation that age is often not given in years, but M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 51 in age classes or status changes3. Some of these sta- can be seen as a result of such reflections, as a way to tus changes are actively enforced by rites of passage, display and manipulate social or natural order, as a while others take place silently and gradually. They means to influence expected reoccurring processes. form a series of sequential events, and only the order of these events is of importance. Social distance (important for marriage or property rights) is measured in generations; if it is necessary to be more precise Time and ritual the order of events is calibrated by commonly experienced events, quite often famines. These events, Let us begin with the question why there is a sepa- one could say historic events, are often of limited rated ritual and every day notion of time, as it is re- local importance, but there are ways to synchronise corded in the ethnographic literature. To answer this the local sequence with that of other neighbouring we have to define what is meant by the term “ritual”. communities, but always on an ordinal scale (Diet This term, it seems, is problematic in archaeology ler / Herbich 1993, 254 f.). The combination of these because it is a container: if some actions do not serve “historic events” and the personal history of social an obvious purpose, they are attributed to “ritual”. passage forms the personal biographic time of indi- Additionally the term seems to be so complex or viduals in a system of ante / post quem, not dissimi- so self-evident that a precise definition seems to be lar to archaeological reasoning (Dietler / Herbich impossible or unnecessary. To cite some definitions 1993, 256). from anthropology: Turner (1967, 19) defines rituals The temporal framework used depends on the as “prescribed formal behaviour for occasions not realm of activity that is in mind or communication: if given over to technological routine, having reference distance from the present is important, a linear con- to beliefs in mystical beings and powers”. For Rap- struct is applied that can be measured in steps of ei- paport (1999, 24) a ritual is a “performance of more ther fixed (duration) or undefined (sequence) length. or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utter- If this is not the case, a “timeless”, static or cyclic ances”. In their handbook of sociology Giddens and concept is used. “Social structure, far from being so- Griffiths (Giddens / Griffiths 2006, 1032) speak of ciety, turns out to be a system of classification of hu- rituals as “Formalized modes of behaviour in which man beings linked to other ritual cognitive systems, the members of a group or community regularly en- such as the ritual notion of time. Like ritual time it gage”. has phenomenological expression only at certain From these definitions some aspects could be ex- moments of the long conversation [the discourse of tracted: society, M. H.], and interestingly it too also seems to 1) Rituals are formalised prescribed acts. This neces- be different from the cognitive social system of other sarily involves the past, from which the prescription moments of discourse” (Bloch 1977, 286). originates. This incorporates also the regularity (in The question of cyclicality vs. linearity is also a both meanings) of the actions. question of scale. The individual life span is clearly 2) Rituals involve performance that takes place in the a matter of linearity (maybe only in this world), but present. This performance can alter the prescription for a household e. g. Lucas (2005, 78) pointed out the according to the actual needs and circumstances. combination of different individual life spans forms 3) Rituals serve a purpose. They use a performance cycles of a household. The scaling up of other aggre- to “do things with words” (Austin 1978) or symbolic gations of linearity to cyclicality could be observed actions. In religious rituals the purpose might be to (e. g. Bradley 2002, 67 f. for the cycles of households influence mystical beings and powers – in general in a settlement unit). Again, linearity is only the suc- one could speak about “invisible entities” (Bloch cession of cycles. But actions can only be undertaken 1977, 287). To achieve this influence rituals draw by agents that are single individuals. If they do re- their power from the past, from the belief that a cer- flect about their household, or community, it is quite tain action has power because in that past it already plausible that they also think of actions on a more had the power of this influence. Rituals are referen- abstract level, as an aggregation that highlights the tial or cyclic by definition. similarity of situations and events, as a cycle. Such a One reason for rituals and the connected time reflection is an act of making sense of society. Rituals concept may be, as Bradley (1991, 211) noted in ref-

3 Example taken from the Luo, Dietler / Herbich 1993, 252 ff., but similar processes can be tracked in nearly all ethnographic literature dealing with time perception. 52 Monuments and Time erence to Bloch (1977), that the form of the ritual In conclusion it seems to be in the very nature of and the connected authority raises the actual content rituals that they follow a referential, cyclic regime, beyond reproach. “Ritual is a special form of human because their efficiency depends either on a perfor- communication, and by its very nature it cannot be mance being acted in the correct, successful way or discussed by the participants” (Bradley 1991, 211). on its effect being plausible intersubjectively, de- This makes rituals a very powerful resource for so- pending on the viewpoint. On the other hand they cial discourse among individuals. are performative actions, which incorporates the fact So there is a tension between the performative that they are undertaken to have an immediate ef- and the referential nature of rituals. This tension is fect because the performance itself is the action. This shown by Rowlands (1993, 145 f.) in the case of war means that every material outcome of a ritual should memorials: on the one hand a memorial has to be be thought of rather as a by-product or a focus for unique to be memorable, on the other it has to fol- the real effect the ritual has. Although rituals depend low conventions and traditions to enable the link to on the past, and re-enact the past, the past serves a the past it is intended for. While the former inscribes present necessity and is not re-enacted for its on the notion of the unrepeatable, the latter is clearly a sake. That is why rituals probably, but not necessar- realisation of stabilising cyclic concept. ily, enforce stability. “The presence of the past in the present is therefore one of the components of that other system of cognition which is characteristic of ritual communication, another world which unlike that manifested Time and power in the cognitive system of everyday communication does not directly link up with empirical experiences. It is clear that ritual cycles and cyclic rituals repre- It is therefore a world peopled with invisible enti- sent norms and rules. Whoever is in the position ties. On the one hand roles and corporate groups [...] to appoint such rules has power over the actions of and on the other gods and ancestors, both types of other people. Temporal classification, and the au- manifestations fusing into each other [...]. Another thority over this classification, are a matter of social world whose two main characteristics, the dissolu- discourse. It is obvious that if one is in the position tion of time and the depersonalisation of individu- to give meaning to different moments by this means, als, can be linked [...] with the mechanics of the se- one is also in the position to determine what peo- mantic system of formalised, ritual communication” ple are to do at such a moment. By doing this and (Bloch 1977, 287). Again two instances of temporal link these meanings to an external authority (gods, as well as of social perception can be realised. Differ- nature) the social set-up is legitimised and justi- ences between these systems can be a resource that fied. Time is political. This has been most obvious is used for strengthening the stability of a system or not only since 1984 (Orwell, Hodder) in the case of for change. But the stability of a ritual doesn’t mean history, where meaning for the present is produced automatically the stability of society (Bradley 1991, from the past, and altered according to the needs of 211): a ritual is performed at a particular moment, the authority that is incorporated in that production. and its meaning depends on that moment. There is Rituals are part of politics. It is only logically con- only a loose coupling between meaning and form. sistent to assume that where there are more rituals, The other way round: different meanings can be in- there is also more exercise of power. scribed or better incorporated in a specific ritual, de- Cyclic, referential ideas of time bear the imprint of pending on the necessities of the moment. stability. The “conception of ‘cyclical’ time has been In his very illuminating article Ingold (1993, 160) [maybe better: could have been, M. H.] thought to compares his idea of taskscape with orchestral mu- help in the reproduction of ‘static and organic mod- sic, where the whole is a combination of different els’ in society” Mizoguchi (1993, 233). This aspect rhythmic cycles and, more important here, that its is quite obvious: the individuals that are in control meaning is dynamically produced during the per- over time concepts are most likely also those who formance, and that the performance is the product, represents the top of a social hierarchy. They in par- not the materialisation of the performance. It is only ticular have good reason to stabilise the social con- one possible concept, maybe a typically western one, figuration. And they are also plausibly the ones that that the meaning of an (artistic / ritual) activity lies are important in ritual activities, the authorities of a in its outcome, its material product. Other cultures society. Not by chance was one of the deeds of the value the process of performance more that its result by-products of the French Revolution a new calen- Ingold (1993, 161). dar system. M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 53

Usually annual calendric systems are aligned In the end, control of the organisation of time with the growth of the major crops. If organisation of includes control of time itself, in the sense that the time and power is connected one could assume that actions linked to that time are also subject to that this is connected with the control over these crops. control. Moreover, a complex system of temporal or- This becomes more evident in the example of the ganisation reflects a complex social system in which Simbo, Solomon Isles near Papua New Guinea. Here everything has its time as everyone has his or her the seasons are divided by the ripeness of two nuts place; the necessary degree of organisation is a meas- which occurs in opposite positions in the cycle (Bur- ure of the amount of possible social conflict that has man 1981, 253). These nuts play an important role to be controlled. Or to put in other words, the con- in the prestige system of exchange (Burman 1981, trol over history and mythology as intersubjective 257). They are part of the political power structure, believed past is a powerful resource for legitimisa- they are important for a specific part of the society tion of the hierarchy. It is this form that Max Weber (usually mature man), and the connection between (1980, 130) called traditional authority. Both history stability, power and time is emphasised by the way (e. g. in the form of genealogy) and myths (as role they symbolise the repetition of time literally and as models) can serve to stabilise existing inequality, es- part of an exchange system. pecially in institutionalised hierarchical situations. So there seems to be a strong link between cy- And in their referential nature it is closely linked to clicality, ritual complexity, social complexity and cyclicality. power. Again Bloch (1977, 288 f.) gives an illuminating example pointing to the Hazda. These hunter / gatherers puzzled the ethnographers be- Possible generalisation? cause they exhibit hardly any ritual activities and have almost no social roles. This is accompanied Although there is the danger of oversimplification by a strong “present orientation”. This absence of and different interpretative filters connected espe- anthropologically “interesting” features cannot cially with the application of anthropological analo- be explained, according to Bloch, by their mode of gies, a generalisation of the different observations subsistence, since other hunter-gatherer societies, should be attempted here as a proposal for a model namely the Australian Aborigines, who are the para- that also has plausibility for pre- and protohistoric gon example of past-oriented and ritual society, do societies: have a complex system of ritual activities. The dif- Quite similar situations can be observed in such ference is the amount of institutionalised hierarchy. different cases like the Saulteaux / Ojibwa, Canada “[...] the amount of social structure, of the past in the (Hallowell 1937), the Ainu of Japan (Ohnuki- present, of ritual communication is correlated with Tierney 1973) and the Tiv of Nigeria (Bohannan the amount of institutionalised hierarchy and that is 1953): they have all different ways of dividing time what it is about” (Bloch 1977, 289). This does not re- into shorter periods (seasonal cycles according to fer to inequality in general, since that can be present economic-ecological necessities, daily cycles accord- also in an uninstitutionalised way. The key element ing to social situations, lunar cycles and so on), but is the fixed regulation of social relations and thereby these are only “different clocks”, as Bloch (1977, of power configurations. Bourdillon (1978, 596 f.) 282) called it, and moreover they can vary from re- remarked here that rituals are partly also used to gion to region of a landscape that is said to house constrain inequality, but this doesn’t affect the origi- people of the same culture. Above this a measure- nal intention: it still means that there has to be a de- ment / counting of days (years, or other time units) gree of institutionalised inequality, and it definitely was seldom observed, rather a relational system relates to a contest of power. that linked different events with each other. Such As linear time consists of a sequence of cycles, also events are often famines, to which individual states power relations can be expressed in the privilege to (“when I was young”) are correlated. These tempo- begin a cycle. Dietler and Herbich (Dietler / Her- ral frameworks are local, although they can be corre- bich 1993, 253) call such a situation “ritualized se- lated with neighbouring communities. But they are quential time”: it is the privilege of the oldest wom- also local in another sense: they are relevant only for an of a household to initiate the harvest. Also the their sphere of life, only for a certain range of activi- correct time for harvesting is thought to depend on ties, and mostly only to particular activities within the natural cycles; a second, social layer of authori- that range. This kind of reverential time order ap- sation is added. To neglect the privilege is seen as a plies in the case of actions of the recent past or im- potential cause of danger. mediate future, connected to the needs of the actual 54 Monuments and Time present4. Disconnected to that the “long ago” exists, It is quite plausible that the people of the Neolithic, like a “once upon a time”. Within this horizon tem- who weren’t archaeologists or historians either, per- poral correlation is irrelevant, and it has no meas- ceived time in the same way. Our focus is the past; ured temporal distance from the present. An inter- their focus is the present. We try to reconstruct the mediate time horizon is given by genealogy, which past; they try to integrate knowledge about it into represents a kind of referential sequential time scale their activities in the here and now. that is important to regulate social relations in the Another thing is to be noted here: in the differ- present. But for this, too, no unit smaller than one ent concepts of time from the ethnographic record generation is necessary. The question is: is this that a clear conception of the future is missing most of far away from our notion of time, beside the fact that the time. This is most evident in the work of Mbiti we have a commonly shared framework of refer- (1974), but also visible in other descriptions. This ence? One could call such a concept qualitative to fits with the description of time in ancient Egyp- oppose it to our quantitative, durational concept, but tian culture which (Assmann 2002, 18) gives us on this quantitativity is only used in our society when the basis of the terms neheh and djet. Both are time necessary. Having said this I have to admit that is in some sense, both are eternity and thus timeless. nowadays necessary more often than not. Djet is the grammatical perfect, it is the fixed past An interesting example of perception of chrono- that is not past as it is not temporal and diachronic, logical quality vs. quantity is cited by Lucas (2005, whereas neheh is the (cyclic) time that moves, but 86). The history of Ancient Egypt is mostly perceived it is actually also not temporal in our sense since it as a continuum with a shorter duration than its dis- is instead a storage or pool of time, which is not a tance to our own time. Yet this is not true, for the future, but a possibility. There is also a possible link distance from Menes to Cleopatra VII Philopator is between these times since although neheh-time can- nearly 3,000 years. not become djet-time, things done in neheh-time can Obviously other cultures also have the idea that become part of the djet. Here too a duality is observ- the present is a product of the past. The past is pre- able, between human active time and the vast time- sent in their social relations to each other. But these less horizon of the past, but no evident hint for a pos- pasts are measured in different temporal scales. session with the future. While for the present, duration is of importance, So it seems that there is not only one time, but ef- for the past it often is not. The latter is structured in fectively a multi-temporality, depending on what a system of a relational sequence. And at a certain action is attributed. There is an intrinsic time, as point this sequential relation is not of importance McGlade (1999, 156) called it, of different processes, any more. Myths are role models for activities in the and it affects not only the necessary scale of inves- present, their temporal relation is often not of im- tigation of these processes but also other actions portance, even when a causal order is evident. One linked to them, like the (re)actions of past agents. example can be taken from (Hallowell 1937, 668): Three temporal horizons seem to crystallise: although the people of the Saulteaux are aware that • A timeless horizon of myths, that is not history the contest of the North and South Wind must have or even past as such, taken place after the Birth of the Winds in another • a horizon of history that may or may not reach myth, the temporal relation between these myths is back five or six generations, maybe more (Clark not of importance, so there is no need to have any 1992, 42), but in the end becomes blurred into the kind of temporal scale more precise than a nominal mythological horizon and one here. One could ask if this is not essentially the • the present, which has to be understood as a same time concept most people of “western culture” scape of action that links back to the past but also share today? extends somewhat into the future, as far as these actions and their immediate results are concerned. Interim conclusion Right or wrong, generally it cannot be stressed enough that interpretations of past activities have to One problem is that we are archaeologists. We tend start in the present of these activities, not in their fu- to create a narrative of the past that is a history. Most ture. Archaeologists literally see the results of the ac- of our contemporaneous fellow humans do not. For tions before their cause in the stratigraphic sequence them the past is the unknown land, as is the future. as well as when they look back from their position in

4 This could be the reason why, for example, the Tiv say of all men of a certain age group (usually formed about every three years) that they are born in the same year (Bohannan 1953, 323). For the determination of social relations they are equally old. M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 55 the future. If we want to reason about the meaning of this is the case more often than not with the monu- things and events for contemporaneous societies, we ments we are used to designating as such. But also in should adopt their temporal view. Meaning is pro- different times already existing features could have duced in the present, not in the future. served as monuments. The question is not whether these objects are monuments in general, because they are if we attribute them in this way, but wheth- Example 1: Megalithic “monuments” er a monumental intention is plausible for the time of erection, if we wish to get closer to their original We are astonished by the amount of labour these meaning. people invested into the disposal of the corpses of One example for the change in meaning can be their dead, but we have still no clue as to the reason. drawn from the investigations of Cooper (1993). Yet we have developed quite elaborate ways to ex- Nowadays the ancient shell middens on the Anda- press this. man Islands form part of the history of the people: “a The concept of monument is closely connected midden is a repository of the remains of ancestors, with the concepts of time. In a common-sense in- thereby constituting a direct link with the past”; “the terpretation monuments link the present observer older the site the more respect it earns in terms of with the past. Monuments are thought to be places symbolising the achievements of the past, of provid- of memory, erected or established to install a link ing tangible proof of a beginning as well as a sense of to the past directed to future generations to ensure continuity”. But “initially such a deposit constitutes their memorial connection with that past. The Latin a mere rubbish dump whose stench necessitates the root of the word – monere – clearly is to be seen in relocation of encampments” (Cooper 1993, 265). that sense. Here the discussion about time concepts is rel- We as archaeologists transfer this idea – and the at- evant. As the character of a monument is strongly tached meanings – to certain objects of pre- and pro- connected to the temporal triplet past – present – fu- tohistory. With that transfer we also unconsciously ture, assuming that objects were erected or installed transfer possible motivations onto the builder of as monuments in this sense involves the assumption these “monumental” objects. that such a conception of time was also present in past societies. Different levels of reasoning One of the main problems with past temporal concepts is that we are dealing with purely mental If we talk about monuments in prehistory, we in- constructs that leave no traces in the archaeological clude at least two layers of reference into argumenta- record per se. Also analogies with recent non-literate tion: for us these objects are monuments because for societies cannot be used as proof for this or that con- us they are links to a past. Moreover these objects are cept of time, but allow us to construct some possibil- highly valuable for us (archaeologists), so that pres- ities or constraints for interpretations. With concepts ervation for future generations is a main goal of our of time it is much like it is with theoretical issues in efforts. But at the same time this meaning is often general: they are unavoidable. Even if we use no ex- thought to be the original meaning of these objects, plicit theoretical framework, or concept of time, we without having indications for that from the objects are still using one: the one that guides the decision themselves. The erection of monuments nowadays not to choose one or the other consciously. integrates the three time horizons of our time scale Archaeologists look backwards in time, maybe not in the common-sense interpretation: they are built dissimilar to the African notion of time described by in the present, to commemorate events or persons Mbiti (1974). But the causal arrow of time is point- of the (maybe immediate) past and to conserve this ing in the other direction, so processes have to be in- memory for the future. terpreted from their present, which incorporates the A second form of monumentalisation is per- past of this present, and not from their future and formed in the case of objects that were not intended their results. A lot of the interpretation of megalithic to serve as a monument in sensu strictu, but were burial customs is connected with the idea of ances- later attributed as monuments. Here the erection of tor worship. But at the moment when such a grave the object is already finished when an erection of a was erected, its function of symbolising ancestorship monument takes place, but only virtually. Maybe is yet to come5. In some cases these graves revealed

5 Although in the Falbygden area there are chambers where a secondary burial took place as at least the first burial activity at that site, indicating the translocation of an ancestor to the newly erected tomb (verbal communication Sjögren). 56 Monuments and Time traces of former activities, for instance a house that them that may not have much to do with the people once occupied the location of the later grave6. But the buried in the first place. connection to this past only links the newly erected So in archaeological interpretation it should be grave to history, without changing the grave itself made clear who is in focus and for whom the monu- into history. This process is yet to come7. The mean- ments serve a memorial function. It is certain that ing of the erection of a megalithic grave cannot be in- preparing a proper funeral is part of the grieving, terpreted by its effect, but must be interpreted by its but it is questionable if future generations were ad- cause. Later meanings associated with the already dressed with the funeral architecture. existing grave are a different story. One argument could be that having a megalithic grave was an evolutionary advantage for the soci- Building for the future? eties, so that the causality comes again from their effect. But the history of erection of monumental Burials are clearly part of ritual behaviour; this is still graves, be they megalithic or non-megalithic, is true in our secular society today. In this situation of far too short for such an evolutionistic argument. disturbance of social order it especially seems to be Graves are not erected for past ancestors but for the of importance to cling to fixed norms of behaviour. community of the present and their ritual needs for This is mirrored in the idea of the rite of passage, burying people in the present. where dangerous passages take place in an ordered And also if they were connected with ancestry, it sequence to overcome the liminal state that is con- can be argued what ancestor was meant. Bearing in nected with them. But things are different if we talk mind that in medieval and early modern times they about collective burials. Here the burial ritual may were thought to have been erected by giants once be linked referentially to other burials, to a cyclic no- upon the time inhabiting the landscape, one could tion of time, but the erection of the megalithic tomb ask what kind of narrative earlier people attached to is a single event. the megalithic sites. If the persons buried here where Here again the difference between inscribed and no longer known individually, maybe memory fad- incorporated (Bradley 2002, 12 – 13) memory has to ed or changed into a mythic state. Now these graves be tackled. Monuments seem to represent obviously could have been incorporated in a narrative that had inscribed memory. Rowlands (1993), too, believes less to do with the actual history but more with a they are. But he adds a second kind of “memoralisa- topos, a metaphor serving purposes of the present, tion”: places where for example sacrifices took place. with cultural norms and ideas transmitted by oral With such actions the specific place is charged with tradition having a materialised “proof” in the sites meaning Rowlands (1993, 146). He believes in the of the ancestors. This does not mean that history is different character of such sites: “They cannot func- only a product of the present, as some schools of phi- tion as aide-memoires and are thus not made with losophy argue, because all common sense needs a a view towards the past, but towards the future common belief as a basis, and this has to be plausible [...]. They do not embody memories of past events at least to a certain degree to function. So the basis of but have themselves become embodied memories; history (and myths) is events that took place as long objectified and condensed as a thing” Rowlands as no scenario like Orwell’s 1984 is plausible. But the (1993, 147). But doesn’t the practice he refers to, interpretation of these events is flexible, as different the placement of something at a certain place in the monuments can be laden with different meanings landscape, also include burial practices? The build- over time. ing of a megalithic tomb marks a certain spot in the All in all, a grave is a connection to the past from landscape, but this spot gets its meaning only by the moment when it has already served its primary the burials, not by the tomb itself. One could ask function, that is, when burials have taken place. This if the differentiation of inscribed and incorporated link is not the primary intention when it is built. And memory is not merely representing two poles of a later the following generations attach meanings to dialectic situation: while inscribing memory it is

6 There are some interpretations that link the erection of at least non-megalithic earthen long barrows to the house constructions of the LBK (Bradley 2002, 30 ff.; Hodder 1992, 45 ff.). Still there is no plausible explanation as to how this transfer of ideas should have taken place over the vast distance in time and space. 7 Additionally it may be the case that more often than not former activities are not recorded at the sites of megalithic burial activities. Is it acceptable to draw a general assumption about a possible connection on the basis of a minority of cases? Is it not rather a confusion of a universal quantifier and an existential quantifier? M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 57 also incorporated. And monumental “inscriptions” These collective burials are not a statement about in the landscape enable processes of incorporation, the past of a community, but about the present. Ele- marking a special place where these rituals could ments of the past may be involved, but they are more take place best. And in the ritual the performance of likely used as a resource for a present discourse the ritual is surely of major importance, while the about power and politics. This is even more obvious material parts of that ritual including the grave itself for the collective effort that these graves represent. are rather props for the performance. Different parts of the whole custom of megalithic An often cited example for the perfomative nature collective burial are linked with different activities of certain rituals, he also refers to, is situated spe- and also with different temporal scales. The erec- cifically in a burial context: the erection of so called tion itself is surely a result of necessities of the cur- malangan, carved wooden statues that were erected rent present. It is still a possibility that thoughts and during the burial ceremony and then burned or left plans about the future are connected with this erec- to decay8. They are produced with great effort, only tion, but it is much more likely that this future was to be destroyed actively or passively later on Row- also part of an elongated present. Referring back to lands (1993, 148 f.). Great amounts of labour are in- the backward flow of time presented by Mbiti (1974) vested in the burial, only to be consumed during the it is rather likely that the people tried to inscribe ritual. The ostensible reason is that during the de- themselves not into the future but into the past, and struction of the statues, the essence of the deceased that the result of their effort should become samani. is set free. All in all there is no indication that these And in this monumentalisation of the moment, of “monuments” are erected for any future, but rather the present, the stage was prepared for what possi- for the “functional” needs of the moment, for the bly had the greatest importance for the society, and performative ritual itself. of which we only have the materialised tip of the ice- And to stick to performative interpretation: what berg: the performance of the ritual. is the intention of building a megalithic grave in the first place? Surely it is built to house the dead, but on another layer of interpretation other intentions could be ascribed: beside its function the erection of a grave Example 2: Socio-temporal configuration of also does something with the society. They represent Early Bronze Age Únětice culture a collective effort, so the prerequisite as well as the product of this building process is collective iden- A second example should be addressed here in con- tity. And like feasts such events serve as a sandbox trast. In an investigation of the grave goods of the to establish and ascertain the configuration of social Únětice culture (Hinz 2009) I tried to disentangle roles. Also for contemporaneous monuments it is at the effects of temporal, social and spatial displace- least questionable if the function of memorial is the ment of the buried individuals. This was done with driving force for their erection. Isn’t it that local au- multivariate analysis in the general lack of 14C-dates. thorities use the erection to connect themselves to a The ones that were present showed that there was statement that is symbolised by these monuments? an incongruity between the scientific dates and the And what the monument symbolises is also quite chronology deriving from typological reasoning: in flexible: although it has to connect somehow to a several instances artefacts like different types of cups past that is believed in, otherwise it will not func- and especially bronze objects were dated scientifi- tion as intended, this past can be flexibly remodelled cally much earlier than the traditional chronological as long as it stays plausible within constraints deter- sequence indicated, and also than the conventional mined by the shared belief. One of many possible seriation using correspondence analysis showed. examples was presented by Dietler (1998) when he Using further multivariate methods like partial investigated the monumentalisation of Celtic oppida canonical correspondence analysis it was possible during the 19th and 20th century. Collective actions to separate the influences of spatial position of the can serve the authorities for the accumulation of so- burial sites as well as the temporal influences using cial and symbolic capital. an ordinal scaled temporal sequence as base. The

8 Bradley (2002, 41 f.) links these statues to his idea of “remembering by forgetting”. But his interpretation isn’t convincing, since no real act of remembrance takes place; rather the individuality of the deceased was dissolved in a collective tradition. Moreover, if he connects the dismantling of menhirs and their reuse in megalithic tombs (Bradley 2002, 38) with the malangans, the different durability of the materials should be kept in mind. 58 Monuments and Time remaining pattern was a sequence starting from the Conclusion so called “princely” graves and ended with burials with rather poor assemblages of grave goods and There seems to be a difference in the notion of pro- was therefore interpreted as the result of (horizon- gress from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. While tal) social influence onto the composition of the bur- in the case of the megalithic burials the references ial items (Hinz 2009, 72). seem to be affirmative, in the latter (and also in the Having eliminated the temporal and spatial influ- Chalcolithic of southern Europe) an intentional use ence, the supposed social dimension still correlated of difference, a growth, is visible. With the mode of strongly with the temporal (Hinz 2009, 77 fig. 3.20). using different sign systems to ensure the superior- Taken literally this correlation would indicate that ity in symbolic capital a progress is set into action while at the beginning of the sequence no higher so- which is an indication of a different social setting cial rank was present, at the end of it only individu- that involves the necessity to change. According to als of high social position were buried, or at least Bloch this could be an indication that the complexity present in the archaeological record. But individuals of roles is lower. Maybe we are faced with a com- at the beginning of the sequence were equipped with plex, more horizontal social structure in the Funnel grave goods of bell beaker origin that are thought to Beaker Complex, while in Early Bronze Age the so- indicate high social position in this cultural context. cial structure is more straightforward, but also more Moreover a network analysis showed that these in- dynamic. But this is beyond the scope of this article. dividuals showed strong connections with the indi- Like Bourdillon (1978, 593) is a cyclic notion of viduals of supposed high social position in the later time not hiding the world, contrary to Bloch’s inter- part of the sequence. pretation in the sense of the Marxian term of ideol- Thus an alternative interpretation was much more ogy: The relations between humans they express do plausible: innovations of sign systems of distinction really exist. The derived concepts are in fact reflec- had their origin in the supposed higher social stra- tions about the world, abstractions such as are also tum. But these signs were gradually taken over by used in modern sciences for example. They repre- lower social strata. To ensure their supremacy the sent reasoning about cause and effect. If we as ar- individuals of a supposed higher social stratum had chaeologists wish to come closer to the intentions to change their sign system to continue distinction. of actions and hence to the meaning of things, we This process was a motor for change in the system have to argue from the individual’s point of view, without involving external stimuli. from the perspective of the people we are trying to But in such a situation time and social space is understand. While it may be a hopeless attempt to closely linked. On the one hand we have different empathise with the ancient mind, it may be possi- levels of society more or less on different temporal ble and fruitful to take past rationality into account. levels. This is a problem for typochronological dat- This is of course conditional rationality, and for the ing: is this individual with a certain composition of exploration of these constraints the anthropological grave goods a socially high standing individual of analogy is one of our major sources, how dangerous an early date, or a socially lower individual of later this might be. Proposing this model of three time date? On the other hand the processes of (social) pol- horizons and the dialectic of cycle and linearity is itics here involve not conservatism, but progressiv- just a compilation of ideas that are used in archaeo- ism. To keep society stable, change was necessary. logical reasoning. Also the consideration that the Although we are dealing with burials, with a sphere action and the present of that action is most impor- of ritual activities, we encounter here not a referen- tant for the production of meaning may not be new. tial time but a linear, progressive time. But especially in respect to the idea of monumental- But the dialectic of cycle and linearity becomes ity, a term that has a specific set of connotations in evident once more. Without the reference to the past our language, it is important to stress that the act of the novelty of a sign system cannot become mean- monumentalisation may be more important that the ingful. It is the very action, the intentional decision monument itself, and that the importance we ascribe to abstain from tradition that makes the progressive to the material remains of rituals does not necessar- meaning. ily coincide with the importance that was incorporated in them for the performers of these rituals. M. Hinz, Preserving the Past, Building the Future ? 59

References

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Martin Hinz Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel Germany [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Emma Cunliffe Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time E. Cunliffe, Modernity, Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study 61

Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study

Emma Cunliffe *

“Belief in the significance of architecture is premised on the notion that we are, for better or for worse, different people in different places – and on the conviction that it is architecture’s task to ren- der vivid to us who we might ideally be.” (De Botton 2006)

abstract Archaeologists often approach monumentality from the familiar perspective. Despite its wide archaeological usage (both geographical and chronological), monumentality is one of the least defined terms: meaning is assumed, and is assumed to be universal. Modern archaeological concepts of monumentality focus on power, legitimisation, and labour co-option, and are often, although not always, divorced from any ideological components. This can be seen when modern interpretations of monumentality are applied to a modern monument. These ideas share similarities with ancient concepts of the presentation of power, the expression of which is the subject of much study, but rarely acknowledge the legacy. Like many other countries, Syria is now exploring its rich heritage, both in terms of its intrinsic cultural value, and its economic tourism potential. Many significant remains have been rebuilt or reconstructed, most of which have a monumental character. The reconstructions are inherently contradictory, reflecting the conceptual blend of east and west, ancient and modern, secular and ideological. They are a mix of ancient monuments, presented in a uniquely modern way. A closer examination of the reconstructions can shed light on our own conceptions of monumentality, and how these have influenced modern eastern conceptions of the interpretation and value of heritage. I suggest that these monumental reconstructions began as a form of orientalism, which in turn is influencing, and influenced by, external pressures. Mod- ern concepts of monumentality encourage the self-perpetuation of current ideologies, rebuilt in the contested arena of the so-called cradle of civilisation, and suggest that the current definitions, focus and use of monumentality are a product of our own society, and shape and limit our ability to understand the past. An understanding of our own preconceptions can allow us to engage with monumental structures on their own terms, and explore their changing natures, and wider roles within the landscape.

Our first encounter with a society is often its ar- the Eiffel Tower, the Colosseum or the Taj Mahal, the chitecture, and it is by this we make our initial meas- Great Wall or Stonehenge, each society has its own ure of their quality. It is the architecture of a society – impressive, instantly recognisable, iconic monu- irrevocable and enduring – usually shared through ments. They define the civilisation they are associ- media that creates our first, lasting impressions of ated with, and invite us to compare them, and in that society. The uniqueness of each society is dem- comparing them, to judge. onstrated, but grounded in the familiar, allowing us Monuments are therefore a familiar concept to ar- to compare and contrast the achievements of each chaeologists. Their creation and endurance is known society. The aspect that most often determines what globally, and spans many millennia, but despite (or will be shown in media is the potential of the ar- perhaps because of) this familiarity, they are one chitecture to impress: the buildings are usually of a of the most prominent classes of features in the ar- monumental nature. Whether it is the Pyramids or chaeological record, and yet one of the least studied.

* This paper is presented with particular thanks to the AHRC, the Global Heritage Fund, and the Graduate School at Kiel for their generous funding, Rex Features for their copyright permission, and to Tony Wilkinson, my supervisor.

They change their nature according to the position definition highlights the ambiguities and assump- of the observer, making them hard to define (Brad- tions inherent in considering monumentality, as ley 1985). What makes something monumental? well as the wide-ranging applicability of the term Why is this feature worthy of particular study? Is (Smith 2006). monumentality an inherent characteristic, and if so, Schreiber (2009) defined what are perhaps four of to who? These are questions that are rarely asked, the most generally applicable and most widely used and yet they are fundamental to our conception of criteria that make something monumental: monumentality, and to the resulting interpretations. ● Exceptionally large physical size, Definitions of monumentality in archaeological ● It should involve large amounts of labour, dem- texts are rare. Most definitions are functionalist, gen- onstrating social control, eralised into a “one type fits all” model. If criteria ● It should be a visible work affecting or trans- are applied, they are rarely specific to any one cul- forming the landscape, ture. Certainly there is no consensus on what criteria ● It should be durable, often outliving the society make something “monumental”. Monumentality is which created it. assumed to be an inherent characteristic that is not These archaeological definitions are functionalist. dependent on the uniqueness of the civilisation that Underlying them is the idea that monumentality is a produced it. Definitions of “monument” show that visible representation of power – the power to build whilst meaning is often assumed, it is not universal. such monuments, to make sure everyone knows The Oxford Dictionary (2010) defines a monument about it, and to make sure your creation lasts, which as “a statue, building, or other structure erected to is itself often a sign of the power of an individual. commemorate a notable person or event; a statue or Western discourses about heritage are often accused other structure placed over a grave in memory of the of embodying a range of assumptions about the in- dead; a building, structure, or site that is of historical nate cultural values of heritage. importance or interest; an enduring and memorable “The use of the term monument is particularly example of something.” important in a European context […] the word took Crucially, there are no criteria for why some sites on particular registers of power, greatness and beau- or structures are monuments, and others are not. ty during the 17th century and came to affirm a sense This definition does not entirely line up with ar- of grand public schemes and aesthetic sensibilities. chaeological and heritage definitions, either, which The monument became “a witness to history and make no mention of purpose. Archaeological defini- a work of art” that took on a commemorative role. tions are more concerned with the range of features The very idea of monumentality derives ultimately encompassed by the term, and with how to identify from a ruling and upper middle class experience – monuments. Perhaps the most well known is the the great, grand and good chosen to remind the World Heritage Convention definition. At the 17th public about the values and sensibilities that should UNESCO General Meeting in 1972, the Convention be saved or preserved as representative of identity.” Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and (Smith 2006) Natural Heritage was agreed, containing the follow- Do we unconsciously characterise monuments ing: by what impresses us, according to standards created in our own western history, focussing on power “I. DEFINITION OF THE CULTURAL and durability? Monuments are rarely only about AND NATURAL HERITAGE power, however, whether from the perspective of the builder or the consumer. How individuals view Article 1 monuments is always different, and is dependent For the purposes of this Convention, the following on their perception, and on the ways the monument shall be considered as “cultural heritage”: features in their life. Identity and ideology are driv- monuments: architectural works, works of monumen- ing factors, uniting societies in a shared worldview. tal sculpture and painting, elements or structures of They signify the creation of a collective identity de- an archaeological nature, inscriptions, cave dwell- fined against an “other”. They are important – in the ings and combinations of features, which are of out- past they may have been more important than the standing universal value from the point of view of power required for these monuments. We talk about history, art or science […]” (my italics). the power the kings required to build monuments, but what, perhaps of the faith required to persuade This definition is somewhat self-perpetuating: to people to build a new religious monument? Power take a part of it, monuments are monumental. This assumes co-option of labour, and the ability to co- E. Cunliffe, Modernity, Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study 63 opt resources to pay for that labour. We have records and its changing role in identity and ideology can demonstrating it was often the case in large state be seen in an examination of one of England’s more societies, such as Egypt and Mesopotamia, but in contested monuments – “the Millennium Dome” prehistoric European societies, we have no records. (Fig. 1), built by the government to celebrate the mil- Conceivably, the monuments were demonstrations lennium in London. Applying Schreiber’s criteria, of the faith of societies, rather than of the power of as an archaeologist would define a monument, the individuals? Perhaps because they are so hard to Millennium Dome is clearly monumental. It’s com- study, or perhaps because we live in a largely sec- memorative, it’s large, it used a substantial amount ular society where religion often takes a back seat, of public money, although it remains to be seen how ideologies often take a second place to architectural long it will actually last. Its location was primarily features. dictated by available land in an already heavily built Monumentality is rarely a contested term, but per- up area, and ease of access by public transport, al- haps it should be. Why do we define monumentality though it is highly visible from the River Thames. in such secular terms? Why this focus on the secular It fits all the archaeological definitions of a monu- at the expense of the spiritual? This question is key ment, but these say nothing about the people who to our modern conception of monumentality. In his it is meant to represent, about its purpose, or about 1995 paper, Vattimo suggested that modern society its actual use. It was hotly contested at the time in is reinventing itself in monumentality, and that it terms of its value for money, its appearance, and its has a renewed demand for monuments. He propos- purpose. It began as a commemorative museum, es the purpose of monumentality is to preserve “not harking back to 17th century European ideals: when simply the conditions of life in general, but of this announcing the opening of the Museum in 1998, the particular life […] qualified by its own particular (then) Prime Minister Tony Blair said ”people will history” (Vattimo 1995, 39). Modern western society see the most spectacular celebration anywhere in is struggling as it is taught to question everything. the world to mark the Millennium […]. It is a chance Nothing is safe – religion, science – all are fair game for us all to shape our future and begin the 21st cen- to the modern mind. He suggests that this lack of tury with a sense of purpose, hope and unity. In the permanence in society is finding new outlets in a re- Dome we have a creation that, I believe, will truly be turn to monumentality to define our identities and a beacon to the world” (Blair 1998). ourselves. We seek to make ourselves permanent The public disagreed. With poor visitor turnout in the face of change by creating permanence. Fur- and poor reviews, the museum closed fairly quickly, thermore, our conceptions of monumentality and despite financial bailouts. In 2005 it was bought by the modern creation of monuments cannot help but a telephone company and renamed “The O2”, to be affect our interpretation of monuments in the past. used as an exhibition space and music venue. The Faith is not a major factor in our society, and there- millennium is over: even in ten years, a “monument” fore ideology takes a back seat to power in our focus. can go through several lives, and embody several When applying both the archaeological defini- different meanings. As a music venue, like any oth- tions and more inclusive approaches to the under- er building focussed on catering to current societal standing of modern monuments, and considering fashion, and utilising the most recent technology, it the choices made when rebuilding ancient monu- will probably have a limited lifespan, a far cry from ments in Syria, I intend to show how our concep- the “commemorative beacon” it was envisaged as. tualisation of monumentality has shaped them, and So in its current incarnation, is it still monumental? how it can limit our understanding of them. Our experience of monuments has conditioned us Lacking tighter definition, monumentality is un- to see them as fixed and unchanging, representing a derstood as a global phenomenon, not restricted to particular viewpoint, but this is clearly not the case, any one time, place or people. Monuments are as and archaeologists must consider a broader view to likely to be created today as in the past, and we build fully understand them. commemorative buildings that could be said to have When ancient monuments are interpreted for a monumental character today. Modern monuments tourism purposes, a moment in the history of the reflect modern society, and an examination of a monument is chosen to present to the public, even modern monument can highlight the features of that though monuments incorporate a variety of time- society we wish to emphasise (although that mean- scales, and often features of an earlier date. This is ing is always negotiable, and often contested), and partly to aid public understanding, partly to keep our approaches to understanding it. The breadth of the cost down, but also partly due to our under- meaning of a monument, the public perception of it, standing of monuments. To showcase all the differ- 64 Monuments and Time

Fig. 1. The Millennium Dome. London from the air (photo Jonathan Player, copyright Rex Features). E. Cunliffe, Modernity, Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study 65

Fig. 2. Apamea. The colonnade.

ent lives of the monument would mean changing have been successfully rebuilt or reconstructed. the monument, perhaps altering it to an earlier state, However, I would argue that these reconstructions something we are not comfortable with. The World in fact reveal more about us as a modern society and Heritage Convention Concerning the Protection of our interactions with Syria than they do about the the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972), in a past. These rebuildings and reconstructions can be sense the idealised epitome of western thinking, em- viewed as a form of orientalism – they display the bodies a “conserve as found” philosophy. Numer- western values of culture, possibly because of the ous rules restrict changes to sites, and repairs may early influence of western archaeologists, or the later only be carried out to stop degradation, rather than desires of western tourists. returning the site to how it may once have looked. Syria’s tourism industry is developing rapidly as We are used to monuments which don’t change, and people become aware of the rich heritage that can be which are rarely complete. found. However, a brief consideration of the Syrian Many near eastern civilisations saw time as an tourism “package” suggests that Syrian history is in eternal cycle of ever returning marker entities, al- fact being prepared for a western audience. Many though still linear, proceeding in an overall direc- tourist programs highlight the more familiar later tion (Charvàt 2005; Wyatt 2001). This forced them period ruins that cover Syria, rather than the earlier to conserve the cultural heritage of their ancestors, pre-Greco-Roman histories that began there. Only repeating the creative act of rebuilding the mythical three sites are regularly visited from the earliest pe- prototypes. The rebuilt monuments would incorpo- riods, which are equally important and in fact, na- rate the earlier features and structural plans, but per- tive, and these three are only included on the longer haps become more modern and more grandiose. The tours. Syrian tours, both local and western, choose underlying ideology was a crucial part of the process to focus on the foreign cultures that are more famil- of preservation, creation, and reconstruction. To us iar to the western tourist. The local cultures Syria the idea of rebuilding earlier monuments to preserve produced helped shape our western civilisation as the ideology rather than the building seems strange. much as the later, more familiar Greco-Roman cul- Syria is an area that has only recently become tures. Is it an internal response, recognition of the aware of its own rich heritage, much of which is of a inherent worthiness of these cultures, or an internal “monumental” character. Home to some of the earli- response to external pressures? est cities on the earth, it became a battleground for To take a case study, Apamea is a Greek built town multiple successive empires, each of whom left an that was occupied through to the Byzantine period. architectural mark. Early accounts suggest that it Excavations have been ongoing since the 1930s by was not until the twentieth century that the Syrians a Belgian team: numerous mosaics and other arte- became interested in the non-Islamic parts of their facts have been found, most of which have been re- history, but they are now actively promoting aware- moved for proper conservation, and are displayed ness and understanding of the richness and diversi- in a nearby museum. 400 of the 1200 columns of the ty of their heritage, and several sites of various dates 1.2 km long main street have been re-erected (Fig. 2), 66 Monuments and Time paid for by a Syrian philanthropist. Recent writings near eastern cultures. In the west, Rome remains a about the site, both academic and tourist, describe golden era of civilisation, and it is this attitude we the colonnade as monumental (e. g. Segal 1997). The bring with us, forgetting that in the east, civilisation simple act of rebuilding this notable Greco-Roman already stretched back thousands of years and Rome monument raises questions. Why is this the feature was the oppressor. The city continued long past that has been emphasised? What makes it monu- the Greeks who built it, but we focus on the famil- mental? We recognise the size of this large public iar history of the city, forgetting the later societies work, and are naturally impressed by the scale, and who lived there. Are the Syrians deliberately choos- obvious amounts of labour, whilst missing any sig- ing to focus on the aspects of the site we would find nificance it may have had to the people who lived familiar, or are they, like us, conditioned to look for there. Furthermore the so-called durability of the the homogeneous Greco-Roman culture, at the ex- monument is artificial – the columns were toppled pense of their own unique, native adaptation of that by successive earthquakes, but have been rebuilt. In culture. We see the Greco-Roman culture, but not labelling the colonnade monumental, we are making Syria under the Greeks and Romans, or during the assumptions about it. periods following them. The site is familiar, and is Tourists can wander down the main street with its given the impressive label “monumental” against re-erected columns and visit some of the remaining assumed inherent criteria, rather than any actual ap- buildings, such as the church, temple, hypogeum plied criteria. Remembering Vattimo’s argument, is and amphitheatre. However, the town is notable it ourselves we seek to define, and through our defi- now for its stunning, isolated location, and the main nitions, are we in turn influencing Syria? colonnaded street, although in antiquity it was fa- Syria’s more ancient past has also been a focus mous for its elephant taming, and the rich pasture for reconstruction. As the legacy of the first civili- provided excellent breeding ground for the army’s sations and their impact has become known to the horses. There is little to see on the site of the finds, or world, their appeal has widened, and Syria is justly of the city it must have once been. The ruins, and es- proud of this history, promoting these monuments pecially the columns, emphasise the homogeneous to a wide audience. The site of Mari (Tell Hariri) is “romanness” of the site, rather than any particularly particularly famous. It was discovered in 1933, in unique features that may have made it “Syrian”. A eastern Syria near the Iraqi border. Digging began in favoured stop with tourists, it is popular now for 1933 by archaeologists from the Louvre in Paris, and reasons that have nothing to do with its previous has continued in annual campaigns from 1933 – 39, fame. It speaks to our expectations of the familiar, 1951 – 75, and since 1979. Less than half of the 1000 of faded glory, beautiful, isolated ruins, an idealis- by 600-meter area had been uncovered as of 2005. tic Roman past which we all share and understand, Mari was occupied from at least 2900 bc, but was whereas the reality would have been different. This eventually sacked by Hammurabi of Babylon in is the sort of site enjoyed by western tourists and is 1759 bc, and never really recovered. When the city more popular than the more educational museum. was sacked, the walls, particularly of the palace, fell The minimalist reconstruction may not educate as in on themselves, preserving them to a height of over much as a more detailed reconstruction might, but it 5 m. Many finds, murals, and even food remains speaks to us on an ingrained level. The new museum were found preserved in the rooms. The architecture suggests that finance is not the only reason to keep of the palace is often described as monumental (see the site the way it is – it speaks to our “conserve as Pollock 1999 for a general discussion on Mesopota- found” philosophy of monuments, and encourages mian architecture). Again it is large, involved large tourism. Without the need to rebuild an entire city, amounts of labour and resources; sited on the citadel Syria is able to present its history in a way we can en- it would have been visible across the landscape, and gage with. Is this an attempt for Syria to see itself on the tell remains today. It clearly fits Schreiber’s crite- our terms, influenced by our concepts of monumen- ria of monumentality. tality? Or is this in fact a response to our attempts to The palace has been partly reconstructed and see only the familiar in Syria? partly rebuilt (Fig. 3). Although the palace predated Ball (2000) argues that a frequent assumption is Zimri-Lim, the last ruler, it is named after him, high- made of the supposed domination of the near east lighting our tendency to choose a single moment in by western values, western institutions and west- a monument’s life. Despite the rich range of finds, ern character. It has long been customary to search the reconstruction is of the walls only, rebuilt to the the Middle East for evidence of something Greek preserved height of approximately 5 m. Initially left or Roman, almost to the exclusion of the existing uncovered and open to the elements, the walls of the E. Cunliffe, Modernity, Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study 67

Fig. 3. Mari (Tell Hariri). The reconstruction of Zimri-Lim’s palace.

palace (and the excavated areas) quickly began to sociate monuments with life, and the daily lives of degrade. A roof was built over most of the palace, the people who used them, because we often have preserving the crumbling reconstruction, whilst the so little evidence of it, but the feeling of otherness is rest of the site was left to degrade, and it is this that emphasised here. the visitor experiences. There is little to see, and the This act of denuding the monument has a curious, palace lacks context. It is hard to interpret, and the unintended side effect. When preserving the monu- dust covered roof (an unavoidable phenomenon in mental nature of a building, but divorcing it from the desert) filters only wan yellow light down onto its finds and context, are we accidentally preserving the mudbrick, giving the feeling of a still tomb. the powerful over the individual? We, the visitors, The difficulties of preserving finds in situ in this are encouraged to think more of the building than kind of environment have been known since they of its purpose, or the people who lived there. The were first discovered by the earliest antiquarians, so impression we take away is one of monumentality, preservation in museums remains the only chance but it is an artificial idea of the monuments that were they have. And yet, by removing the decoration, the hallmark of this culture. In reconstructing a pal- the disparity between scale and function is actually ace, we focus on the great, grand and good. Power, highlighted, one of the criteria of monumentality. size, permanence, and the state rather than the indi- It could be said that this is a palace frozen in time: vidual, are the key elements of this reconstruction, it has a long occupation history, but stripped of its very much in line with Schreiber’s criteria. We do context, it is almost as if a new time has been cre- not know, and are not encouraged to ask how the ated, a vision of the palace how it may never have people who lived and worked there viewed the pal- looked, more monumental than ever. We rarely as- ace, whether to them it was a monument, defining 68 Monuments and Time them and their society against the ‘other‘ outside the the aesthetics that might display the beliefs of the city walls. people who lived there. The construction of the city This reconstruction is not unique. To examine an- had an ideological basis: it was seen as a primordial other site, Tell Beydar is located in the Upper Syrian act, the formation of order from chaos. Stelae such Jezirah. The Syrian-European Mission at Tell Beydar as the stela of Ur-Namma of Ur and the Hammu- started in 1992, and it has been excavated annually rabi stela show the king establishing the foundations since. Tell Beydar, the ancient city of Nabada, is a of the city, a metaphor for the manifestation of the medium-size town, built on several terraces and divine order. Here, the architecture is emphasised protected by two city walls and seven gates. Its main over the finds – the monumental over the minute – occupation dates back to the third millennium bc. power over aesthetics or ideology. Yet on the other Reconstruction work was undertaken on the site hand, it is the building itself that is emphasised, and at the request of the Syrian Directorate General of the creation of that building from chaos – how better Antiquities and Museums (DGAM) almost a decade to emphasise the divine act than by replicating it? ago, as part of their program to encourage tourism These modern mudbrick monuments reflect a and enhance their archaeological sites. At this par- curious blend of ideologies. Would you rebuild the ticular site, the reconstructions, which again are of Sistine chapel without the painted ceiling? Yet re- the monumental palace architecture, attempt to building the palaces as they may once have looked highlight the changing nature of the site. Two palac- would have been extremely expensive, and the cost es were reconstructed – one dating from the Bronze of maintaining them in the current climate is pro- Age (c. 2400 bc), and one dating from the Hellenistic hibitive, and potentially unnecessary. Perhaps at Tell period (c. 150 bc). Where possible, the original walls Beydar it may have been better to build one palace were repaired or rebuilt, and where those walls were to a higher standard than two palace facades, or to too degraded to be rebuilt, they were reconstructed. focus on only one monument, rather than several. None of the walls were rebuilt above the height of What to show to the tourist, how to package or rep- the surviving walls: conserve as found. All the finds resent the building, are always choices. In the case have been removed to preserve them, leaving a shell, of Beydar, it was decided to show how the architec- almost like a builders’ show home, and none have tural styles changed over time, the continuing im- been included in the reconstruction. I have made portance of the area with successive palaces, and the an extensive study of the landscape around the tell, long history of occupation of the tell, rather than to and it has little resemblance to how it would have focus on one much more expensive reconstruction, looked at the time these palaces were in use. Our cri- with artwork which could not be maintained (Fig. 4). teria of monumentality fit this reconstruction well: it The purpose of these monuments is to attract leaves the visitor impressed by the achievements of tourism, and tourists to sites such as these usually our forebears with little understanding of their daily wish to be educated as much as to gawk at spectacle. lives. Yet they do not represent what the palaces, or the We know the palace at Mari was covered with re- sites more generally, or even the area, would have liefs, and one of the most elaborate palaces recorded been like: they only give an impression of it. But how by early antiquarians was the Assyrian palace of much would the visitor take away? Perhaps an im- Sennacherib. pression of monumental mudbrick walls, grounded “No less than halls, chambers, and passages” in in a familiar understanding of the role and purpose the palace of Sennacherib were opened, and their of monumentality is enough to help them remember walls were covered with “by a rough calculation […] a civilisation so different to their own. In presenting nearly two miles, of bas reliefs, with twenty-seven the monumental architecture of the great, grand and portals, formed by colossal winged bulls and lion- good, tourists are able to appreciate the significance sphinxes” (A. H. Layard in Fagan 2007). of the architecture, judge its quality, and form posi- It is hard for the visitor to even conceptualise such tive associations of the culture. These buildings are a building from the reconstructions. The goal here out of context, stripped to their essential elements, is not, it appears, to learn about the past, but to be in a strange parody of the divine act of creation of impressed by it. Beydar, at least, has excellent ex- the ancient kings. They tell us only basic informa- planatory plaques in English and Arabic, detailing tion about the societies they represented, little about the site, but the money for these has run out. how they would have looked in situ, or how they In a sense, these buildings are removed from their would have been used or regarded, but for the tour- ideological component, as all that is shown to the ist, perhaps this is enough. Perhaps they represent a visitor is the physical act of building, with none of modern act of creation from chaos, a singular vision E. Cunliffe, Modernity, Modernity, Monumentality and the Moment: A Syrian Case Study 69

Fig. 4. Tell Beydar. The reconstructed Hellenistic palace.

of the past that reminds us of its power, and in doing These monuments, blends of ancient and modern, so, of our own. Architecture represents not only who operate on fundamentally different terms to their we might ideally be, but also where we might ideally predecessors, embodying the ideology of the pre- have come from. sent day. This leads to a discrepancy between the When recreating the achievements of these socie- intended ancient monumentality as perceived by its ties, achievements are chosen which remember the creators, and the audience, and the received monu- European aesthetic, and its formative role in our mentality as we see it. This is shown in the Syrian identity, despite the location of these societies, far reconstructions – they are devoid of the ideologies outside Europe. In focussing on those achievements they were created with, and tend to fix our con- that we recognise in our own society, we elevate ception of these monuments in a single moment in other civilisations to the pinnacle of human achieve- time. Viewed from our perspective, we do not look ments, creating an idealised image of our past, and for changes, but for how to keep them the same. In our future. Why then, is it this western European creating permanence from the ancient societies that concept of achievement and identity that is rebuilt shaped our own, we give ourselves permanence to- in Syria, focussing on a past we can identify with? day, recreating our own identity, and approaching Is it simply a matter of cost, or a desire to increase the past on our terms, reconstructing “this particular tourism by appealing to western ideals? Or is it in life”. fact that the western ideals of heritage, brought by Archaeologists and heritage managers must con- the early European antiquarians, have become em- sider the future of their excavations at the same time bedded in Syrian philosophies? Monuments are con- as they consider their past. How we approach this served as found, and reflect size and power, rather future reflects how we conceptualise the past, how than the lives of the native people. Scale is empha- we consume it and how we share it, allowing us to sised over skill, and technology over technique. know not only this particular life, but also the lives and beliefs of those we study. 70 Monuments and Time

References

Ball 2000 W. Ball, Rome in the east: The transformation of an em- Oxford Dictionary 2010 pire (London, New York 2000). “Monument”, Oxford Dictionaries (Oxford): http://ox- Barrett 1990 forddictionaries.com/definition/monument (Accessed J. C. Barrett, The monumentality of death: The charac- 05. 04. 2011). ter of Early Bronze Age mortuary mounds in Southern Pollock 1999 Britain. World Arch. 22 (2), 1990, 179 – 189. S. Pollock, Ancient Mesopotamia (Cambridge 1999). Blair 1998 Pollock / Bernbeck 2005 T. Blair, The dome: A message from Tony Blair. 24 Feb- S. Pollock / R. Bernbeck (eds.), Archaeologies of the ruary 1998: Launch of the Dome contents. http://wwp. Middle East: Critical perspectives (Oxford 2005). millennium-dome.com/experience/pm.htm Accessed 06. 04. 2011. Schreiber 2009 Boukhari 1996 K. Schreiber, Metaphor, monumentality and memory: S. Boukhari, Beyond the monuments: A living heritage. The imagery of power on the ancient landscape. In: Unesco Sources 80, 1996, 7. S. Falconer / C. Redman (eds.), Polities and Power: Ar- Bradley 1985 chaeological perspectives on the landscape of early R. Bradley, Consumption, change and the archaeologi- states (Tuscon 2009) 73 – 79. cal record: The archaeology of monuments and the ar- Segal 1997 chaeology of deliberate deposits. Univ. Edinburgh, Dep. A. Segal, From function to monument: Urban land- Arch. Occasional Paper 13 (Edinburgh 1985). scapes of Roman Palestine, Syria and Provincial Arabia. Brentschneider et al. 2007 Oxbow Monogr. 66 (Oxford 1997). J. Brentschneider / J. Driessen / K. van Lerberghe Sherratt 1990 (eds.), Power and architecture: Monumental public A. Sherratt, The genesis of megaliths: Monumentality, architecture in the Bronze Age Near East and Aegean ethnicity and social complexity in Neolithic Northwest (Leuven 2007). Europe. World Arch. 22 (2), 1990, 147 – 167. Shennan 1983 Charvàt 2005 S. Shennan, Monuments: An example of archaeologist’s P. Charvàt, The ancient Sumerians in the tides of approach to the massively material. Royal. Anthrop. time. In: S. Pollock / R. Bernbeck (eds.), Archaeologies Inst. Newsletter 59, 1983, 9 – 11. of the Middle East: Critical perspectives (Oxford 2005) Sinopoli 1994 271 – 285. C. Sinopoli, The archaeology of empires. Annu. Rev. Anthr. 23, 1994, 159 – 180. De Botton 2006 Smith 2003 A. De Botton, The significance of architecture 1. The A. Smith, The political landscape (Berkeley 2003). architecture of happiness. http://www.enotalone.com/ Smith 2006 article/17048.html (Accessed 05. 04. 2011). L. Smith, Uses of heritage (Oxford 2006). Tell Beydar 2009 Fagan 2007 www.beydar.com (Accessed 06. 04. 2011). B. Fagan, Return to Babylon: Travellers, archaeologists, and monuments in Mesopotamia (Colorado 2007). Unesco 1972 Falconer / Redman 2009 Convention concerning the protection of the World Cul- S. Falconer / C. Redman (eds.), Polities and power: tural and Natural Heritage (1972): http://whc.unesco. Archaeological perspectives on the landscape of early org/en/conventiontext (Accessed 05 04 2011). states (Tuscon 2009). Vattimo 1995 Foxhall 2000 G. Vattimo, Postmodernity and new monumentality. L. Foxhall, The running sands of time: Archaeology RES. Anthr. and Aesthetics 28, 1995, 39 – 46. and the short-term. World Arch. 31 (3), 2000, 484 – 498. Wengrow 2010 Kultermann 1999 D. Wengrow, What makes civilisation (Oxford 2010). U. Kultermann, Contemporary architecture in Arab Wyatt 2001 States: Renaissance of a region (New York 1999). N. Wyatt, Space and time in the religious life of the An- cient Near East (Sheffield 2001). Mari, Syria 2011 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mari,_Syria (Accessed 06. 04. 2011). Emma Cunliffe McCoy Owens 2002 Durham University B. McCoy Owens, Monumentality, identity and the Department of Archaeology state: Local practice, World Heritage and Heterotopia South Road, Durham at Swayambhu, Nepal. Anthr. Quarterly 72 (2), 2002, DH1 3LE UK 269 – 316. [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Joshua Wright Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 73

Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia

Joshua Wright

abstract The monumental landscapes of Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Inner Asia are the most charismatic and enduring archaeological remains in their region. Frequently these sites are situated to take advantage of the underlying landforms as stages, backdrops and vistas that could be incorporated into their use. These underlying surfaces, constructed visual networks, and incorporated spaces create monumental landscapes that can tie together both sweeping mountain valleys and immediate locale places. These are not locales dominated by a single enduring structure, but those inhabited by constellations of structures frequently of different forms and types and rooted in different times and different socioeconomic contexts. Each monument in a complex of structures must have been built in relation to those already present around it and frequently following systematic patterns of formation, reformation and reinterpretation that were quite widespread. The experience of visitors to these sites would have ranged from personal participation in construction and use, through an informed reading of a structure, to a new reading of an unknown monument and its incorporation into, or exclusion from, the existing monumental regime in some way. This paper will discuss the biographies of several monumental constellations in forested steppe and arid regions of Mongolia and Xinjiang, China, highlighting their growth, reuse, remodeling and re-orientation into their surrounding landscape. The landscapes and sites discussed are founded mainly in the Bronze and Early Iron Age (3500 – 2600 bp), and exhibit reuse through the Early Medieval period (1300 – 1100 bp) and retain importance up into the present day.

Monuments are defined by the actions and choic- are forgotten these monuments are recreated, modi- es that create them and their enduring nature that fied and respectably incorporated into a new com- makes them carriers of memory and temporality in plex by new participants. In this way the meanings the landscape for those who live with them, and also of the monuments are flexible, but never completely accessible records of the past for all who visit them eclipsed. (Bradley 1993; Ingold 1993). This paper will present This paper will present the long biographies, and examples of monuments built by the mobile foragers interpretations, of several monumental complexes in and pastoral nomads of Inner Asia (Barfield 1993; the steppe and forested steppe of Inner Asia (Fig. 1). I Okladnikov 1990; Vainshtein 1980). People with a will emphasize the ways in which pre-existing struc- necessary need to communicate their presence when tures are respected as new ones are added to groups absent, signal their solidarity as a group when they of monuments and the place of these monumental are spatially diffuse, and demonstrate their ability to groups in broader socio-economic change. memorialize and reorganize their social structure as their economic and social organization transformed and space and place became highly contested (Low / Lawrence-Zúñiga 2003, 18). These structures A round up of the usual suspects are memorial and enduring, like all monuments, but they are also participatory. This is another area Stone monuments are the richest landscape data set in which the dynamism of the monuments comes available across much of Inner Asia. The examples through, as they endure but, in some cases, even be- discussed here are types that are found through fore the original moments for which they were built much of Mongolia and the surrounding territory.

A l ta i M Egiin Gol o u n ta in s Kha nga i M o un ta ULAANBAATAR in s Baga Gazaryn Chuluu

Mongolia and the Inner Asian Steppe BEIJING

Areas Higher than 2000 masl

0 300 Kilometers N

Fig. 1. Mongolia and the surrounding regions. The two research areas discussed in this paper are shown, the Egiin Gol Valley, Bulgan Aimag, and Baga Gazaryn Chuluu, in Dundgovi Aimag.

Even within this limited selection, there is great ideology about the natural world and human soci- variation in monumental forms and configurations ety (Jacobson 1993; Jacobson-Tepfer 2001), but for ranging from mixed complexes to general monu- our purposes here their iconography is set aside and mental types composed of selections of similar com- their place in monumental groups is touched upon. ponents, to simply monuments of the same form but Deer stones date to the Bronze and Early Iron Age, quite different sizes. Roughly, we can start by divid- 3200 – 2700 bp (Fitzhugh 2009). ing the structures to be discussed into two groups, The central monumental form for much of this monuments that are known to be burials of differ- region is the khirigsuur; these are made up of a pat- ent periods. These forms reliably contain human re- terned arrangement of ground level alignments and mains when excavated. The other class of structures small mounds surrounding a central stone mound. in which the form and exterior function of the mon- The components of a khirigsuur are similar, but their uments take precedence over their contents, these arrangements are frequently varied and exceptional monuments sometimes contain bodies of humans or elements added; this creates complex and variable animals as part of their construction, but their key final forms that are best thought of as elements in valence is above ground. a monumental vocabulary doubtlessly accessible The following discussion will center on the inter- to the users of the monuments (Tsybiktarov 1995; relationships and changes in several forms of monu- Wright 2007). ments. Firstly, deer stones: these are visually distinc- Khirigsuur structure divides and emphasizes the tive, artistic, carved stones, showing animal-human space around them and can structure experiences forms, abstractions, or personal equipment. They around the monuments. For this reason, khirig- provide insights into complex patterns of belief and suurs can be seen primarily as social monuments J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 75 that provide a place to demonstrate social distinc- ner Asian landscape. This limited sample of some tions and provide a stage on which to carry out of the usual suspects for analysis of the Bronze Age multi-part performances and rituals. The variable make clear the range of variation even with the con- component vocabulary and potential for active use ventional types of monuments, but also the common strongly suggest that khirigsuurs are repeatedly factors that would have been meaningful and “read- visited and modified throughout their use lives and able” to the people who participated in the building, would clearly become the loci of memory, as impor- revisiting and remodeling of the structures. tant events were recorded in their stone structures. Though these monuments are certainly mechanisms for demonstrating and maintaining social difference, they also bring people together as participants and Complexes audience and this suggests that they were living monuments that promoted a participatory and event The structural components and variation of monu- centered social ideology. ments provide critical information for understand- The next monumental form is the slab burial. ing those monuments, but it is the arrangement of These are examples of a general type of individual forms that carries the clearest information about the burial containing horse remains, human skeletons, passage of time on the monumental landscape of In- bronze objects, and pieces of saddlery and the like ner Asia. In this region, the great florescence of char- that are associated with Bronze Age nomadic pas- ismatic monument building is between the Early toralists. Slab burials are very much the opposite Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age (c. 3600 – 2600 bp) sort of monument to khirigsuurs; alone they do not — a time of economic transformation from hunt- have a lot of elaboration of their surrounding spaces, ing and gathering to pastoralism and, based on the and they have fewer but larger stones used in their monumental mortuary record, a transition of social construction. They are rectangular structures built of organization and material culture. During this 1000 large and small slabs of stone set on edge. There are year period some individual forms of monuments usually smaller stones inside the enclosure and their were in style for a few centuries, while others span sizes range around 2.5 and 6 meters on the longest the entire period. The relatively long term use of a side and they are frequently oriented northwest – lot of monumental settings or locales means that al- southeast. In some regions, such as Egiin Gol, they most all monumental complexes grow additively. are the only Bronze Age burial form found; in oth- And must, therefore, have been built in reference to er regions, such as Baga Gazaryn Chuluu, they are already existing structures and the settings. one of several monumental forms from this period. The plans of complexes are usually balanced, in Widely excavated in Egiin Gol and other regions of that there are relatively regular distances between Mongolia and southern Siberia they have almost all structures, but as space and access to raw materi- been dug into soon after they are built, an act that als gets tight there is crowding and a breaking up emphasizes the importance of their contents. In the of the continuous spatial patterning. Although this Lower Egiin Gol slab burials date from 3600 – 2400 bp is the case, building as part of a complex of monu- (Erdenebaatar 1992; Turbat et al. 2003; Wright ments seems to have been more important than et al. 2007). maintaining the balanced pattern over the long term. Finally, shaped burials are a different example of The additive nature of complexes and the spatial the Bronze Age burial type. These are large hour- arrangement of different monumental forms pro- glass shaped stone platforms. The usual examples vide another level of information about the use and are 7 – 12 m long, but here are much smaller and meaning of monuments above and beyond the vari- much larger examples, and oriented northeast – ance of the individual structures. southwest with a line of standing slabs at the east end and single standing stones at the corners. Though there are excavated examples that contain human remains similar to slab burials (Kovalev / Erdene- Monumental settings baatar 2009) this is not the rule, and these are monuments similar to those varieties with elaborate surface As one finds and records the monuments of Inner structures. In western Mongolia these monuments Asia it is clear that they are closely related to the date to 3400 – 3100 bp (Kovalev / Erdenebaatar 2009). landforms that surround them. Rocky slopes, cliffs, These four types alone are not the complete cor- mountains, and river terraces make up dramatic pus of patterned monumental structures on the In- stage settings and backdrops, and there is the sim- 76 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 2. EGS 132, Lower Egiin Gol Valley. A composite illustration of the excavations and features showing the various periods of activity at the site. The lower portion depicts scrapers from atop the loess subsurface of the terrace. Khirigsuur 132a rests immediately atop this material. The deer stone is contemporary with nearby pottery (unillustrated) from the plowzone soil above the lithics. Iron Age, Xiongnu, and modern artifacts were found amid the stones of the khirigsuur. Small stone mounds and pavements contain Bronze and Early Iron Age faunal material as well as later ceramics and lithics and faunal remains from the Türk and Medieval period.

ple efficiency of finding and transporting the raw terms of a classic GIS based viewshed analysis, what materials to build a monument making rocky areas is key here is not the reach of the viewshed, but the and outcrops favorable for monument building, but regularity and definition of the edges of the range of the relationship of monuments and topography goes visibility. In effect, a complex’s effect is far beyond its beyond that. immediate area — it encompasses viewers and other Looking at the monuments of the Bronze Age in visible monuments almost immediately. This is one the forested steppe there are common locations that of the reasons why a new monument would be more are favored for groups of monuments; following the powerful if placed near others that already dominate bases of ridges, in the flat area where valleys come the immediate area. This description is based in the together, at the edges of terraces, or the noses of Bronze Age, but visibility and invisibility are an im- ridges. These are settings with visual impact, but not portant part of monumental staging throughout the necessarily with visibility. In the Bronze Age of the history and prehistory of Inner Asia. Altai mountains in western Mongolia, the reflection of a far away snow-capped mountain is brought immediately to the monumental zone by the “spatial imperative” of a monumental viewshed (Jacobson- Complexes biographies Tepfer et al. 2010); in the more local settings of the forested steppe a similar spatial imperative draws In the three examples of complex biographies that viewers from the middle distance, where monu- follow, the themes of temporality, additive construc- ments and activities at them are visible in some de- tion, and exploitation of choice settings will be il- tail, immediately into the complexes themselves. In lustrated. The first example of temporality and the J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 77 continuity and discontinuity of use of monumen- 2007). This date range also touches the typical dates tal space is provided by the complex at EGS 132, for deer stones in other regions of northern Mongo- in the Lower Egiin Gol Valley of northern Mongo- lia (Fitzhugh 2009). lia (Fig. 1). This site is a place that moves back and At this stage we see the second monumental con- forth from what would be classified as habitation, to figuration, adding the deer stone, and possibly more a monumental and venerated locale and back again associated khirigsuurs, and khirigsuur components. as people lived among the monuments (Richards This configuration includes continuing use of earlier 2005). The EGS 132 complex stands on one lobe of a monuments of the Epi-paleolithic or Early Bronze truncated fan extending into the valley of a tributary Age, demonstrated by an excavated horse head sat- stream of the river. In the past the stream has cut the ellite close in to khirigsuur 132a and bottoming out face of the loess and gravel terrace, though it now just above the loess surface, another practice typical flows 300 meters away. For all of its documented of the Bronze and Early Iron Age. The addition of the occupation history this site has overlooked a mix of deer stone also configures this site as a “fan site”, a wetland grasses and stream-side thickets. Currently typical arrangement of monuments across the region this portion of the valley is the regular winter camp- in which a clearly visible deer stone marks the foot of ing area of an extended family of pastoral nomads. a raised fan and a range of monumental forms climb Today this site is made up of a group of khirigsu- back up the fan behind it (for example Marcolongo urs, their associated small mounds and a standing 2005). These types of sites can be seen either as non- deer stone — the only example of one of these iconic mortuary place-making associated with the Bronze Late Bronze Age or Early Iron Age monuments in and Early Iron Age movements towards individual- this valley. The surface of ground here is scattered izing burials and lineage recognition in monuments, with Epi-paleolithic or Early Bronze Age chipped or as the opposite of this. In which case these older, stone and ceramics from the late Türk period, turned more group oriented, complexes are being “modern- up by shallow plowing during the 19th or early 20th ized” with the addition of current motifs and monu- century. Several excavations have been carried out ments as part of a contested landscape related to the here providing a sequence of activities at the site. spread of that lineage building ideology. Figure 2 is a schematic section of several of those It is clear from figure 2 that this is not the final use excavations; it is a combination along a single plain of of this site. The scattering of antler fragments found four interrelated, but not connected, excavation units within the khirigsuurs — along with a wide selec- that illustrates the interrelationships of a khirigsuur tion of modern remains — speaks to the continued and its associated artifacts and features. The terrace is use of the mound in the Iron Age as a devotional made up of coarse and sandy transported periglacial structure in the manner of a modern ovoo monument loess, probably deposited during the Pleistocene de- (Evans / Humphrey 2003; Pedersen 2003). Ceramics glaciation of southern Siberia. Atop this loess, at the from among the stones and in the mixed midden contact with the existing soil horizons on the terrace deposits close to the khirigsuur 132a suggest this is a surface scattered with the microlithic chipped area was inhabited during this period and before the stone debitage, bone and bead fragments — a typical Xiongnu period (2400 – 1600 bp)(Amartuvshin 2003; Epi-paleolithic assemblage. Assemblages of these ar- Wright et al. 2009). The terrace was also inhabited tifacts from graves throughout the region have been during the late Türk period, the time of the Uyghur dated as recently as c. 3700 bp (Jia et al. 2009; Weber Empire (1200 – 1050 bp). The inhabitants of the ter- 1995). Cut into this same terrace are the core slabs race left before fine ware pottery, and a selection of khirigsuur 132a, directly sealing the lithics below of mounds and pavements built around the khirig- them. This marks the beginning of monumental con- suur mounds. Though they may be the remains of struction on the terrace. Historic plowing and later habitation features, these features are located with- habitation have disturbed the upper soil horizons, in the devotional arrays of the khirigsuurs, which but the general sequence is still discernible. After the points towards a continued tradition veneration of monuments were built, a distinctly Bronze Age ce- these now more than two millennia old khirigsuur ramic assemblage was deposited at the foot of the mounds. terrace; this lowest strata in the soil above the loess The final major period of use on this terrace was may have been cut as the fan was truncated and lit- the incorporation of the broad flat ground into an tle of it remained in the excavations. Similar ceram- agricultural plantation managed from the Buddhist ics have been dated between 2800 – 2400 bp in burials monastery farther up the valley. A main canal took in the same valley, and earlier in other parts of the water off the stream three kilometers up the valley Lower Egiin Gol (Turbat et al. 2003; Wright et al. as it passed over the terrace, and distributed it into 78 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

of monuments built in a long, wide clearing amid the lower ridges of BGC. The grassy terrace provides an easy approach up to the foot of the southern face of one of the peaks of the rocky hills (Fig. 4). This locale served as a mortuary setting for around two thousand years. Initially an hour-glass shaped “shaped burial” or “figural burial” was built close up against the rock face. There are no dated examples of these monuments at Baga Gazaryn Chuluu, but in the Western Mongolian Altai they have been dated between 3400 – 3100 bp (Kovalev / Erdenebaatar 2009). At Baga Gazaryn Chuluu these are the earliest form of monument in evidence. The next monument in the sequence is a slab burial, but an example with high corner posts reminiscent of a shaped burial and a small rock mound to the south that might be the fixture for a standing post or lost standing stone. At Baga Gazaryn Chuluu slab burial dates range between 3366 – 2300 bp. These two monumental forms are associated with the Bronze and Early Iron Age and the adoption and spread of nomadic pastoralism. Finally, the last burials placed here are of the Türk period (1450 – 1050 bp) (Wright / Amartuvshin 2009). Two rings or mounds were built, one close in between the other two monuments, and the other farthest away from the rock face. This second monu- Fig. 3. EGS 132 area, Lower Egiin Gol Valley, aerial view. Khirigsuur 132a is the southernmost monument. The im- ment is more elaborate, made so by the addition of a age clearly shows the remains of 19th or early 20th centu- 28 meter long line of small standing stones running ry agricultural fields and canals built on the terrace and eastward from the burial mound. slopes above it. The largest khirigsuur, 132b, can be seen Without modification this is a distinctive locale to have affected the canals around it. offering easy access to the higher rocks and positioning them as a backdrop for any activity here, the location of the grassy front lawn area and the tre- mendous vista it offers out to the far horizon and, in direct opposition to these factors, its relative invisibility. Despite the potential of the immediate locale, small feeder channels that supplied a series of fields. it is not visible from a nearby pass or from the lower Out of respect, or a desire not to move the stones, elevation areas below it. the builders of these canals respected the khirigsuur Exploiting relative invisibility was one of the mounds, in one case bending a small channel around ways in which power was demonstrated by many of a mound (Fig. 3). the monument builders of the Türk period at BGC, which may be one of the reasons why they chose this locale and respected the monuments already standing there. Respect is the word chosen here because Invisibility and respect of the long duration between each phase of monument building; the two Bronze Age monuments are The next example also begins with the recognition relatively close in time and the later is built without of a favorable place, and illustrates the changes in slighting the earlier one, which is not too surprising. the use of monumental locales, encompasses many But the Türks did not modify the existing structures of the same chronological periods, but comes from (as they did at other locales in Baga Gazaryn Chu- a different region — the rocky hills of Baga Gazaryn luu), only added their own layer to the site. Over Chuluu, a visually spectacular weathered igneous 2000 years people recognized this as a mortuary lo- rock formation set among the rolling desert steppe cale and built there without contesting the ground of the northern Gobi (Fig. 1). Here we see a complex with the existing monuments. J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 79

Fig. 4. Baga Gazaryn Chuluu in Dundgovi Aimag. The site of BGC 296, a multi-period monumental complex on a terrace in the hills. The site offers wide views over the surrounding steppe, but is hidden from nearby view by the surrounding outcrops and cliffs. Three phases of monumental construction are visible here, an Early Bronze Age shaped burial (being measured) in the foreground, a Bronze or Early Iron Age slab burial (with three visible standing corner slabs), and a Türk period burial and line of small standing stones (being drawn).

Grave theater grave suggests they were looted for the bronze or gold that they contained, but another option is that “Contested spaces give material expression to and there was a tradition of active reincorporation of the act as loci for creating and promulgating, counter- dead into society (Barrett 1996; Seeman 1979). ing, and negotiating dominant cultural themes […]. To examine the relationship between the living Spaces are contested precisely because they concre- and the dead in more detail we must look at the tize the fundamental and recurring, but otherwise way in which slab burials are added to monumental unexamined, ideological, and social frameworks complexes. In almost every case this means exam- that structure practice.” (Low / Lawrence-Zúñiga ining how they are associated with khirigsuurs. In 2003, 18) the dense monumental landscape of the Lower Egiin The final example to be presented here is one of Gol 23 out of 30 locales with slab burials also include a contest for monumental spaces that shows ten- other monument types and 16 of those locales are sions between individualizing mortuary ideology of multiple khirigsuur complexes (Fig. 5) (Wright et al. Bronze Age nomadic pastoralism and the monument 2007). Recalling the earlier brief introduction to khi centered social ritual of the Pre-Bronze Age. The icon- rigsuur monuments, the real power of khirigsuurs is ic monument of Bronze Age nomadic pastoralism is the way in which their configurations, and arrange- the slab burial. From excavations it is clear that the ment into complexes allow people to organize them- great majority of these burials have been opened up, selves and recognize difference and similarity with and portions of the bodies and grave goods removed a group. soon after they were buried. Frequently ungraceful Data on khirigsuur complexes from the Lower and thorough removal of skeletons and objects in the Egiin Gol and Baga Gazaryn Chuluu illustrates this 80 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 5. Egiin Gol, Bulgan Aimag. The area of the survey showing the locations of monuments of the long Bronze Age. White squares represent slab burials, and circles are khirigsuur and mound monuments. This map provides an impression of the density of the monuments on the landscape and the close interrelationship between slab burials and khirigsuurs.

process of slab burial incorporation in three phases. satellites, and in some cases the central mounds Many monument complexes are long linear sites themselves. They are in place of components that or regular clusters that are khirigsuur dominated might either contain ritual depositions, and those locales where the interrelationships of those monu- that control access and divide space. During this ments shape how they are seen and used over time phase, the khirigsuur complexes still hold on to their as new components are added. Slab burials join these previous importance for creating places and demon- sites at their peripheries (Fig. 6A). They are close strating distinctions between people, but the buried enough to be making references to the linear forms dead are members of that society and by virtue of and to the foci of the clusters, but the slab burials are being memorialized within social monuments are never in a central position and rarely even near the able take part in the action there. centers of the complexes. The burials appear to be In the final phase, slab burials come to dominate late additions to big khirigsuur complexes, and thus the monumental assemblage and though khirigsu- provide a terminus ante quem measure for the com- urs may still be present they lack elaborate ground plexes themselves – by being, most probably, the last level features and serve mainly as foci for slab burial monuments added to them. In practice, these slab groups (Fig. 6C). The khirigsuur has not completely burials are built where they are simply to be close to ceased to be important, as witnessed by the revised the important khirigsuur complexes. fence line and small satellites at BGC-217, and though The second phase pattern is mixed sites in which this same site shows a possible removal of a portion the slab burials are integrated into the khirigsuur of the fence, this is uncommon. Khirigsuurs are not site in fundamental ways. At sites such as EGS-153 disassembled or superseded in this new monumen- (Fig. 6B), the burials have moved into the enclosed tal regime; they now form part of the structure of spaces of the monuments or taken the place of other cemeteries. In effect, the monuments that had once khirigsuur components like fence corner mounds, been places where living people observed and took J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 81

403200 403400 403600

A 940 B C

5483800 E-221-a 5483800

E-221-b

E-221-c

E-221-e E-221-d

E-221-h 5483600 5483600

930 E-221-g E-221-f

B-221-i

B-221-j

940

5483400 . 5483400 1:2,420 Meters EGS 221 015 30 60 90 120

Coordinate System: WGS 1984 UTM Zone 48N

403200 403400 403600 Fig. 6. Egiin Gol. Three relationships between slab burials and khirigsuurs. A) Clustered khirigsuur complex with two slab burials (B221i and B221j) built at its southern edge, outside the main group but still visually associated with it. B) Khirigsuur EGS 153a and its environs. Two slab burials have been built on the flat ground immediately in front of the khirigsuur, effectively joining any activity that might take place there. C) BGC-217 shows a large slab burial cemetery with an associated khirigsuur; in this case it would be impossible to act in preferred south and southeastern areas of the monument without encountering a burial.

part in social action had become places dominated The fundamental things by an audience of the dead. Because slab burials are the marker monuments ”’What is archaeology the study of?’ I believe there for the appearance of Bronze Age nomadic pasto- is no better answer than ‘the temporality of the land- ralists, we can examine their introduction into the scape.’” (Ingold 1993, 172) monumental landscape as a record of changes in so- In the paper I have presented a series of biogra- cial structure and ideology that went along with the phies of fragments of a much larger monumental adoption of Bronze Age nomadic pastoralism. With landscape. I am strongly drawn to the process of re- the addition of slab burials the landscape of khirig- spect that we see here. Each layer that is added to suurs and khirigsuur complexes – cyclic, anony- these sites is not a diminution of the place, but a re- mous and oriented towards group action – was su- spected amendment, a statement of allegiance with perseded by a landscape in which the components the past, and the continuous creation of places. The are individualized, oriented towards specific people time spans involved are in some cases within a few and events in which the dead were memorialized generations, but in others so long that there can be and incorporated into the monumental tradition, a no memory of the past, but only an interpretation, or tradition that looked upon individuals, individual a deduction though experience and analogy that al- lineages, and their property—the animals and pre- lows the new monument makers to engage with the cious materials in the graves — as worthy of remem- ancient structures. bering. It is clear from the archaeological landscape I want to end with a coda that encompasses many that this was not a rapid transformation, key monu- of the interactions with landscapes that I have been mental spaces became contested spaces as alterna- discussing. In addition to its rich Bronze and Iron tive ideas of social order were embodied in different Age archaeological record the Lower Egiin Gol is stone monuments as people preserved and respect- a complex 19th and 20th century Buddhist economic ed old forms of monument and old forms of social landscape. These monks worked as farm managers distinction in the face of the rising new alternatives. and heritage managers as they inhabited the landscape. As part of this they covered the landscape 82 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies with “mani stones” – small or individual devotional and lastly, among or atop monumental groups. Un- memorials inscribed with a few lines of scripture or derstanding the power of the past, these monks are a single om. These mani stones are found basically in reorienting the monumental sites, inscribing them four types of places, the vast majority are along run- with their own typology, incorporating them into off channels, streams and canals — serving to con- their cosmology, making them places of ritual action trol and encompass the water essential for continued and devotion, domesticating them, contesting the farming and the preservation of farm land; fewer ex- monumental space, and mobilizing the monuments amples are found atop low hills, at passes on routes, in the service of their own ideology and meanings.

References

Amartuvshin 2003 Jacobson-Tepfer 2001 C. Amartuvshin / W. Honeychurch, An examination of E. Jacobson-Tepfer, Cultural riddles: Stylized deer and Khunnu Period settlement in the Egiin Gol Valley, Mon- deer stones of the Mongolia Altai. Bull. Asia Inst. 15, golia. Studia Arch. 21 (1), 2003 59 – 65. 2001, 31 – 56. Jacobson-Tepfer et al. 2010 Barfield 1993 E. Jacobson-Tepfer / J. E. Meacham / G. Tepfer, Archae- T. Barfield, The nomadic alternative (Upper Saddle ology and landscape in the Mongolian Altai: An Atlas River 1993). (Redlands / CA 2010). Barrett 1996 Jia et al. 2009 J. C. Barrett, The living, the dead and the ancestors: P. W. M. Jia / A. V. G. Betts / X. Wu, Prehistoric archae- Neolithic and Early Bronze Age mortuary practices. In: ology in the Zhunge‘er (Junggar) Basin, Xinjiang, China. R. Preucel / I. Hodder (eds.), Contemporary archaeology Eurasian Prehist. 6 (1 – 2), 2009, 167 – 198. in theory (Oxford 1996) 394 – 412. Bradley 1993 Kovalev / Erdenebaatar 2009 R. Bradley, Altering the earth, the origins of monuments A. A. Kovalev / D. Erdenebaatar, Discovery of new in Britain and continental Europe (Edinburgh 1993). cultures of the Bronze Age in Mongolia according to the data obtained by the International Central Asian Erdenebaatar 1992 Archaeological Expedition. In: J. Bemmann / H. Par- D. Erdenebaatar, Asgatyn dorvolzhiin bulsh [Slab Bur- zinger / E. Pohl / D. Tseveendorzh (eds.), Current ar- ials of Asgat]. Studia Arch. 13 (Ulaanbaatar 1992). chaeological research in Mongolia. Bonn Contributions Evans / Humphrey 2003 Asian Arch. 4 (Bonn 2009) 149 – 170. C. Evans / C. Humphrey, History, timelessness and the monumental: The Oboos of the Mergen environs, In- Low / Lawrence-Zúñiga 2003 ner Mongolia. Cambridge Arch. Journal 12 (2), 2003, S. M. Low / D. Lawrence-Zúñiga, Locating culture. In: 195 – 211. S. M. Low / D. Lawrence-Zúñiga (eds.), The anthropology of space and place: Locating culture. Blackwell read- Fitzhugh 2009 ers Anthr. 4 (Malden 2003). W. W. Fitzhugh, The Mongolian Deer Stone-Khirig- suur complex: Dating and organization of a Late Marcolongo 2005 Bronze Age menagerie. In: J. Bemmann / H. Par- B. Marcolongo, General report on the fieldwork con- zinger / E. Pohl / D. Tseveendorzh (eds.), Current ar- ducted in 2005 by the joint Italian-Mongolian CNR-MAS chaeological research in Mongolia. Bonn Contributions expedition „Gobi Altayn Geo-Archaeology“ (Padova, Asian Arch. 4 (Bonn 2009) 183 – 199. Ulaanbaatar 2005).

Ingold 1993 Okladnikov 1990 T. Ingold, The temporality of landscape. World Arch. 25 A. P. Okladnikov, Inner Asia at the dawn of history. In: (2), 1993, 153 – 174. D. Sinor (ed.), The Cambridge history of early Inner Asia (Cambridge 1990) 41 – 96. Jacobson 1993 E. Jacobson, The deer goddess of Ancient Siberia (Lei- Pedersen 2003 den 1993). M. A. Pedersen, Networking and the nomadic land- J. Wright, Temporal Perspectives on the Monumental Constellations of Inner Asia 83

scape: Place, power and decsion making in northern Vainshtein 1980 Mongolia. In: A. Roepstorff / N. Bubandt / K. Kull (eds.), S. Vainshtein, Nomads of South Siberia. The pastoral Imagining nature, practices of cosmology and identity economies of Tuva (Cambridge 1980). (Aarhus 2003) 238 – 259. Weber 1995 Richards 2005 A. Weber, Neolithic and early Bronze Age of the Lake C. Richards, Dwelling among the monuments, the Neo- Baikal region: A review of recent research. Journal lithic village of Barnhouse, Maeshowe passage grave World Prehist. 9 (1), 1995, 99 – 165. and surrounding monuments at Stenness, Orkney. Wright 2007 (Cambridge 2005). J. Wright, Organization principles of Khirigsuur monuments in the lower Egiin Gol Valley, Mongolia. Journal Seeman 1979 Anthr. Arch. 26, 2007, 350 – 365. M. F. Seeman, Feasting with the dead: Ohio Hopewell Wright / Amartuvshin 2009 charnel house ritual as a context for resdistribution. In: J. Wright / C. Amartuvshin, Archaeology of the Early D. Borse / N. Greber (eds.), Hopewell archaeology: The Türks at Baga Gazrynn Chuluu. In: J. Bemmann / H. Par- Chillicothe conference. Midcontinental Journal Arch. zinger / E. Pohl / D. Tseveendorzh (eds.), Current Ar- Special Paper 3 (Kent OH 1979) 39 – 46. chaeological Research in Mongolia. Bonn Contributions Asian Arch. 4 (Bonn 2009) 349 – 363. Tsybiktarov 1995 Wright et al. 2007 A. D. Tsybiktarov, Khereksury Buriatii, Severnoi i J. Wright / W. Honeychurch / C. Amartuvshin, The Tsentral’noi Mongolii. In: P. B. Konovalov (ed.), Kul’tury Egiin Gol Valley survey. Journal Field Arch. 32, 339-352. i pamiatniki bronzovogo i rannego zheleznogo vekov Wright et al. 2009 Zabaikal’ia i Mongolii (Ulan-Ude 1995) 38 – 47. J. Wright / W. Honeychurch / C. Amartuvshin, The Turbat et al. 2003 Xiongnu settlements of Egiin Gol, Mongolia. Antiquity T. Turbat / C. Amartuvshin / U. Erdenbat, Эгийн Го- 83 (320), 2009, 372 – 387. лын Сав Нутаг Дахь Археологийн Дурсгалууд [Ar- chaeological monuments of Egiin Gol Valley] (Ulaan Bataar 2003).

Joshua Wright IHUM 590 Escondido Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305, USA [email protected] 84 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Manfred Böhme The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture in the Oman Peninsula

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Böhme, The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture 85

The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture in the Oman Peninsula

Manfred Böhme

abstract Hafit- and Umm an-Nar period (3200 – 1900 bc) tombs essentially determine the Omani landscape even today. The stone architecture was erected by an immense effort of work: procuring the stones at quarry sites, transportation over long distances and stone trimming. The aim of achieving a prominent appearance in the landscape, which has to be seen from afar, is evidential. In contrast to this, we can find indications suggesting that tombs were dismantled and built anew, probably already two generations later. For some grave groups, it is possible to talk about a “circulation system” in respect to the stone material: “the recurring monument”. We can figure out a very ambivalent mentality in all succeeding generations dealing with the monuments. This alternates between destruction and awareness, leading to interesting biographies for the surviving fragments of former tombs, which have been permanently moved as spolia, of different meanings up until the current day.

Preface Thousands of these stone structures exist on the Oman Peninsula. So, Hafit- and Umm an-Nar period The background of the following paper was from tombs essentially determine the Omani landscape fieldwork in Oman. The author was in charge of the even today (Fig. 1). excavation at the Bat necropolis from 2004 – 2006. The very first description of burial mounds was Following this, he led the “Bat Research & Restora- in 1959. Because they looked like a heap of stones, tion Project” on behalf of the Ministry of Heritage & the term “Hafit-cairn” was introduced, named ac- Culture (Muscat), in collaboration with the German cording to the find place at Jabal Hafit (UAE). The Mining Museum (Bochum) from 2006 to 2008. The systematic structure, with ring-walls and a roofed project’s aim was restoration work on prehistoric chamber, became clear after the excavation (Cleu monuments and the development of archaeological ziou / Tosi 2007, 108 fig. 95). Later, more elaborated sites for the public. Here in Oman in the Adh-Dha- buildings were discovered, these are of a truncat- hirah region, he has had the opportunity to increase ed cone shape, and are therefore named “beehive knowledge regarding Hafit- and Umm an-Nar grave tombs” (Frifelt 1975a). This term became popular architecture by various investigations into this sub- and is synonymous as a generic name for the prehis- ject. tory of Oman in general.

Introduction Hafit period grave structures With the establishment of the first Oasis cultures in Oman, a new type of grave architecture appears. The core of the construction consists of a ring wall, Since the beginning of the evolution of this grave of about 1 metre thickness, with a false dome, result- architecture, monumentality is obviously the main ing in a chamber with a height of 2 metres. The en- characteristic of these cairns or tombs. The aim of trance was constructed as a triangular passage. Then achieving a prominent appearance in the landscape, the second stage of construction – the covering ring which has to be seen from afar, is evidential. wall – was carried out. Hence, the diameter varies

Fig. 1. Wadi Al-Ayn. Hafit- and Umm an-Nar period graves. Part of the UNESCO heritage site.

Fig. 2. Wadi Al-Ayn. Fig. 3. Bat. Group of restored Hafit period tombs. In the Hafit period structure with two ring-walls. Scale 0.5 m. middle the so called “Bat Type”, covered by white stones; in the background an example with a circle of white stones at the top.

between 4.5 and 8 m and the height is about 3 to 4 However, there was noticeable regulation in metres (Fig. 2). One to six individuals buried inside keeping a uniform design within a grave group, are evidential (Frifelt 1975b). concerning the shape and the height of the struc- The exceptional prominence of a grave could be tures. All these statistics concern the Hafit period, represented by the use of alien materials; for ex- 3200 – 2700 bc. ample white limestone for the facing (Fig. 3). Most probably, the design using only one course with white stones at the top – as a pars pro toto solution – pursued the same target. M. Böhme, The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture 87

Umm an-Nar period grave structures

The Umm an-Nar period (2700 – 1900 bc) tombs, named after the type locality Umm an-Nar island in the UAE (Frifelt 1991), are similar to the Hafit structures in regard to their outer shape. But the stone trimming technique and the internal division into many chambers are a new feature. Perhaps the more complex ground-plan is in context with their use for the collective burial of several hundred individuals over a period of 150 to 200 years (Cleuziou / Tosi 2007, 124 – 132; Merý 2010).

Fig. 4. Bat. Group of four Umm an-Nar period tombs. In Setting the foreground a fully dismantled structure (scale 0.5 m), in the middle to the right and to the left two well-pre- The typical Hafit type settings are the mountain served objects, additionally partially restored. In front of crests and the edges of higher wadi terraces. The the white tomb (no. 154) the remains of another disman- best position, the highest point, was certainly the tled structure. On the mountain ridge in the background a first to be occupied; before the subsequent structures row of Hafit period structures is visible. were placed at other positions. Finally, the poorer positions and the narrow spaces between the tombs were also occupied. We finally get a high density of development (Fig. 1). Landscape reflected in architecture The graves are located around agricultural land and near the resources communally exploited. By In the Bat area, we have defined Hafit period tomb mapping the 3,000 structures in the Ja’alan region, constructions as belonging to the “petrographic- the resulting image suggests the use of graves as an polychrome style”. That summarises the phenom- indicator of territorial organisation (Cleuziou / Tosi enon of the use of foreign and coloured stones. The 2007, 116 – 118). Also the location along traffic routes, tombs are decorated with a white limestone, black and in particular at important geographic passages, wadi pebbles and yellowish travertine, mostly has to be discussed. brought in from far away. By mapping the area from The main difference between the Hafit and Umm which the building material had been quarried or an-Nar period is the setting. The most usual loca- collected, an important pattern has emerged (Fig. 6). tion of Umm an-Nar tombs is in lower-lying areas, It can be demonstrated how the distribution of the on low wadi terraces (Fig. 4). In particular, during sources of stones outlines a catchment area around a middle horizon of the evolution, the proximity the tomb cluster approx. 10 km in radius, which to the settled areas and to the irrigated farmland may be of significance to our understanding of the is evidential. Several tombs were located as mark- territorial and economic spheres of associated com- ers within the cultivated areas (Fig. 5). It is the rule munities (Böhme 2011b). So, in contrast to the theo- that the remains of the most prominent tombs are retical model of marking a territory of a community always close to the fortification towers. Clusters of (Cleuziou / Tosi 2007, 116 – 118) by many tombs, we ensembles emerged (Fig. 5 A – D), which constitute can indicate the reflection of the territory by one different spheres of life, including the world of the tomb. The graves structure the landscape and, vice deceased too. versa, the landscape is reflected in the grave archi- This difference in the setting bears an important tecture. aspect for the approach to the ancient idea of the monumental message. It seems that the message in the Umm an-Nar period is quite different from the Construction – dismantling – reuse territorial occupation of landscape, as was suggested by the Hafit period pattern before. The condition of the tomb structures is of more or less good preservation. We can find complete, partially destroyed and fully dismantled graves togeth- 88 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 5. Bat. Topographic map of the oasis. Remains of Umm an-Nar period tombs at cultivated areas. Clusters A – D are ensembles comprising a tower, settlement and graves.

er. The degree of preservation is a result of decay The Wadi Al-Ayn grave group (Fig. 1) provides and stone robbery interacting with each other. a good example illustrating this circulation system. The practice of ancient, sub-recent and modern The remains which probably generally indicate the stone robbery is well known. Due to the distinguish- oldest tomb generation of this group are marked by ing pattern of robbery, we are able to roughly date G (Fig. 7). In group E, we find some foundations be- the events. If we can rule out the possibility of mod- longing to the second generation. In group D and F ern stone robbery, the preservation status and the are partially dismantled structures – the representa- occurrence of material in secondary use (spolia) can tives of the third generation. The row of well pre- contribute evidence for sequence analysis within served structures A – C can also be split up into four the grave group (Böhme 2010, 131). For example, in further stages (Böhme 2010). general, fully dismantled constructions indicate an It has to be assumed that the missing material earlier stage than partially dismantled monuments. at the dismantled structures was reused by subse- Moreover, it is certain that we can find the missing quent buildings. Finally, it has also occurred that the stones of destroyed structures incorporated into site of a dismantled tomb was reused. So inside the subsequent buildings nearby. That means the mon- chamber of one existing tomb we discovered the re- uments were already dismantled and the material mains of a base belonging to a previous construction was recycled within the same cultural period. (Fig. 8). Here, we have the representatives of three M. Böhme, The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture 89

Fig. 6. Bat area. Origin of the white limestone and travertine, which was used in Hafit and Umm an-Nar grave architecture (1 – 7); Bat cemetery field (B) (Section of a Google map by approx. 10 × 15 km).

Fig. 7. Wadi Al-Ayn, Oman. Tomb groups A – H (satellite image overlay). Satellite image: Google Earth 2007. 90 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

time, the monument could have been finished in two or three years (Böhme 2011a). Given that the handicraftsmen invested great effort into achieving an extraordinary and durable architecture, they would have expected the respect of their progeny regarding their creation. How could they expect respect if they were dismantling the work of their ancestors themselves? To give an approach to resolving this conflict, it is possible to focus the discussion in the direction of the predominant meaning of the active work, the working process. The profligate use of economic potential – the manpower to construct the monuments – must be seen as a sacrifice and a gift for the deceased2. Perhaps, the individual result was of sec- Fig. 8. Wadi Al-Ayn, Oman. Tomb no. 1 at group A, chamber inside with a remaining “bench” from a previous ondary importance. structure; Hafit period. Although the stone robbery for following construction activities was normal behaviour in the Hafit- and Umm an-Nar culture, monumental grave architecture was actually ever-present in the land- tomb generations; two construction activities and scape. A percentage of stones partially circulated one dismantling process procuring material for an inside a “closed system” of construction – disman- unknown structure nearby. tling – reuse, and so on. Summarising: the feature The example of a central group at Bat necropolis of monumentality was connected to repetitive activi- (Fig. 4) is chosen to illustrate the same pattern of cir- ties (Furholt 2011) – the working process – rather culation in the Umm an-Nar period. Two structures than to the individual grave structure. in this group are fully dismantled. Certainly, the material was reused in tomb no. 154. The discovery of spolia, originating from the facing of tombs in the neighbourhood, is important for chronological arguments. Because tomb 154 was the latest erection Biography of the grave monuments of the sequence in this area, it was not affected by exploitation of stones for subsequent construction We have several records concerning rites or practices activities as was more usual. and beliefs, not only limited to the primary burial To sum up all the chronological observations con- use of the grave construction, but connected to the cerning the Umm an-Nar grave monuments in this structure. For example, grinding stones were depos- area: the possibility has to be suggested that the de- ited outside the tombs. In this case, we can assume struction due to recycling had already begun two or rites – possibly for periodical commemorations – that three generations later. This certainly conflicts with took place outside the monument. Furthermore, we our common idea of a monument intended for long- have found a flint workshop which was established lasting existence. beside the Al-Ayn tombs. Possibly, it was hoped This conflict became more obvious when we es- that tool production would benefit from the power timated the immense volume of work involved in of the ancestors. These events could be of a contem- construction. The tomb construction no. 154 consists porary date according to the burial use, or a short of 160 m3 of stones (Fig. 4). In addition 22 m3 of white time after. stones for the facing were moved from the quarries The monuments were reused as burials during the over a distance of 3 km (Fig. 6 no. 2)1. The produc- Late Bronze Age (Wadi Suq period, 1800 – 1200 bc). tion of the white facing cubes, 800 – 1,000 pieces, also However, they were not maintained. In many cases required a lot of work. From our restoration work, the roofed chambers were certainly still intact, but we are able to estimate the manpower at the time they were filled up with sediments as the floor was of original construction. If eight persons worked full no longer cleaned.

1 Comparable “production monuments”, which describe the processual aspect, were also found near Hili (Gagnaison et al. 2004). 2 The abundance of finds almost makes us forget this very important fact. M. Böhme, The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture 91

The structures themselves would be durable without anthropogenic disturbances. But the use of the monuments probably changes during the Iron Age and becomes rather destructive. Tombs were dismantled for procuring material to build new, so called “hut-graves”. The burials were also placed within the stone rubble of decayed structures; a simple solution for a cheap funeral without construction work. Certainly, bigger and more prominent tombs were more attractive for reuse. The ruins continually exerted a certain attraction and that is why we can find traces of several activities (e. g. hearths) beside and in front of the monument’s entrance. The rites seem to have been related to the location’s meaning for people over the ages. Fig. 10. Bat, Oman. Spolia, facing stone of a former Umm To sum up: we can detect signs of robbery and also a an-Nar period tomb reused in a wall foundation of a farm- certain degree of respect and avoidance. It is difficult land enclosure. Note the cup marks (dimples). to discover the reasons and give an exact date for the various events.

The monument had already been dismantled when the engravings were made, but due to their Biography of the spolia heavy weight the stones still lay at the location or nearby. For example, some anthropomorphic zoo- White stones in general, moreover stones with pic- morphic figures, such as lizards, are known. En- tures, were always attractive objects. The stories of graved holes and channels seem like ritual objects. the figures were interpreted in a new manner. So, The dimples are common ornaments, perhaps com- the idea and beliefs behind the monument must have parable to the appearance of dimples on megalithic been altered. The reworking of the base relief (e. g. monuments in Europe (Fig. 10). If such engravings the picture stone of Al-Qutainah; Cleuziou / Tosi exist, their location could still be of sacrificial mean- 2007, fig. 261) is a clear indication of cultural change. ing even to the present day. Other changes are only of a “deleting” character, Smaller white facing stones can be moved from such as the snake relief destroyed by pecking (Fig. 9). one place to another very quickly. Thus, these stones During several periods, the large white stones have completely different “biographies” than those had a high value as a basis for later engravings. which never left their original positions. We can find white facing cubes in Iron Age graves. At first sight, they could be there by chance, but also in graves at a Fig. 9. Hijayrmat, Oman. Door-stone of a destroyed distance of 1.5 km from the Umm an Nar tombs, one Umm an-Nar period tomb, bas relief with a snake. Resto- or two white cubes are the rule in most of the Iron ration work by Mark Langer in 2008. Age hut-graves. An historical consciousness may be the background for this custom. During the Samad period, also larger sized Umm an-Nar facing stones were reused for the functions of covering (e. g. Hi- jayrmat) and walling the subterranean burial chambers (de Cardi et al. 1976, plate 16). In the wider surroundings of the necropolis, a large amount of spolia of sub-recent and recent context were collected by the research project and com- piled in a geo-referenced register. These are in particular axial stones or enclosures in Islamic graves. White stones were also often integrated into the mihrab of open air mosque constructions. The white facing stones were used in all kinds of common wall constructions (de Cardi et al. 1976, 92 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 11. Bat, Oman. Spolia, facing stone of a former Umm Fig. 13. Bat. Spolia, facing stone of a former Umm an-Nar an-Nar period tomb reused as a mortar, probably for ole- period tomb reused as ornamentation for a modern door- aginous fruits. Scale 0.5 m. way; vertical rows to the left and right of the door.

pl. 21). Only a few cases suggest that the spolia were associated with an idea with respect to their former use. The predominant idea was probably only due to the exotic character of the trimmed stones; in Oman, stone mason handicraft traditions are unknown. In the function of a tool, we can find a rope guide for a well and some mortars. A mortar, once of high value (Fig. 11), is now in use as furniture as a domestic sitting place (Fig. 12). The ornamentation for a doorway (Fig. 13) may underpin a kind of collec- tor’s passion for curios rather than an awareness of prehistory. Sometimes larger objects were popular as targets for bullets. To sum up: the ideas behind the reuse of stones which come from the grave monuments are very ambivalent. The meaning and value of the white stones have been continually changeable; and changed very rapidly, according to the situation.

acknowledgements Many thanks to Thomas Spazier (Weimar) for digitising the maps and to Phil Shaw (Weimar) for his assistance with the translations. Fig. 12. Bat, Oman. Spolia, see fig. 11; now used as furniture at a sitting place. M. Böhme, The Recurring Monument. Records on Hafit- and Umm an-Nar Period Tomb Architecture 93

References

Böhme 2010 Frifelt 1975b M. Böhme, First investigations at Wādī al-’Ayn tombs, K. Frifelt, A possible link between the Jemdet Nasr and Oman. Proc. Seminar Arabian Stud. 40, 2010, 131 – 134. the Umm an-Nar graves of Oman. Journal Oman Stud. Böhme 2011a 1, 1975, 57 – 80. M. Böhme, The restoration of tomb 154 at Bat. 50 Years of Frifelt 1991 Emirates Archaeology (in print). K. Frifelt, The island of Umm an-Nar 1. Third Millen- Böhme 2011b nium graves. Jysk Ark. Selskabs Skr. 26,1 (Moesgard, M. Böhme, The Bat-Type. A Hafit period tomb construc- Aarhus) 1991. tion in Oman. Arabian Arch. and Epigr. 22, 2011, 23 – 31. Furholt 2011 M. Furholt, Monuments and the durability of land- de Cardi et al. 1976 scapes in Northern Europe. Abstract. The creation of B. de Cardi / S. Collier / B. Doe, Excavations and survey landscapes Workshop 14th – 18th March (Kiel 2011). in Oman, 1974 – 75. Journal Oman Stud. 2, 1976, 101 – 187. Cleuziou / Tosi 2007 Gagnaison et al. 2004 S. Cleuziou / M. Tosi, In the shadow of the ancestors: C. Gagnaison / P. Barrier / S. Méry / W. Y. Al Tikriti, The prehistoric foundations of the early Arabian civili- Extractions de calcaires èocènes à l’Age du Bronze et ar- zation in Oman (Muscat 2007). chitecture funéraire à Hili (Emirat d’Abou Dhabi). Rev. Archéométrie 28, 2004, 97 – 108. Frifelt 1975a K. Frifelt, On prehistoric settlement and chronology Méry 2010 of the Oman Peninsula. East and West 25 (3/4), 1975, S. Méry, Results, limits and potential: Burial practices 359 – 424. and Early Bronze Age societies in the Oman Peninsula. In: L. Weeks (ed.), Death and burial in Arabia and beyond. BAR Internat. Ser. 2107 (Oxford 2010) 33 – 43.

Manfred Böhme State Office for Heritage Management and Archaeology Saxony-Anhalt Richard-Wagner-Straße 9 06114 Halle Germany [email protected] 94 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Maria Guagnin The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Guagnin, The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 95

The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape

Maria Guagnin

abstract The engravings of the Messak plateau form part of a monumental landscape that was created over more than 8,000 years. An analysis of this rock art tradition in relation to the archaeological record of the area provides the data to track changes in the symbolism and use of these monuments from the hunter-gatherer societies of the Early Holocene to the mobile pastoralists of the Middle Holocene and finally the urban civilisation of the Garamantian kingdom. The cultural conventions and content of the engravings can be linked to the socio-economic background of the engravers. Moreover, the symbolism of the rock art panels complements that of the burial practices and forms part of a wider belief system which found visible expression in the monuments and in the landscape.

Introduction wet phase the central Sahara was repopulated by hunter-gatherers who probably had a relatively sed- The Messak rock formation lies in the central Sa- entary lifestyle around the lakes that had formed hara, about 1,000 km south of Tripoli in southwest- (Cremaschi / Di Lernia 1999). Around 6000 bc do- ern Libya. It is bordered by the Ubari sand sea in mestic cattle were introduced into the area and the the north and the Murzuq sand sea in the south. A subsistence changed to nomadic cattle pastoralism. number of smaller wadis cut into the Messak from The Pastoral periods largely coincide with climatic the south and the oasis of the Wadi al-Hayat runs changes. The Early Pastoral relates to the wettest pe- along its northern escarpment (Fig. 1). Thousands riod of the Middle Holocene, while the Middle Pas- of rock art panels have been recorded along these toral begins around 5000 bc and coincides with the wadis (Barnett 2009; Jelínek 2004; Le Quellec 1998; gradual aridification of the area. The Late Pastoral Lutz 2008; Van Albada / Van Albada 2000). then begins after the onset of arid conditions (Cre- During the Holocene the climate in the central maschi / Di Lernia 1999). Once the lake in the Wadi Sahara underwent dramatic changes. In the Early al-Hayat dried up, groundwater remained close to Holocene the climate was quite wet, with dense the surface and between 1000 bc and 700 ad the Gar- savanna vegetation and permanent water sources. amantian kingdom was established in this area with Around 6200 bc this wet phase was interrupted by its capital Germa in the oasis of the Wadi al-Hayat a severe arid spell. Savanna conditions subsequently (Mattingly et al. 2003). returned, but during this second wet phase the cli- The concept of a “monument” generally evokes mate became gradually more arid. Climatic records images of large stone structures and monumental show an abrupt onset of arid conditions around architecture. Although the rock art of the Sahara is 3800 bc, while desertification set in around 2500 bc not a built structure as such, the often life-sized de- and turned the Sahara into the desert we know to- pictions of African fauna carved into large natural day (Armitage et al. 2007; Cremaschi 1998; Drake rock surfaces are of monumental character. The en- et al. 2006; Drake et al. 2008; Drake et al. 2009). gravings are up to 10,000 years old and are there- These climate phases largely coincide with the ar- fore extremely durable and were created over the chaeological periods of the region. During the first course of several millennia. Some of the engravings

Fig. 1. Southwestern Libya. Mountain ranges / high reliefs (dark grey), sand seas (light grey) and oases.

have been attributed to hunter-gatherers of the Pre- and in relation to the wider archaeological back- Pastoral periods (Jelínek 2004). These early carvings ground can place this tradition in context and iden- include life-sized depictions of wild African fauna, tify stages in the development and spiritual back- often called the “Bubaline” engravings, which are ground of this monumental landscape. Moreover, named after the “type fossil” of this period, the where individual panels span a number of engrav- Bubalus antiquus, a now extinct species of buffalo ing periods they can be used as a case study to iden- with very large horns. There are also older, archaic tify whether or not the longevity of the images was engravings, which are often found underneath the intentional or was merely a by-product of the choice “Bubaline” engravings and depict simple arched of medium. This distinction is essential in order to symbols or animal outlines (Jelínek 2004). The Pas- understand if the act of carving was of primary im- toral periods are dominated by images of domestic portance or if the durability and preservation of the cattle, while during the Garamantian kingdom the image formed part of its spiritual function. engravers primarily depicted small warrior figures, horses and camels (Guagnin 2010). The chronology of the engravings shows that the rock art tradition of the Messak was long-lived and extended over a number of economic, social and cultural transitions. An analysis of the content as well as the representational quality of the images over time M. Guagnin, The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 97

Fig. 2. Wadi En Galghewen. Elephant panel. The elephant engravings mentioned in the text are marked with numbers (photo M. Guagnin).

The longevity of the images veals another large elephant (Fig. 3, elephant 4). Un- like the smooth incised lines of elephants 1 and 2, An elephant panel from Wadi En Galghewen in the elephant 4 is pecked in relatively shallow lines. Simi- Messak serves as a case study for the longevity of larly, elephant 3 was initially pecked and the origi- the engravings. Originally, the large naturalistic en- nal lines are still visible underneath the re-engraved gravings of wild savanna fauna were thought of as a and slightly enlarged later image (Fig. 3). single engraving episode in which the images were The panel was therefore clearly reworked over a executed in smooth, deep lines. But the “Bubaline” long period of time. Based on the dates established tradition actually consists of two separate engraving for the patina of the Wadi al-Hayat (Guagnin 2010; periods with earlier pecked and later incised images see also Cremaschi 1996; Zerboni 2008), the re- (Jelínek 2004). engraved, incised lines of elephants 1 and 2 were Figure 2 shows a rock art panel with two large probably created after 3800 bc. In turn, the smooth incised elephants and a number of ostriches. The lines with the black patina of the reworked elephant process of engraving removed the original patina 3 were created some time before 5000 bc. It remains of the rock surface and the red lines are clearly vis- unknown how much older the original engraving is. ible against the dark background. A closer inspec- However, on several panels these old pecked lines tion also shows an incised baby elephant behind el- appear to have been sufficiently weathered and pati- ephant 2. It is coated in a much darker patina and is nated that the engravers frequently missed parts or more difficult to see. Near the left end of the panel misinterpreted lines. Based on the fact that the older the pecked tail of another elephant is barely visible “Bubaline” engravings predate the Pastoral period because the lines are so heavily weathered and pati- (they never depict domestic animals and the Bubalus nated. A detailed examination of the panel also re- antiquus was extinct around 6000 bc), these engrav- 98 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 3. Wadi En Galghewen. Elephant panel, tracing of elephant 4.

ings can be dated prior to 7000 bc (Jelínek 2004; Van The engraving tradition Albada / Van Albada 2000). The creation of this of the Early Pastoral period (6300 – 5400 bc) panel therefore appears to span part of the Meso- lithic and most of the Pastoral periods. The rock art of the Pastoral periods includes the The slight deviations between the original and transition from a hunter-gatherer economy to pasto- the re-engraved lines are important because they ralism and from the nomadic lifestyle of the Saharan document this re-engraving custom and its time cattle herders to the urban civilisation of the Gara- depth. They also indicate that the engravers were mantian kingdom. In addition, the physiognomy of aware of the age and the durability of the depic- the human figures that can occasionally be identified tions. Although we do not know why the engravers in rock paintings indicates a migration of Mediter- frequently chose to re-carve older engravings, this ranean peoples into the Sahara (see Mattingly et al. action shows an interest in the past as well as the fu- 2003 for a good summary). However, it remains un- ture of the images. The symbolism of the images was clear if this change in population represents the ar- still relevant when they were being re-carved, and rival of a Neolithic / Pastoral population, or relates their visibility was enhanced and thereby preserved to the transition from Late Pastoral herding to Ga- for the future. It then follows that if the engravers ramantian agriculture, or if the arrival of Mediter- were aware that the images had been there for a long ranean people was independent of economic factors. time, they must also have been aware that the lines In the Wadi al-Hayat two patterns involving the they engraved themselves would remain visible for content and the representational quality of the carv- a long time. The longevity of the engravings there- ings are visible in the rock art of the Pastoral period. fore appears to have been intentional. Among the Pastoral engravings cattle were the only frequently depicted domestic animal in the Fezzan M. Guagnin, The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 99

Fig. 4. Wadi al-Hayat. Distribution of cattle and wild animal engravings during the Early Pastoral period (the grey lines mark the extent of the survey area). The tributary wadi on the western end of the survey area is Wadi Bouzna.

(Guagnin 2010). An analysis of the distribution of hunter-gatherers continued their engraving tradi- Early Pastoral depictions of cattle and wild animals tion throughout the rest of the landscape. In the ab- shows a clear spatial divide between the two. Cat- sence of a more detailed archaeological investigation tle were only depicted in the wadi Bouzna whereas of the Pastoral period in the area it remains uncer- carvings of wild animals were created along the tain if this division purely relates to the creation of rest of the escarpment (Fig. 4). In addition, there is rock art or if it also reflects a division in settlement a clear distinction in the representation of wild and areas and use of the landscape. However, the pat- domestic animals. The engravings generally depict tern visible in the rock art does indicate that a new individual animals. Each animal is drawn different- population arrived in the area with the introduction ly and their unique horn shapes or hide markings of domestic cattle and they appear to have brought can occasionally still be identified in the carvings their own rock art tradition with them. today. However, during the Early Pastoral period most of the cattle images deviate from this custom. These panels consist of small depictions of almost identical animals which are repeated across the pan- “Wallpaper” engravings el, similar to the pattern on wallpaper. These carvings emphasise the herd, rather than the individual Figure 5 shows a panel with “wallpaper” engrav- animal and signify a different concept of animal rep- ings. Patina and weathering indicate that the entire resentation. rock surface was covered with small cattle depictions The patterns identified in the spatial analysis during the Early Pastoral period. Some time later translate into a spatial divide with “wallpaper” de- two larger cattle were superimposed on the panel. pictions of domestic cattle in one part of the wadi This superimposition is quite remarkable, as the en- and larger depictions of individual wild animals gravers generally respected older images and rarely along the rest of the escarpment. These variations engraved over them. The engraving of the large bull may reflect underlying differences in the cultural was placed over the centre of the panel during the background of the engravers. In the Early Pastoral Middle Pastoral period. The lines of this carving period, when animal herding was first established roughly follow one of the original larger cattle. The in the area (Cremaschi / Di Lernia 1999), the early naturalistic outline of this large bull, the polishing herders appear to have created their rock art only of the surface and the depiction of details such as in a very localised area of the wadi, while the local hooves link this depiction to the local “Bubaline” en- 100 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 5. Wadi al-Hayat. Panel with “wallpaper” engravings. M. Guagnin, The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 101

Fig. 6. Wadi al-Hayat. Distribution of cattle and wild animal engravings during the Late Pastoral period in the Wadi al-Hayat (the grey lines mark the extent of the survey area).

graving tradition of the Pre-Pastoral and Early Pas- panels (Fig. 2) as well as the creation of new images toral period. throughout the landscape (Fig. 6). The rock art of the On the panel in Figure 5 the rock art traditions of Messak consequently formed a relatively continu- the local population and the early pastoralists appear ous tradition from the Mesolithic to the Late Pas- to meet. The gradual aridification of the area prob- toral, and absorbed allochthonous representational ably led to a concentration of the population around customs that are visible in a separate engraving tra- the remaining water sources, such as the lake in the dition at the beginning of the Pastoral period. Wadi al-Hayat. It is possible that this lack of water caused competition over resources and space. In this context the superimposition of the large bull over an earlier “wallpaper” panel could convey the impres- Pastoral content sion of an act of dominance of one tradition over the other. An analysis of the content of the Pastoral engravings additionally highlights aspects of the cultural and spiritual background of the engraving tradition. The graph in Figure 7 shows the animal species that The Late Pastoral engraving tradition were depicted throughout the Pastoral and Gara- (3800 – 1000 bc) mantian periods. The frequency of the different animals identified in the rock art clearly shows that the The spatial distribution of the Late Pastoral engrav- content of the Pastoral engravings was dominated ings (Fig. 6) shows that depictions of domestic cattle by depictions of giraffes and domestic cattle. During and wild animals were engraved on rock surfaces the Early Pastoral period cattle were the most com- along the entire escarpment of the Wadi al-Hayat. monly depicted animal, which coincided with the Over time the concentration of the population in a custom of engraving animals in wallpaper-like pat- smaller space seems to have led to assimilation in terns. During the Middle Pastoral period this trend both rock art traditions and the “wallpaper” depic- was reversed and giraffes became the most frequent tions almost disappeared. species among the animal engravings. Finally, in the Although the arrival of a pastoral population Late Pastoral period, cattle dominated the content of was coupled with the introduction of a new type of the rock art again and the number of giraffe depic- animal representation in the area, the indigenous tions decreased. engraving tradition continued into the Late Pasto- The timing of the rise in the giraffe depictions ral period and included the re-engraving of ancient coincides with the establishment of a new burial 102 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

inspired by contact and trade with the Roman Em- pire and included substantial temples and public buildings which were built of dressed stone. Horses, camels and wheeled transport were introduced into the area and the Garamantes also adopted writing and practised iron and copper metallurgy (Matting- ly et al. 2003). Where the rock art is concerned, the beginning of the Garamantian period coincided with a dramatic decline in the amount of engravings and the imagery mainly consisted of small stick animals, human figures and writing. Naturalistic and larger depictions Fig. 7. Wadi al-Hayat. Percentage of animals engraved completely disappeared from the record. This shift during each period (for animals with more than 30 depic- in the rock art tradition may relate to the fact that the tions). new urban centres of the Garamantian kingdom had their own monumentality and created a different use of the landscape. The substantial architecture of the Garamantian settlements marked the landscape custom in the area. Around the time of the Middle of the Wadi al-Hayat while at the same time funer- Pastoral period the local herders began to bury cat- ary practices led to the construction of some tens of tle in large stone cairns, occasionally with sheep or thousands of burial cairns along the slopes of the es- goat, in a tradition that probably originated in Egypt carpment. Cities and stone monuments formed per- (Di Lernia 2006). At the beginning of the Late Pas- manent markers in the landscape and constituted a toral period this custom changed and humans were new kind of monumentality which may have ulti- buried in store cairns instead. The symbolism of the mately made the creation of engravings obsolete. engravings and of the burials appears to be related. During the Early Pastoral period cattle were dominant in the rock art, but in the Middle Pastoral when cattle were buried in large stone cairns, giraffes Conclusion dominated the rock art panels. Finally, in the Late Pastoral period, when the tradition of burying cattle Collectively, the content and form of the rock art, as was given up, their symbolism shifted back into the well as its distribution and archaeological context, realm of rock art, which is visible in a second peak can shed light on the evolution and function of this in the frequency of cattle depictions (Fig. 7). For the ancient monumental landscape. The rock art of the mobile pastoral populations of the Sahara burials Messak appears to be intended to last. After the ini- and engravings were the only way of permanently tial images were carved people continued to relate marking the landscape. The symbolism associated to them for several millennia, re-engraving ancient with both customs therefore indicates that rock art rock art panels and continuously creating new im- and burials form part of a wider belief system which ages. This tradition continued over more than 7,000 found visible expression in the monuments of the years, from the Mesolithic to the Late Pastoral pe- Pastoral population and therefore in their landscape. riod. It was sustained across a change in subsistence and dramatic changes in the climate as well as in the landscape, and even absorbed representational customs that were introduced into the area at the begin- Garamantian rock art (1000 bc – ad 700) ning of the Pastoral period. We can trace a number of changes in symbolism across this rock art tradi- The formation of the Garamantian kingdom is as- tion which also appears to complement that of the sociated with dramatic changes in the Fezzan and burials. The archaeological context of the funerary effectively ended the Pastoral engraving tradition. tradition therefore links the images to a wider be- The introduction and intensification of agriculture lief system that found expression in the monumen- was based on labour intensive foggara irrigation and tal landscapes of the Pastoral populations. Although supported a substantial demographic expansion and this symbolism had an influence on the content of the establishment of urban centres. The architecture the images it did not affect the custom of marking of the Garamantian capital, Garama, was probably the landscape with carved images. The rock art tra- M. Guagnin, The Rock Carvings of the Messak: Monuments in a Changing Landscape 103 dition only came to an end when people began to tation of the past. The longevity of the engraving settle in urban centres. The large stone structures of tradition allows us to trace developments in monu- the Garamantian architecture and burials seem to mentality and spiritual background over time and have eliminated the need to mark naturally occur- complements archaeological narratives of economic, ring stone surfaces in the landscape. social and cultural change. While the archaeological context is usually researched separately from the rock art, this study acknowledgements This paper is based on the shows that the engravings of the Messak form an results of my PhD which was funded by the German Aca- demic Exchange Service, the Abercromby Fund and an important element of the monumentality of the area. Edinburgh University Small Project Grant. Fieldwork in Although the images cannot be dated with the same Libya was directed by Dr Tertia Barnett, who made the precision as other artefacts, a simple grouping into data of the recorded rock art panels available for my re- major archaeological periods can already contribute search. Many thanks to Rebecca McClung for comments significantly to our understanding and interpre- on the text.

References

Armitage et al. 2007 Drake et al. 2006 S. P. Armitage / N. A. Drake / S. Stokes / A. El-Ha- N. Drake / K. White / S. J. McLaren, Quaternary climate wat / M. J. Salem / K. White / P. Turner / S. J. McLaren, change in the Jarma Region of Fazzan, Libya. In: D. Mat- Multiple phases of North African humidity recorded in tingly / S. J. McLaren / E. Savage / Y. Al-Fasatwi / K. Gad- lacustrine sediments from the Fazzan Basin, Libyan Sa- good (eds.), The Libyan Desert: Natural resources and hara. Quaternary Geochronology 2, 2007, 181 – 186. cultural heritage (London 2006) 133 – 144. Drake et al. 2008 Barnett 2009 N. Drake / A. El-Hawat / P. Turner / S. Armitage / M. T. Barnett, Style, symbolism and cultural identity in the Salem / K. White / S. McLaren, Palaeohydrology of the Wadi al-Hayat: Results of fieldwork in 2008 and 2009. Fezzan Basin and surrounding regions: The last 7 mil- Libyan Stud. 40, 2009, 155 – 170. lion years. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeo- ecology 263, 2008, 131 – 145. Cremaschi 1996 Drake et al. 2009 M. Cremaschi, The Rock Varnish in the Messak Settafet N. Drake / M. Salem / S. Armitage / A. El-Hawat / (Fezzan, Libyan Sahara), age, archaeological context, J. Francke / M. Hounslow / A. Parker, DMP VIII: Pal- and paleo-environmental implication. Geoarch. 11(5) aeohydrology and palaeoenvironment. Libyan Stud. 40, 1996, 393 – 421. 2009, 171 – 178. Cremaschi 1998 M. Cremaschi, Late Quaternary geological evidence for Guagnin 2010 environmental changes in south-western Fezzan (Liby- M. Guagnin, From savanna to desert: Animal engrav- an Sahara). In: M. Cremaschi / S. Di Lernia (eds.), Wadi ings in the changing prehistoric environment of the Teshuinat – palaeoenvironment and prehistory in south- Wadi al-Hayat, Libyan Sahara. Unpubl. PhD Thesis western Fezzan (Libyan Sahara). Centro Interuniv. Rec. (Edinburgh 2010). Civilta e Ambiente Sahara Antico 7 (Milano 1998) 13 – 47. Cremaschi / Di Lernia 1999 Jelínek 2004 M. Cremaschi / S. Di Lernia, Holocene climatic changes J. Jelínek, Sahara – Histoire de l‘art rupestre libyen (Gre- and cultural dynamics in the Libyan Sahara. African noble 2004). Arch. Rev. 16, 1999, 211 – 237. Le Quellec 1998 Di Lernia 2006 J.-L. Le Quellec, Art rupestre et préhistoire du Sahara S. Di Lernia, Building monuments, creating identity: (Paris 1998). Cattle cult as a social response to rapid environmental Lutz 2008 changes in the Holocene Sahara. Quaternary Internat. R. Lutz, Das Atelier im Fels. Ein Fenster zur Urge- 151, 2006, 50 – 62. schichte der zentralen Sahara (Bozen 2008). 104 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Mattingly et al. 2003 Zerboni 2008 D. Mattingly / T. Reynolds / J. Dore, Chapter 9. Synthe- A. Zerboni, Holocene rock varnish on the Messak pla- sis of human activities in Fazzān. In: D. Mattingly (ed.), teau (Libyan Sahara): Chronology of weathering pro- The archaeology of Fazzān 1. Synthesis (London 2003) cesses. Geomorphology 102, 2008, 640 – 651. 327 – 373.

Van Albada / Van Albada 2000 A. Van Albada / A.-M. Van Albada, La montagne des hommes-chiens (Paris 2000).

Maria Guagnin First Floor Flat 22 Cadogan Road Surbiton KT6 4DJ United Kingdom [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Kirstin Marx, Christoph Rinne, Monica De Cet, Rainer Duttmann, Rolf Gabler-Mieck, Wolfgang Hamer, Corinna Kortemeier and Johannes Müller Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures Considering Monumental Architecture on Mallorca

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time K. Marx et al., Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures 105

Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures Considering Monumental Architecture on Mallorca

Kirstin Marx, Christoph Rinne, Monica De Cet, Rainer Duttmann, Rolf Gabler-Mieck, Wolfgang Hamer, Corinna Kortemeier and Johannes Müller

abstract This study examines the settlement development and the spatial organisation of settlements and monuments on the Balearic island of Mallorca between the beginning of stable settlements in the Copper Age about 2500 cal bc and the end in the Roman period. Based upon a dataset of settlement sites with monumental structures, and a Digital Elevation Model (DEM), we applied geospatial analysis techniques to quantitatively characterise settlement dynamics across four time slices and to identify spatial patterns of settlement arrangement. The results of this study show that the colonisation began on the northwest coast and spread rapidly into the interior of the island. The results reflect a considerable variation of site density reaching its maximum in the Talaiotic period. The visibility of sites in the Talaiotic period is neither determined randomly nor by topmost position in the local relief.

Introduction probability of later newcomers? Is there a continuity in the domestic organisation of prehistoric societies? Facing similar developments of monumental struc- Is the Roman occupation pattern based on a continu- tures in different places and historic times, this study ity of previous settlement organisation? refers to the island of Mallorca in the Bronze Age We present here the results of a preliminary until the Roman occupation. We focus on the break- study, the goal of which is to detect interdependen- through of monumental settlements in the Naveta cies between site location and possible settlement horizon and the subsequent Talaiotic culture. In structures in relation to centrality as well as land use. contrast to the connotation of monumentality in the The study develops in three steps. As a first step the workshop Megaliths and Identities, these buildings relationships between the distribution of settlements have a distinctive meaning for the living popula- and selected topographical properties such as elevation, as they are habitations. The construction and tion, aspect and distance to coastline were tested. In maintenance of these monumental constructions im- the next step, we analysed the settlement density ply a special effort of organisation and labour. This and the density distribution. Finally, a viewshed geospatial analysis aims at pointing out the possible analysis was conducted in order to find out whether convergences of monumentality and social differen- visibility between the individual settlements may be tiation in the Funnel Beaker culture. used as an indicator of centrality. Recent publications focus on settlement development in regard to colonisation (Alcover 2008) as well as typochronological differentiation of the archaeological structures (Micó 2006). On the basis Study site, data and methods of these new studies we develop a scheme of land use in four time slices by using freely accessible data Study site (Aramburu-Zabala Higuera 2008). Our inquiry aims at a verification of different historical develop- Mallorca is located in the western Mediterranean ments: Is the earliest human occupation of the island (39° – 40° N, 2° – 4° E) about 180 km east of the Iberian the main root of further developments? Is there a mainland. Having a size of about 3,600 km², it is the

Chronological framework Results and discussion The chronological framework differentiates between four time slices based mainly on an extensive 14C- General settlement patterns collection (Micó 2006, 432). This classification was chosen due to its precision and the high chronologi- The spatial arrangement of the archaeological sites cal resolution of the acquired data. The architectural shows different patterns of distribution in the land- differentiation of the archaeological evidence is scape, especially closeness to the sea, density and based on recent results of sophisticated studies on site continuity. radiocarbon data, architectural remains and their Given the average of measured distances between classification (Micó 2006, 428 ff.). nearest neighbours, we compared the expected The first time slice (2300 cal bc – 1600 cal bc) starts mean that can be calculated from the total number with the first stable settlements on Mallorca com- of sites and the related area. This expected mean is prising the main part of the Early Bronze Age (see merely a statistical estimation of the likelihood of the K. Marx et al., Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures 107

Fig. 1. Mallorca. Archaeological sites (settlements) of the four time slices. a) Early Bronze Age (2300 cal bc – 1600 cal bc); b) Naveta horizon (1600 cal bc – 850 cal bc); c) Talaiotic period (850 cal bc – 123 bc); d) Roman period (123 bc – 707 ad). Lines representing the shorter distances of the triangulation (Voronoi diagram).

settlement spread. So, we compared the observed -4.984 for the Roman period. The high Z Score in- mean distance and the statistically expected mean dicates a high reliability on the null hypothesis that distance of the sites in a first analysis step (Nearest there is no random distribution. Neighbour Analysis). The distribution of differences Further we have to stress that the archaeological between measured and expected values can be inter- record of burial sites during all periods is reduced to preted. If the resulting value is less than one, settle- a minimum. For this reason the subsequent analy- ments are clustered. For values equal to one there is ses are based only on the defined settlements in the a regular dispersal of the sites, while values greater dataset. In this context we neglect the first time slice than one indicate random dispersal. The results of due to the poor frequency of sites. We used Voro- the analysis show a clearly clustered site distribution noi diagrams, consisting of lines to the three nearest in each of the four slices. Therefore an intentional ar- neighbours of each settlement, to visualise agglom- rangement is proved here. The calculated ratios and eration in the spatial distribution. To represent only related significances vary between .688, Z Score of the shortest distances we used the median of all dis- -13.411 for the Talaiotic period and .810, Z Score of tances as a cut-off value. So we emphasise the denser 108 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

Fig. 2. Mallorca. Site density and viewshed analysis of settlements. Density in each three times 3 km square represented by various shades of grey; visibility represented by height and number of the cube. a) Physical map; b) Naveta horizon; c) Talaiotic period; d) Roman period.

part of the inhabited areas (Fig. 1). The medians are: centre (Fig. 1b). The increase of archaeological sites 7,480 m for the Naveta horizon, 2,600 m for the Ta- from 16 to 104 might have proceeded during the en- laiotic phase and 4,820 m for the Roman period. tire second phase (Table 1). Despite this, we suggest The 16 sites of the first time slice representing the a rapid spread of settlements that presumably took Early Bronze Age are located near the coast and con- only a couple of decades up to a century from the centrated around the highest peaks of the Tramun- beginning of the Naveta horizon. tanian mountain range. One can assume that the This process of high demographic dynamics coin- geographic position of these settlements show the cides with the decline of Early Bronze Age societies relevance of high mountains as landmarks for navi- in the Iberian Peninsula (El Argar), in Italy (Polada) gation (Fig. 1a). Taking this into account, we propose and in France (Micó 2006, 431). A considerable part that the colonisation started in the northwest. This is of the demographic dynamics mentioned may be as- in accordance with the archaeological evidence (Al- cribed to immigration, because the few settlements cover 2008, 34). In the first time slice, the sites are recorded in the first time slice suggest a small initial clearly related to the coast. population only. The quick expansion of settlements In the second time slice of 1600 to 850 cal bc the across the island indicates a predefined and well ad- settlement sites have reached the inner part of the is- justed behaviour for subsistence in the new environ- land, with concentrations at the four edges and in the ment. K. Marx et al., Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures 109

Early Bronze Age Naveta horizon Talaiotic period Roman period

(2,300 cal b c – 1,600 cal b c) (1,600 cal b c – 850 cal b c) (850 cal bc – 123 b c) (123 bc – 707 a d) no data 3 1 351 515 abri 1 5 1 settlement 4 85 506 189 grave 3 2 97 7 cave/sanctuary 5 16 125 47 sum 16 104 1,084 759

Table 1. Archaeological sites in each time slice.

EBA Naveta horizon Talaiotic Roman EBA 4 2; 0.0225 1; 0.0016 1; 0.0052 Pretalaiotic 85 15; 0.0216 7; 0.0255 Talaiotic 611 170; 0.2122 Roman 190

Table 2. Continuity between time slices. Frequency of sites and calculation with Jaccard-Coefficient (EBA: Early Bronze Age).

The fundamental changes in the 9th century bc, The difference in distances between the settle- mainly reflected in Talaiotic towers that mark the ments of each time slice is clearly revealed by the beginning of our third time slice are well known dispersal of the distances of the Nearest Neighbour (Alcover 2008; Micó 2006, 431). As shown in figure Analysis. The mean distance reaches its lowest val- 1 c, we characterise this period by a strong increase ues in the Talaiotic period (median: 2,600 m, Fig. 2c). of settlement sites and a growing density of settle- The median of the Naveta horizon and Roman pe- ments. riod is 7,500 m and 4,800 m respectively (Figs. 2b and The distances between the settlements drastically 2d). The ANOVA test according to Kruskal-Wallis shrink to nearly one third from the Naveta horizon clearly advises rejection of the null hypothesis of a to the Talaiotic period. Considering the underlying common distribution. The Mann-Whitney-U-Test archaeological and geographical factors, one could for the Talaiotic and Roman period gives the same expect a dispersed distribution of numerous small highly significant result. settlements. However, the archaeological record Both the significant difference in distances be- indicates beyond doubt a concentration from dis- tween the settlements in the Naveta horizon and persed ship-shaped buildings (navettas) to huge in the Talaiotic period and the affinity with the Ro- centralised and often fortified settlements surround- man period raise the question of the continuity of ing monumental towers (talaiots, Guerrero Ayuso the settlements. Is there a continuity from the au- et al. 2002; Salvá i Simonet 2001, 130 Fig. 4; Lull tochthonous settlements towards the settlements et al. 2001). Consequently, we can presume a consid- of the conquerors? The continuity or discontinuity erable population growth which probably evoked a is represented by the successive use of a settlement more centralised distribution of resources. or graveyard. The Jaccard-Coefficient takes into ac- During the subsequent Roman period, a decrease count different sample sizes in relation to possible of settlements can be derived from a doubling of the coincidences and evaluates the similarities (results median distance. This might be explained by the see Table 2). With regard to the initial question a co- emergence of cities according to Roman settlement efficient of 0.2122 indicates a high continuity from organisation (Fig. 1d). the Talaiotic to the Roman settlements. In this case 110 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies persistent settlements of succeeding time slices are before (Fig. 1), there is a distinct increase in settle- divided by the population. In contrast to the shift ment density from Naveta to Talaiotic and Roman from the Talaiotic to the Roman period the coeffi- times (median distances: 7,480 m, 2,600 m, 4,820 m). cient from settlements of the Naveta horizon to the The northern part of the island shows a noticeably Talaiotic period is rather small, pointing to a rela- higher density of sites during Talaiotic times than tively poor continuity of settlements. This empha- the south (Fig. 1c). sises the rupture between these two time slices by In contrast to the dispersal patterns, visibility is the high agglomeration of settlements. not as easy to reconsider. Although there is better The polygons (Fig. 2) show the direct distance be- visibility between the sites in the north, a signifi- tween the sites. The surrounding rectangles (Feature cant differentiation is not possible due to the limited Envelope to Polygon) are used to circumscribe the quality of the underlying data. This relates mainly to area of the individual subcentres in the resulting net- the initially mentioned rounding of coordinates and work. the unknown extent of the settlements themselves Going more into detail, there are three clusters of in the three spatial dimensions. Besides, changes of sites that represent continuous settlements across all the terrain surface due to erosion and denudation the outlined time slices. One centre of settlement lies processes as well as vegetation density and heights in the north (Pollença, Alcúdia), another centre in have not been considered. However, it is apparent the east (Artà, Son Servera, Capdepera) and an ag- that there is no relationship between visibility and glomeration of three subcentres occurs in the west the indicator site per grid cell. The parameter’s cor- (between Andratx and Valldemossa west and north relation is nearly 0 (Kendall-Tau-b: -0.046 sig. 167). of Palma). Furthermore, there is a not clearly marked The Naveta horizon and the Roman period show centre in the southern part of the island (mainly similar values (Kendall-Tau-b: 0.07 sig. 0.468; Kend- Lluchmayor and Campos, northwest of Santañy). all-Tau-b: 0.05 sig. 0.426). Another aspect of visibility is the position of the settlement with respect to local topography. A settlement on top of a hill is more Spatial organisation of settlements likely visible than one in the valley. Therefore we calculated for each settlement the mean height of the To conclude the patterns of spatial organisation, we surrounding terrain surface in a diameter of 500 m. analysed visibility between the sites of each time Most sites of the three main periods tend towards slice as proxy. a slightly exposed position in the local topography. The sense of sight has long been emphasised in With respect to this property no differences can be archaeology as the central approach between man- detected between the periods. The calculated differ- kind and environment (Hodder / Orton 1976). De- ence between settlement height and local mean for tails of the technical implementation of viewshed the Naveta horizon and the Talaiotic period clearly analysis in spatial studies and archaeology are given belongs to the same sample (two-sided Mann-Whit- by Wheatly and Gillings (Wheatly / Gillings 2002). ney-U-Test: 0.997). This clearly contradicts a model For instance, the complexity of the related param- of increased dominance in the landscape by Talaiotic eters and their evaluation are discussed by Ogburn settlement schemes. (2006). Interpreting the results of viewshed analyses in general, Demnick (2009) points out the importance of differentiating between a detectable correlation of visibility and archaeological phenomena and Conclusion the deduction of causality (Demnick 2009, 151). In an overall assessment of the digital terrain and This preliminary study has shown clearly differ- settlement data used here, it becomes obvious that entiated settlement patterns in our four time slices. more elevated sites are preferred to the wet lowlands 1) The earliest human occupation predominates in close to the coast (Fig. 3). No indicators for further the northwest of the island and is not the core of the terrain-dependent differentiation could be proved. further settlement development. 2) The increase of The orientation of the sites tends to be westsouth- settlements in the Naveta horizon and the colonisa- west. This probably implies site orientation follow- tion into the centre of the island presumably reflect ing evening sun location. the arrival of later newcomers. 3) We detect a clear To compare the structures of settlement density site discontinuity between the Naveta horizon and and visibility, we used a regular grid with a cell the Talaiotic period. 4) The Talaiotic period reflects size of three times three kilometres. As pointed out the highest density in land use on the island. 5) The K. Marx et al., Geospatial Analysis of Prehistoric Settlement Structures 111

Roman settlements resume the preceding Talaiotic architecture occurs from 1400 cal bc and marks the settlement sites but with an agglomeration. occupation of new and different types of landscape Due to the freely accessible data concerning only patterns on the island. This result is emphasised by the modern relief and the roughly classified data on the research of Salvá i Simonet (2010) pinpointing archaeological sites, the discussed results have to be a rupture in abundance and types of metal artefacts proven by subsequent examinations. For the views- concerning the alloy and manufacturing, the artefact hed general analysis, object dimension and historic types and their size, the amount and the deposition. vegetation have not been considered here. Also pos- These results accord well with the mentioned ex- sible erosion and observer height found no place in planations concerning Spain, Sardinia and France as that analysis because of the complexity of data gen- possible regions of provenience by Micó (2006, 431). eration for erosion and the general accuracy of the With the highest densities in the northern half of the data. For a detailed analysis more specialised data island, one can suppose in addition that the initial on site classification and detailed chronological dif- spread came from the north. One open question is ferentiation are necessary. how development proceeded within the time slices. In contrast, the outlined distribution patterns A highly dynamic development in population is ob- clearly show a rapid development over time. The vious and should be evolved with the help of agent- first increase from a few initial foci near the coast in based GIS models as a next step of investigation. Be- the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age to an over- sides, a detailed investigation on the basis of more all spread of settlement sites in the Naveta horizon qualified data will enable sophisticated results relat- period can only be explained in terms of the arrival ing to the discussed topic of landscape dynamics. of new groups with a clearly defined perception of landscape organisation. This shift is clearly visible in the change of the settlement development, e. g. acknowledgement Thanks to Prof. Roberto with the demarcation of areas by walls at the begin- Risch (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) who sup- ning of the Naveta horizon (~ 1600 cal bc). According ported us a lot in the evaluation of datasets and research to Micó (2006, 428) the emergence of monumental questions.

Kirstin Marx Christoph Rinne Monica De Cet Geographisches Institut Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Graduate School Human Development Sektion Geographie Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel in Landscapes Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Ludewig-Meyn-Straße 14 24118 Kiel Leibnizstraße 3 24098 Kiel Germany 24118 Kiel [email protected] [email protected] Germany [email protected]

Rainer Duttmann Rolf Gabler-Mieck Wolfgang Hamer Geographisches Institut Geographisches Institut Geographisches Institut Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Ludewig-Meyn-Straße 14 Ludewig-Meyn-Straße 14 Ludewig-Meyn-Straße 14 24098 Kiel 24098 Kiel 24098 Kiel [email protected] [email protected] Germany

Corinna Kortemeier Johannes Müller Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel 24118 Kiel Germany Germany [email protected] 112 Global Perspectives, Diverse Strategies

References

Alcover 2008 Lull et al. 2001 J. A. Alcover, The first Mallorcans: Prehistoric coloniza- V. Lull / R. Micó / C. Rihuete Herrada / R. Risch, La tion in the Western Mediterranean. Journal World Pre- prehistoria de las Islas Baleares y el yacimiento arque- hist. 21, 2008, 19 – 84. ológico de Son Fornés (Montuiri, Mallorca 2001). Aramburu-Zabala Higuera 2008 J. Aramburu-Zabala Higuera, Arqueobalear. El por- Micó 2006 tal de la arqueología Balear. Inventario. Fecha actual- R. Micó, Radiocarbon dating and Balearic prehistory re- ización: 10-abril-2008. http://www.arqueobalear.es/in- viewing the periodization of the prehistoric sequence. ventario.php. Accessdate: 20. 03. 2010. Radiocarbon 48, 2006, 421 – 434.

Consejo Superior Geográfico 2010 Ogburn 2006 Consejo Superior Geográfico, Ministerio de Fomento, D. Ogburn, Assessing the level of visibility of cultural Consejo Superior Geográfico. Infraestructura de Da- objects in past landscapes. Journal Arch. Scien. 33, 2006, tos Espaciales de España. http://www.idee.es/show. 405 – 413. do?to=pideep_desarrollador_wcs.EN Download: 15. 04. 2010. Salvá i Simonet 2001 B. Salvá i Simonet, El pretalaiòtic al llevat mallorquí Demnick 2009 (1700 – 1100 AC). Anàlisi territorial (Palma 2001). D. Demnick, Sichtanalysen am Beispiel Altmärkischer Salvá i Simonet 2010 Megalithgräber. In: H.-J. Beier / E. Claßen / T. Doppler / B. Salvá i Simonet, Cambio tecnológico en la metalurgia B. Ramminger (eds.), Varia Neolithica VI. Neolithische de las Baleares (Calcolítico y Edad del Bronce). Trabajos Monumente und neolithische Gesellschaften. Beitr. Ur- Prehist. 67 (2), 2010, 349 – 357. u. Frühgesch. Mitteleuropa 56 (Langenweißbach 2009) 141 – 152. Wheatley / Gillings 2002 D. Wheatley / M. Gillings, Spatial technology and ar- Guerrero Ayuso et al. 2002 chaeology. The archaeological applications of GIS (Lon- V. M. Guerrero Ayuso / M. Calvo Trias / B. Salvá i Si- don, New York 2002). monet, La edad del Bronce Balear (c. 1700 – 1000/900 BC). Desarollo de la complejidad social. Complutum 13, 2002, 193 – 219. webservices http://www.idee.es/show.do?to=pideep_desarrollador_ Hodder / Orton 1976 wcs.en Download 15. 04. 2010 I. Hodder / C. Orton, Spatial analysis in archaeology. http://www.arqueobalear.es/inventario.php Download New Stud. Arch. 1 (Cambridge 1976). 20. 03. 2010 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandinavia and Northern Central Europe

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 115

Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandinavia and Northern Central Europe

Martin Furholt

abstract Starting with a discussion of the common use of the term “monument” seven outstanding characteristics are identified. These are then compared to the characteristics of the Northern grave monuments of the Neolithic. Doing so, it becomes clear that the latter constitute a special type of monument, differentiable from others. All of these types have in common that they serve the purpose identified as the conceptual core of the monument term, that is, the creation of cultural memories, of intentional investment in external symbolic storage with a collective background and aim. Vari- ance appears especially regarding the material aspects of the monument term. The northern European megalithic monuments are small-scale and simple; they are not shaped or placed individually or uniquely but appear in groups of rather similar forms clustered in the landscape. In their temporal dimension they show a marked processual nature, reflected by constant building and re-forming activities, very different from large-scale, pre-designed memorial places of more recent societies. Nevertheless, an empirical analysis of the temporal and spatial structures shows that these unfixed, processual structures change into more stable structures as time goes by, and effectively create stable and fixed ritual landscapes which avoid the adoption of new ideological trends towards the third millennium bc.

Introduction structures are commonly referred to as monuments without further investigating the applicability of the Discussions about monuments or the phenomenon term. of monumentality have played a prominent role in The term “monument” has been applied to quite the interpretation of the process of Neolithisation or a variety of structures in different parts of the world, the reconstruction of Neolithic ideologies and social created in different periods under quite different systems as well as an argument to highlight struc- social and political circumstances. The range, as is tural differences between societies (to name a few: also demonstrated in this volume, includes small- Renfrew 1973; Hodder 1990; Sherratt 1990; Sher- scale grave structures, private domestic complexes, ratt 1995; Thomas 1999; Bradley 1998; Edmonds representative monarch palaces, religious temples, 1999; Scarre 2002; Midgley 2005; Tilley 1996; Mül- modern national memorials, post-modern commer- ler 2009). This has become even more urgent since cial buildings. The term is also widely used by dif- the marvellous findings in Göbekli Tepe have sug- ferent sciences with different intentions as well as in gested that monuments mark the very beginning of common speech. the Neolithisation process itself (Schmidt 2000). But Despite this variety of contexts, there appears to it seems somewhat strange that, with a few excep- be a certain set of aspects referred to when using tions (e. g. Veit 1999; Holtorf 1996; Müller 2009) the term “monument” or “monumentality”. How little effort has been made in prehistoric archaeology these aspects could be grouped to form a coherent to define the term “monument” more thoroughly. concept, or a set of concepts connected to a coher- The archaeological record of the Neolithic in ent core concept is the question posed in the first northern central Europe and southern Scandinavia part of this paper. A preliminary observation might is very much dominated by grave structures, where- be the suggestion that most aspects related to the as domestic, settlement sites are much less visible monumentality concept are dominated by the study and thus much less known (Jensen 2001). The graves of large-scale memorial places set up in the context

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Keramik aus Schnitt 9 und 10 beinhalteten überwiegend eisenzeitliches Material. Legende In Schnitt 11 taucht nur vereinzelt nicht neolithische Keramik auf. Die Funde aus den Schnitten 5 undTrenches 11 sind 9 trichterbecherzeitliche and 10 contain mostly Scherben. Iron Age material. NumberAnzahl Scherben of sherds pro per 0,25m² 0.25 m² Aus den übrigenKeramik Schnitten aus Schnitt stammt 9 und meist 10 unverziertesbeinhalteten grobesüberwiegend Material, eisenzeitliches Material. Legende welches keineIn Schnitt eindeutige 11 taucht zeitliche nur Einordnungvereinzelt nicht zuläßt. neolithische Keramik auf. Die Funde aus den Schnitten 5 und 11 sind trichterbecherzeitliche Scherben. Anzahl Scherben pro 0,25m² 0 Aus den übrigen Schnitten stammt meist unverziertes grobes Material, 1-2 3-4 5-9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-79 80-119 welches keine eindeutige zeitliche Einordnung zuläßt. 120-179180-249250-399400-600 0 1-2 3-4 5-9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-79 80-119 Fig. 1. Lüdelsen. Long Barrow and Passage Grave 6 with the density of pottery distribution indicating120-179 the180-249 location250-399400-600 of depositional activities near the entrance (graphics Denis Demnick).

similar dimensions, with a mean length of 25 m for of building events of much smaller scale (cf. Steffens long barrows and a mean diameter of 5 m for round 2009; D. Mischka this volume; Andersen 1997; see barrows. Fig. 4). This apparent lack of colossality and elabora- With regard to elaboration, we have to bear in tion stands in stark contrast to the impressive num- mind that the great majority of megaliths, the dol- ber of these structures: rough estimates for Denmark mens, are made of unworked stones that are piled alone indicate 40,000 megaliths originally present upon each other in quite simple fashions (Jensen (Jensen 2001, 363), which might even be at the lower 2001, 359 ff.). In several cases, a capstone has been end. Hübner (2005) states 68,000 known round bar- cloven into two (Jensen 2001, 362), but generally rows from the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age in stones are just collected as these glacial erratic blocks Denmark alone, and she convincingly estimates two were encountered on the morainal soils. The whole thirds of these were built during the Neolithic (Hüb- structure – dolmen and earthen barrow – does not ner 2005, 32). represent any colossal workload that would not be These sheer numbers clearly contradict the next manageable for a small group of people – maybe no material notion of the monument concept laid out more than ten to twenty persons working for a cou- above, the uniqueness of a monument, be it by shape ple of days, following the calculations made by Mül- of by its position in the landscape. Both megalith- ler (1990) for different monument types from Ork- ic and non-megalithic barrows tend to cluster into ney, where between 3,000 to 6,000 working hours groups of quite similar forms, and it is compelling per person are calculated for structures of compara- that even the megalithic chambers are so uniform- ble dimensions. For ten persons working ten hours a ly laid out that it is possible to classify them using day this would add up to 30 to 60 days. but a small number of types (Jensen 2001, 359 ff. Even in the case of larger structures, whenever ex- Blomquist 1989). Whereas obviously neither colos- cavations of more recent date have been able to have sality, elaboration nor uniqueness seems to char- a closer look into the building history it is possible to acterise our northern European Neolithic barrows identify a longer biography, revealing a succession and megaliths, these structures are certainly dura- M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 119

0 3m

Steinumfassung Stone cerb OrthostatesOrthostate CapstonesDecksteine

GrubePit ForestWaldweg track RootsBaumwurzeln

Fig. 2. Lüdelsen. Round Barrow and Elongated Dolmen 3 (after Demnick et al. 2008, graphics Denis Demnick and Holger Dieterich). ble, made of durable materials, soil and stones. On bined or if we encounter certain chamber types both the other hand, less durable materials also are often present in wood and in stone in different structures used, like wood, timber and sods, in several cases (Hübner 2005, 557 ff.), it seems doubtful if the crea even in combination with stones and soil. Especially tion of physical durability really was an intention be- when durable and non-durable materials are com- hind the choice of material. On the contrary, it rather 120 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

even incidentally resulting in the form of a long barrow, which is then altered several times, all this taking place within three generations (Mischka 2011, 755; D. Mischka this volume). Rastorf LA6 shows a similar structure (Fig. 4; Steffens 2009, 15 ff.). Be- side a domestic house of the Fuchsberg phase first a megalithic round barrow was built which then, in seven successive phases, was totally reshaped into a long barrow. The focus of these structures clearly seems to be on the building activities, on successive, presumably repetitive actions, rather than on the specific shape, as this was constantly altered without accounting for any overall building plan. A second aspect to this processual nature of activities is the tendency of megaliths and barrows to cluster together in groups. There is a seeming continuity of building activities, not only within certain structures but also between the structures. As soon as one is finished, this does not mean the activities are ceased, but rather the next structure starts to be built. Such a scenario is strongly indicated by the Fig. 3. Højvang Gantrup. The non-megalithic round bar- huge number of structures in relation to the short row (after Hübner 2005, 490; Horsbøl Nielsen in: AUD time span of megalithic building activities (Ander 1997, 179 Nr. 358). sen 1997, 94; Jensen 2001, 363). To summarise the material aspects of the monument concept, our Neolithic barrow and megalith structures clearly deviate from the definitions given at the start of this paper. Rather, they are seems as if all materials available were actually used. ● mostly of small scale, and even larger examples We have to bear in mind that erratic blocks must may be broken down to a number of small-scale, have been very numerous in the postglacial, Early segmental units, Neolithic landscape, surely posing problems to an ● not unique, but interconnected by form and agriculture using the ard1. ● covering the landscape rather than standing out Still, during the fourth millennium bc, the mega- as individuals lithic monuments show a clear dominance of stone ● the outcome of processes rather than of single and earth. Wooden structures are frequent mostly in planned building events with an intended durabil- the pre-megalithic phases of these barrows. In Flint- ity. bek, generally speaking, wood as a building material seems to be neglected as soon as large stones start to be used (Mischka in print). Wooden structures are What kind of monuments? only very seldom constructed after the introduction of megaliths. Nevertheless the most significant argu- Despite these clear deviances in the material aspects ment regarding the aspect of durability is the proces- the non-material characteristics of the monument sual nature of building activities already referred to. concept, the real core of our use of the term, reflected If we look into the building history of excavated by the aspects 5 to 7 – that is to say the notion of a monuments it becomes clear that they are not built surplus of meaning intentionally created with a colin one event to have a specific shape, but their shape lective relevance – cannot be denied in the case of is constantly, and often quite fundamentally altered these structures. Still, regarding the material aspects in successive building activities. A good example is it has become obvious that there clearly are differ- LA3 in Flintbek, where a series of smaller non-meg- ent kinds of monuments. At least there seems to be alithic graves with small barrows are added, maybe a difference between the Neolithic monuments dis-

1 It has been noted that the earliest real evidence of ard use is contemporary to the earliest megalithic graves (cf. Vosteen 1996). M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 121

Fig. 4. Rastorf. Long Barrow LA 6. The diagrammatic plan (B) shows the seven successive building and reshaping phases (after Steffens 2009, fig. 4; table 1). 122 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain cussed and the more recent ones characterised by elaboration pointing towards a much higher degree their large scale, their high degree of elaboration and of specialisation and social complexity. individual shape of setting, characteristic of most specimens at least from classical antiquity to modern national memorials, but surely also typical of the early state societies of the old and the new world The durability aspect of monuments (Assmann 1992, 169 ff.; Alcock 2002; Stanish 2001). It could be argued that the latter, large-scale monu- The different types of monuments discussed above ment type should be connected to highly stratified seem to lead us towards the recognition of two basic social systems, where we might expect specialised variants regarding the temporal dimension of mon- building teams, based on a higher degree of division uments, two different aspects connected to the crea- of labour and a political background that is highly tion of durability. One is the basic stability of the ma- organised and centralised. With this background a terial shape of the structure. There are monuments higher amount of overall planning allows the execu- that are constructed after a clear, pre-assembled tion of monument construction following a clearly plan, and that are made of durable materials, thus defined layout, resulting in a fixed shape and fol- intentionally enabling the monument to be passed lowing the framework of a clearly defined ideologi- on to further generations. This is surely a strategy cal system. for the creation of durable cultural memories. Tak- By contrast, the northern European Neolithic ing Assmann´s concept seriously, there is also a monuments represent a very different monument second possibility for the creation of stable cultural type that is not colossal, but small-scale, not espe- memories, and that is repetitive actions. Assmann cially elaborate, but rather simple and not unique sees such repetitive actions, rituals, as a basic aspect or centralised, but clustered and consisting of many connected to the reception of built monuments (Ass- interconnected structures. Moreover, these monu- mann 1992, 56 f.). Watkins (this volume) identifies ments are not intended to have a durable shape; repetitive actions as the main basis for the establish- they are outcomes of processual and repetitive ac- ment of external symbolic storage and the creation of tivities which seem to be more important than the society. Regarding the northern European, or in- actual material outcome. These monuments seem to deed, the Neolithic monuments the repetitiveness be more compatible with a social organisation based of actions is the main factor of the monument con- on small-scale, largely autonomous segmental units struction itself. We have seen that the actual shape that we expect as the actual context in the northern of megaliths and barrows does not seem to be pre- European Neolithic (Müller 2011). assembled by any overall design; instead the struc- After having defined two types of monuments, it tures are created through repetitions of construction- is clear that this is only of heuristic value for the anal- al events, mostly of a smaller scale, which of course ysis of the monuments in question, and that these do involve planning and design, but of a much sim- two types obscure the wide variety of monuments pler form. The activities are of prime interest, not the present. Considering, for example, the structures of shape of the material outcome, and the activities are Göbekli Tepe (Schmidt 2006), its processual and re- those that are standardised and thus create stability petitive nature is obvious, and its layout consisting and durable memories, which of course have to be of clusters of quite similar, relatively small, segmen- maintained through the continuation of the action tal units that only in their sum form an impressive routines. ensemble also clearly reminds us of the northern Thus, the two poles in the creation of durabil- European monument structures. Their construc- ity – the material durability of a distinct form and tion, however, is of a remarkable elaboration that the repetitiveness of cooperative activities – are two is in marked contrast to the latter, and rather to be variants present in most monuments mentioned; but associated with the large-scale monument types of they are situated differently within the monumen- state societies. Although the scale of the T-shaped tal structures. Repetitive actions can be associated pillars and the circular courts may be called colossal, to structures constructed in a single event according they recall much smaller specimens of similar shape to a pre-assembled design, or they can be part of or known from other sites (Sagona / Zimansky 2009, constitutive for the construction process itself. But 57), thus colossality is not a formative quality in this even in these cases, like the megaliths and barrows, case either. In this way, the PPN monuments of the the rather processual building activities result in ma- Near East display qualities resembling the small- terial outcomes that at a certain point of time have a scale structure of the first type, combined with an more or less fixed shape. M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 123

This means that we are not talking about two to whether it is possible to connect the conditions clearly different ways of creating durability in mon- concerning the stability of monument construction uments, but rather two complementary aspects that processes both to social systems and the stability of are more or less pronounced in the different monu- ideological patterns. ment types.

Stable monumental landscapes in northern Stable or fluid ideological packages ? central Europe and southern Scandinavia ?

Nevertheless, if it is true that processual activities From what has been stated above it would follow and repetitive actions are associated more with that, because of their processual layout of monu- Neolithic monuments, whereas the pre-assembled, ment construction activities, in our working region planned, materially stable structures are mostly as- these structures are connected to less stable ideologi- sociated with state societies, it is tempting to pro- cal patterns. Another connected question is whether pose a more clearly defined ideological package in these monuments are less effective in conserving the case of the latter variant, whereas the processual ideological messages. These two questions will be monuments are constantly re-negotiating and alter- followed by a more empirical survey of the history ing the social meanings connected to these activities. of monument construction and use from the earli- Turning back to our definition of the core of the mon- est appearance of such structures around 3800 bc ument concept, the intentional creation of meaning- to the appearance of the youngest main monument ful structures with collective relevance, we have to type, the non-megalithic round barrow in the third consider this aspect in regard to the social formation millennium bc. During this time the region saw the it is embedded in. Cultural memories are an essen- advent of different ideological trends that are pre- tial condition for the emergence of society (Assmann sent in larger areas of Europe and that involve clear 1992, 130 ff.). Individual actions have to be stand- changes in monument-building activities. It will be ardised and harmonised by means of behavioural investigated how these changes in ideology and norms that are legitimised within the framework monument-building practices relate to existing pat- of collective identities (Blumer 1981; Searle 1995). terns. Especially in early societies, we have to assume that It is important to note that in 3800 bc, when the first such identities are realised by repetitive, ritual ac- monuments appear in southern Scandinavia, we are tivities including the creation and handling of mate- already looking back at a history of more than 1,000 rial symbols (Watkins 2009, 631). Norms will have years of sedentary societies, hunter-gatherers of the to be constantly cultivated and exercised as long as Ertebølle period who, despite their sedentary way of there do not exist stable political institutions guar- life, did not create any durable material structures of anteeing the preservation of and adherence to the noteworthy scale, neither houses nor above-ground norms as well as the punishment of transgressions. grave markings. It seems as if society was organised This constant cultivation is expressed in the early in very small residential units, huts and clusters of form of monumentality observed in Neolithic socie- huts, the most durable remains being the refuse are- ties. The lack of an overall design, as clearly demon- as, like shell middens from coastal sites (Jensen 2001, strated in the examples of Flintbek LA3 (D. Mischka 183 ff.). Also the use of material culture for symbolic this volume) and Rastorf LA6 (Steffens 2009), dem- purposes is low when compared to other early sed- onstrates that the building activities represent acts entary societies (Furholt 2010). Despite the occur- of re-negotiation. On the other hand, in the cases of rence of some new forms of pottery, tools, domestic pre-designed monuments, it seems as if the message plants and animals, whose scale and actual times of intended is also preconceived and stable. We know advent are still debated, but surely not coherent, not from the early states of the Near East that we have much seems to change regarding subsistence, spa- to reckon with central political authorities and reli- tial and symbolic behaviour. It is only with the first gious institutions guaranteeing the defence of such monuments, the non-megalithic earthen long bar- ideological packages legitimising the political and rows at 3800/3700 bc – the datings still rely on unclear economic power relations (Assmann 1992). These charcoal dates (Rassmann 2011) – that this situation state societies are of course still far away from the so- slightly changes. Their spatial distribution does not cial systems connected to Neolithic and Bronze Age show any clear patterns; on the contrary, they seem monuments in Europe, but the question remains as to be evenly dispersed throughout the region (Rass- 124 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 5. Passage grave chamber layouts (after Jensen 2001, 376). The entrance area, marked through the construction of a passage, is now the main symbol of repetitive activities, which have changed from constant building activities (see Fig. 4 and D. Mischka this volume) to interments and depositions through and by the passage.

mann 2011, Fig. 1). It is not straightforward to as- ument-building activities referred to above (Fig 4; sess the number of these early monuments, because D. Mischka this volume). These activities are associ- many of them were later altered and supplemented ated to some uniting patterns of behaviour – again by megalithic structures, but they seem to be signifi- repetitive actions, leaving a distinct set of archaeo- cantly less numerous than the megalithic structures logical remains, the most salient symbols being rich- that start to be erected around 3600/3500 bc. The ally decorated pottery and elaborately polished stone ready cited estimates of approx. 40,000 megalithic axes deposited in and by the monuments. Without monuments are even more impressive considering neglecting what has been said above about the sta- the fact that by far the majority of them were built bility and changeability of concepts connected to during the first two hundred years. In this period, these processual monuments, we may follow the large areas were culturally shaped by monument interpretation of these symbols as generally high- constructions, although with different intensities as lighting both production and consumption, maybe figure 6 clearly shows. In some areas, the density also inter-regional exchange (Kristiansen 1984). Af- of megalithic structures is so high that we can talk ter this early phase of extensive building activities, about total transformations into monumental land- in the following period, 3300 to 3100 bc obviously scapes. Fig. 6 also shows that there is a clear centre of building activities decrease; much fewer monuments megalithic construction activities on and around the are constructed, but they also change their shapes. Danish Isles, including the coastal areas of eastern The chamber sizes rise and the entrances get more Jutland and western Scania. marked. In this period the big dolmens and passage It is this period, from 3600/3500 bc to 3300 bc, that graves are built. This development represents a clear best represents the processual and repetitive mon- tendency towards a higher degree of pre-assembled M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 125 design, and a shift of the repetitiveness from the (Furholt 2003). Especially the changes in burial rites construction process towards depositional activi- with strict deposition and orientation rules, high- ties. This is symbolised by the elaborated entrance, lighting the sexed individual with battle axes and, the passage, that is now more and more marked as in the early phase, only very seldom pottery, again a means through which continuous interments can points towards marked changes in the ideological be carried out in the context of this otherwise stable background of this development. Additionally it is structure (see Fig. 5). connected with a new type of monument, the rather After 3100 bc most megalithic construction activi- small, round, non-megalithic burial mound (Hüb- ties seem to cease (Jensen 2001, 366). The existing ner 2005). Again there is a distinct processual nature megaliths are continuously used and reused. From of these structures, as each new interment into the this time on, new supra-regional ideological trends mound was accompanied by an enlargement of the are adopted in the working region, but interestingly structure (Fig. 8). Apart from the enlargement, the this does not apply to the regions with the densest shape was not altered, thus an overall design – the distribution of megalithic structures, that is, the most simple round barrow – is now obvious in all build- productive and most innovative regions during the ing activities. As already stated, two thirds of the Middle Neolithic period – and indeed still in today’s 68,000 known burial mounds in Denmark seem to modern southern Scandinavia, but in regions with have been erected during the Single Grave period no, or very sparse, megalithic monuments. The first (Hübner 2005, 25 ff.). Additionally, Hübner (2005, trend is the so called stone heap graves of northwest 468) has made clear that the majority (60 %) of these Jutland (Fabricius 1996). They date approximately monuments were erected during the earliest period to the turn of the fourth to the third millennia bc, of about 200 years from 2800 to 2600 bc, thus again around 3200 to 2800 bc, and have recently been con- attesting a massive transformation of the landscape. vincingly reinterpreted as the remains of single buri- Figure 7 shows the location of those graves which als connected to wagon and double cattle burials (Jo- because of their axe types clearly can be dated to the hannsen / Laursen 2010). The highlighting of cattle early phase2 – which is generally rather complicated and wagons in burials is a supra-regional trend in due to the long lifespans of many single grave good the late fourth millennium especially connected to types (Müller 1999; Furholt 2004). The map clearly Globular Amphora graves, Baden graves (Behrens shows that the new trend in monument building 1964, 19 ff.) and, further east, to Maikop graves of the avoids the centre of former megalithic activity, con- Caucasus (Trifonov 2004), in the third millennium centrating in the regions of more dispersed distri- also to Yamnaya graves (Nikolova / Kaiser 2009). bution of megalithic tombs or even regions with no We are obviously dealing with a new ideological de- megalithic tombs, surrounding this central mega- velopment, now highlighting the individual, mobil- lithic region. This trend continues through the entire ity as well as the storage and distribution of wealth. Single Grave period, with a centre of burial mound The new monument type, the stone heap grave, still erection in western Jutland, whereas only a few sin- shows all the material characteristics known from gle-grave barrows are erected on the Danish Isles, the region: they are small in scale, they are clus- where the dominant burial rite is constituted by the tered together and their spatial outlay again hints re-use of older megalithic graves (Andersen 1986). towards a successive and processual nature (Jo- hannsen / Laursen 2010). Fig. 6 clearly shows that this new ideological trend avoids the core region of megalithic monuments, and that generally the cattle Implications for the monumentality concept burials are distributed at the peripheries of the area of megalithic graves in northern central Europe. Although we have seen that the megalithic graves This development is continued in an even more and early non-megalithic long barrows are of a pro- marked way in the following centuries. cessual outlay, rather than durable in the sense of From 2900 bc onwards the Corded Ware / Single a fixed shape, and although the creation of cultural Grave Complex becomes dominant in huge areas of memories is connected to repetitive actions rather eastern, central and northern Europe. Northern cen- than to the materiality of the structures themselves, tral Europe and southern Scandinavia are heavily in effect we cannot overlook the formation of a stable impacted by new burial rites, vessel and tool types ritual landscape.

2 The Battle Axe types A2, A3, B1, B2, B3, C1, C3, which in Hübner’s (2005, 144; 151) correspondence analyses are placed in the early phase. Note that the Axe type A1, traditionally thought to be the oldest one, is very probably a more recent type. 126 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 6. Distribution of known megaliths and cattle burials in central Europe (after Fritsch et al. 2010; Johannsen / Laursen 2010). M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 127

Fig. 7. Distribution of known megaliths, cattle burials and the earliest single-grave barrows in northern Germany and southern Scandinavia. 128 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 8. Idealised outlay of successive enlargements connected to secondary interments in single-grave barrows (after Jensen 2001, 479). This is a new type of dynamic actions, which have again switched to building activities, though these do not change the overall outlay of the barrow, but only enlarge its size.

This stable ritual landscape is most marked on with the total cessation of building activities after and around the Danish Isles, where it remains effec- 3100 bc and the establishment of a fixed monumen- tive for several centuries. After 3100 bc no (or very tal landscape which seems to act effectively as a bar- few) new megaliths are built, but also new ideologi- rier to innovations in ideology and rituals. cal trends are avoided or their adoption is at least On the other hand, such a fixed monumental significantly slowed down, despite the massive im- landscape is obviously not formed in all regions of pact they have on neighbouring regions. former megalithic activities (Figs. 6 – 7). The key fac- Thus, regarding the durability aspect, the tempo- tor deciding whether or not such a stable nature of ral dimension of the monument concept, which we monuments is created seems to be the density of vis- identified as being subject to the difference between ible material outcomes, of megalithic graves. the two poles of a durable materiality versus the dynamics of ritual, repetitive activities, the megaliths seems to undergo a marked change in focus. The marked processuality of building activities described Conclusions above applies in particular to the older structures, the long barrows with different grave structures, Talking about the temporal aspect of monuments, among which simple dolmens dominate the mega- besides the obvious difference between structures lithic component. These are by far the most numer- connected to undirected, processual activities ver- ous structures, a fact that goes along with the notion sus pre-planned, fixed structures, there is a second, of virtually constant building activities (see Fig. 4). indubitable dimension. Most processual, repetitive In the later phase, after 3300 bc, with the more com- activities directed towards the forming of matter, plex dolmen chambers and passage graves, which especially immobile matter, will create a durable are much less numerous, the material structure of and inherently fixed structure that will take over the the monuments is much more fixed, and the dy- focus of perception as soon as the repetitive activi- namic, repetitive component clearly moves towards ties have stopped. Thus all monuments of the first the deposition processes of dead individuals, pots, type will inevitably transform into the other type as ornaments and tools. This new focus on activities a second phase of their biography. This means that other than building is clearly symbolised by the new human agency in the creation of cultural memories focus on the entrance area (see Fig. 1; Fig. 5), which is is surpassed by the material outcome of these activi- now often marked by built passages, through and by ties – activities which, due to their indubitable ma- which these repetitive activities of depositions and terial presence and fixedness, become agents in the burials take place. This development sees its climax communication processes in a sense that was (most M. Furholt, Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic 129 probably) not intended by the original creators. In agency. Their material fixedness seems to have act- this way, the temporal difference in occurrence be- ed as a preserving factor effectively avoiding the tween the two monument types – the processual adoption of new ideological impacts from abroad. (Neolithic) one being earlier, the fixed one (Classic In regions where there were enough megaliths vis- Monument Type) being later – might at least partly ible and thus affecting social behaviour on a regular be a result of the kind of processes just described, basis, it must have been more difficult to change the rather than an intentional human decision, or indeed general structure of ritual activities, compared to re- rather than a function of social complexity. gions where only a few, or no, visible signs of older Regarding the question posed at the start of this traditions, cultural memories, reminded people of paper, the barrow and megalith monuments of the former activities and the power of the ideology con- northern European Neolithic clearly show a struc- nected to it. A consequence from the case we have ture that is not necessarily connected to an especially made is surely to acknowledge that the question is complex social background. They are small in scale, not what social preconditions – in terms of social hi- simple in shape, do not display a preconceived plan, erarchy and surplus production – would be obliga- but are subject to continuous alterations on a fair- tory for the creation of monuments of the megalithic ly small scale (see Fig. 4). What is more, there is no type. Rather, it seems possible to describe a process central monument standing out from all the other in which the creation of material monuments and ones. More central monuments could be seen to be cultural memories is in itself an effective social pro- represented by the enclosures, but here again, look- cess that alters social reality. Parallel to the developing into the overall outlay, an association of distinct ment of more stable and larger megalithic structures, segments with smaller, collaborating building teams larger settlements and a more intensive agriculture seems possible (Andersen 1997). seem to evolve (Jensen 1994). Although in compara- It is no problem conceiving the northern Europe- bly limited dimensions, social complexity, the con- an Neolithic monuments as an outcome of collabora- centration of wealth and power evolves simultane- tions of small groups of people without specialists of ously with the monumental activities. Conversely, any overall political organisation. Even surplus pro- one could argue that the rather decentralised struc- duction does not seem necessary in larger quantities, ture of monumental activities as represented by the regarding the limited work load required. megaliths may be a powerful obstruction to a more Interestingly, this kind of small-scale monument marked hierarchisation. With a decentral structure, seems capable of creating long-lasting and stable rit- once materially established, it is not easy to monopo- ual structures, without colossality and elaboration. lise power at single places. Considering the development outlined above, the The monuments of the north are neither cause nor monuments grew more and more fixed in their ma- effect, but an active part of the social structure in the terial form, the repetitive building activities ceased region. and the material object itself gained more and more

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Martin Furholt Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel Germany [email protected] 132 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Doris Mischka Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 133

Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek

Doris Mischka

abstract This paper presents a summary of the recent research history on the Funnel Beaker period in Northern Germany. The body of this article is concerned with the results of the dating project on the Flintbek burial field. More than 150 AMS dates of 25 Neolithic features deliver the chronological backbone of the study of human behaviour of a small social entity within a delineated area located next to modern Flintbek. The development of the activities within this research area is explained with a focus on the genesis of the monuments. Several long barrows were initially built with megalithic burial chambers from about 3630 bc onwards and as non-megalithic monuments from 3500 bc onwards. They are contemporaneous to the construction of dolmens, which were not integrated in long barrows but were used over a longer period. Both types were constructed until 3350 bc and then succeeded by the latest type of monuments, the passage graves. The end of the megalithic burial architecture is difficult to date because of a plateau-like zone in the calibration curve until 3100/3000 bc. Especially for the transition, but as well for the contemporaneous use of non-megalithic and megalithic monuments and the use of single graves and collective inhumations, the short time spans indicate active and recognized processes of choice and changes within the society. This is visible in the sequences of construction phases within single monuments which do not occur contemporaneously within different monuments of this burial field. On the one hand, traditional aspects are respected, and on the other hand innovations in burial practices and in the use of new technologies, i.e. wagons take place.

Research history Foundation about the “Origin and development of early large-scale buildings and the first complex Since 2005 at the Institute of Prehistoric and Proto- societies within the Northern Funnel Beaker cul- historic Archaeology of Kiel University research on ture“ was lanced, initiated by Johannes Müller from the Funnel Beaker period in Southern Scandinavia Kiel University and Friedrich Lüth of the Römisch- and Northern Germany was intensified by several Germanisch Kommission in Frankfurt. Within this newly started, still ongoing projects (e. g. Müller program 18 projects of 22 different organisations in- 2011a; Müller 2011b; Müller et al. submitted; Mül- cluding universities, heritage management organisa- ler et al. 2010; Müller 2010; Müller 2009). Field tions, and research institutes are funded until 2015. work began with a sondage on the dwelling site These projects are mainly engaged in field research Oldenburg LA 255 in Eastern Holstein (Mischka in Northern Germany, including archaeological data 2007a), next to the former Oldenburg fjord system acquisition as well as data acquisition from the natu- (Oldenburger Graben) and more importantly, with ral sciences and its analysis (for more information, the re-localisation of the somewhat famous wetland see: http://www.monument.ufg.uni-kiel.de/). dwelling site at Bad Oldesloe-Wolkenwehe LA 154 Since the initiation of the programme students in a more inland position next to the Trave River have begun working on their doctoral, diploma (Schwabedissen 1953; Schwabedissen 1959). The ex- or master theses and since the introduction of the cavations on this last mentioned site were resumed Bachelor / Master degrees in Germany on Bachelor by the author as a small scale teaching digging thesis on several sites or on material culture which (Hartz et al. 2007; Mischka 2008; Mischka 2007b; had been previously excavated. A first major contri- Mischka 2006; Mischka et al. 2007). In 2009, a so- bution has been completed by J. Steffens who pub- called priority programme of the German Research lished his PhD thesis 2009 on eleven sites located

1 Bernd Zich, employed since 2006 as a department head of the State Museum of Prehistory in Halle, did immense preliminary work on Flintbek sites and the author is more than thankful to him for providing this preparatory work for further research. 2 The author would very much like to thank the German Research Foundation (DFG) for their support as well. D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 135

Flintbek LA 4. Example of a long barrow consisting of megalithic and non-megalithic burials.

B Grave A

Dolmen

Flintbek LA 38. Example of an extended Dolmen with reconstructed burial mound and excentric non-megalithic grave.

Plough marks

0 10m Flintbek LA 40. Example of a Passage Grave with kerbs and excentric non-megalithic grave.

Fig. 1. Flintbek. Different types of sepulcral architecture. A) Long barrows with non-megalithic and megalithic mortuary structures; B) extended Dolmen; C) Passage Graves within circular barrows. 136 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

2) Dolmens outside long barrows Seven monu- they were really small in the beginning. For Flintbek ments can be described as dolmens of different it could easily be proven by anthracological data that types (Flintbek LA 6, LA 18, LA 38, LA 53, LA 56, LA the landscape was opened during the Neolithic. This 58). Some of them are quite large with six or more coincides with the observation of early Neolithic orthostates, proven by the pits in which they were plough marks underneath four of the long barrows once placed. For some of them it was not possible to (LA 3, LA 4, LA17/171 and LA 37) and it does not determine a tumulus, nor its shape. But if determi- matter here, whether this opening indicates ritual or nation was indeed possible, a circular tumulus was profane purposes or both. observed. Two more, LA 7 and LA 11, could belong to this group of monuments but as well to the passage graves. Due to their bad preservation this cannot be exactly proven. Genesis of a long barrow 3) Passage Graves Another megalithic construction is separated by a passage built to enter the The best dating model could be made for Flintbek chamber from the broad side instead of the narrow LA 3 (Fig. 3 – 4). This model has been published sev- end, as is common for the more extended dolmens. eral times so a short summary should be sufficient Four passage graves have been examined in Flint- here (Mischka in print; Mischka 2010; Mischka bek (LA 5, LA 40, LA 52 and LA 57). Their interiors 2011a). The long barrow started with five (Graves provided more generous space and circular tumuli A – E), probably eight (Graves A—H) non-megalithic covered these graves. As stated before, Flintbek LA 7 burials entered shortly from ~ 3500 cal bc up to about and LA 11 could be passage graves as well. ~ 3460 cal bc (Fig. 3). Three of them (Graves A, B, E) Unfortunately modern agriculture and stone rob- are elaborately timber-built constructions of the Kon- bery destroyed the up going parts of all Flintbek ens Høj type (Gebauer 1988; Kjær Kristensen 1989; monuments so more construction details can hardly Madsen 1979; Stürup 1966). Two others indicate tree be observed. trunks (Graves C – D), which are stratigraphically superposed by two simple graves with small stone covering (Graves G – H) and the last one is a simpler earthen grave dug into the tumulus (Grave F). The Shaping the landscape monument has been gradually lengthened in two directions by adding the graves covered by small tu- The distribution of the monuments is strictly linear, muli. Around ~ 3460 cal bc the first megalithic cham- pointing towards the Kiel fjord in the north about bers (Dolmen I – II), followed by Dolmen III and IV 8 km away as the crow flies (Fig. 2). The long bar- lead to the final shape of the long barrow. Probably rows cluster mainly in the north, except for Flintbek after the first two dolmens or connected to their in- LA 37 and the hypothetical LA 35 in the south. The tegration into the long barrow, a first kerb of small extended dolmen within most likely round mounds pebbles surrounded the barrow. With Dolmen III spread along the whole extension of the burial field the first megalithic kerbs appeared and for the last with distances of 300 m to 1000 m. Similarly, the pas- Dolmen IV, the earthen cover was doubled in width. sage graves have a linear distribution range with dis- The cart tracks are connected to the erection of this tances of 530 m up to 660 m between them. It seems last phase, precisely dated to ~ 3400 cal bc through a that one is missing in the south to fill the line. Inter- glume base found within the wet sieved sediment of estingly, the passage graves build pairs with some a pottery flask, offered as a grave gift to a secondary of the former dolmen groups by lower distances be- burial within this dolmen. tween them in comparison to other monuments. An Due to the stratigraphical or logic-based building interpretation of this distribution as a spreading of sequence, the modelled AMS-dates are very helpful the monuments along the main communication axis in clarifying the quite short time span of the genesis is suggested, perhaps even along a path. of a long barrow, for the first time on the continent, This conclusion based on the linear arrangement while British colleagues have meanwhile analysed of the monuments must be verified by a check of the several monuments with similar results concerning age of the monuments, according to when they were the short first construction phases (especially: Bay- initially established. Their first construction dates liss et al. 2007; see also the other articles in this is- serve as a fix point of landscape structuring, due to sue). the durability of building materials and the higher visibility of the mounds in the landscape, even if D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 137

Lübeck

Fig. 2. Flintbek. Location of the micro region in Northern Germany and linear distribution of the burial monuments.

Fig. 3. Flintbek. Scheme of the genesis of the long barrow LA 3. 138 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Indices Name Sequence Unmodelled Modelled (BC/AD) Amodel = 101.9 (BC/AD) Aoverall = 105 from to % from to % A C Boundary Start LA 3 -3543 -3511 68.2 97.4 Phase Firepit 25 R_Date KIA41596 La003-25-200 -3634 -3522 68.2 -3533 -3503 68.2 67.2 98.8 R_Date KIA41597 La003-26-199 -3622 -3378 68.2 -3519 -3500 68.2 108.1 99.6 Boundary Firepit to Grave A -3504 -3484 68.2 99.7 Phase Grave A R_Date KIA41591 La003-6007-206 -3495 -3356 68.2 -3496 -3476 68.2 113.9 99.8 R_Date KIA41584 La003-6008-204 -3498 -3356 68.2 -3598 -3477 68.2 129.3 99.7 R_Date KIA41593 La003-6018-203 -3500 -3367 68.2 -3502 -3478 68.2 115.6 99.9 R_Date KIA41592 La003-6001-205 -3496 -3356 68.2 -3496 -3477 68.2 119.8 99.8 Boundary Grave A to B -3491 -3471 68.2 99.7 Phase Grave B R_Date KIA41581 La003-3001-211 -3517 -3374 68.2 -3485 -3466 68.2 77.2 99.6 Boundary Grave B to E -3486 -3461 68.2 99.7

Phase Grave E

R_Date KIA41586 La003-4014-197 -3496 -3341 68.2 -3481 -3458 68.2 77.4 99.4 R_Date KIA41599 La003-4016-195 -3496 -3360 68.2 -3480 -3457 68.2 101.7 99.4 Boundary Grave E to Chambers I-II -3476 -3447 68.2 98.9 Phase Chambers I – II R_Date KIA41585 La003-1011-198 -3500 -3366 68.2 -3465 -3435 68.2 109.3 99.0 R_Date KIA41594 La003-1024-202 -3511 -3371 68.2 -3465 -3433 68.2 123.8 99.2 R_Date KIA41588 La003-8034-187 -3515 -3373 68.2 -3464 -3433 68.2 123.5 99.1 R_Date KIA36398 La003-8000-003 -3621 -3378 68.2 -3462 -3431 68.2 88.1 98.9 Boundary Chambers I – II to III -3460 -3425 68.2 97.0 Phase Chamber III R_Date KIA41587 La003-8507-191 -3511 -3371 68.2 -3441 -3404 68.2 94.5 98.8 R_Date KIA41603 La003-8520-190 -3623 -3378 68.2 -3437 -3403 68.2 116.0 99.0 Boundary Chambers III to IV primary -3432 -3389 68.2 95.2 Cart tracks -3423 -3390 68.2 98.9 Phase Chamber IV primary R_Date KIA41583 La003-9030-207 -3629 -3382 68.2 -3409 -3378 68.2 97.6 98.9 R_Date KIA41735 La003-9001-009 -3628 -3379 68.2 -3409 -3376 68.2 113.0 98.9 Boundary Chambers IV primary to III renewing floor -3390 -3369 68.2 97.6

Phase Chamber III renewing floor

R_Date KIA41602 La003-8509-192 -3497 -3363 68.2 -3381 -3366 68.2 99.7 98.5 R_Date KIA41735 La003-8524-193 -3497 -3363 68.2 -3381 -3366 68.2 101.5 98.5 Boundary Chambers III renewing floor -3377 -3362 68.2 98.4 to IV secondary Phase Chamber IV secondary R_Date KIA39915 La003-9012-002 -3496 -3363 68.2 -3384 -3361 68.2 76.5 98.6 Boundary End LA 3 -3398 -3345 68.2 96.8

Fig. 4. Flintbek. Posterior estimates from the Bayesian model of the AMS-dates from the burial sequence of the long barrow Flintbek LA 3 with early plough marks and cart tracks. D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 139

Genesis of the Flintbek changes. On the right curve the use-related dates of- monumental burial traditions fer interesting results as well, which is well supported by the grave gifts found inside the dolmens. Apart Most of the other monuments in Flintbek have been from the oldest date which is obviously a deficient dated as well. The dates are part of the author’s ha- measurement – corrected meanwhile by another bilitation thesis (Mischka 2011c) which is not yet one – a lot of dates spread across the entire calibra- finished to date, so in this article only some of the tion curve starting from the construction phase and results will be outlined without publishing the data continuing up to the Young Neolithic (and even be- itself. Connecting the finds or offerings to the build- yond). These dolmens have been obviously used sev- ing dates is much more problematic and not yet pos- eral times and not only shortly after their erection. sible due to the “not closed finds”. As a last graph the dates of the passage graves The first graph here shows the construction and are shown (Fig. 7). Two very old dates of the same use-related dates connected to long barrows (Fig. 5). monument are hard to explain. It could be that they For a better understanding, different colours were are not connected to the construction, but no reason used: dark green indicates dolmen construction justifies a rejection. Further research is still needed to dates, light green the use of dolmen related dates. enlighten this observation. All the other dates fit to On the second calibration curve, which is shifted on some kind of plateau or the unsteady part of the cali- the x-axis to allow better differentiation, the dates bration curve not allowing single or short calibrated of non-megalithic burials were plotted. The bc-scale data ranges. While this phase takes more than 200 connected to the megalithic (green) features is writ- years, the few and short sequences of the Flintbek ten in black letters, the shifted calibration curve of dates could not bridge the time gap. the non-megalithc graves (red) in blue letters. The data is not yet filtered. Thus, some problematic data remains. One of these is a date gained Conclusions from a human bone of Flintbek LA 37. This bone has been fixed using special glue, which probably could At last, a short concluding sketch of the temporal not be revised before measurement during labora- and spatial structuring of the Flintbek region is pro- tory procedures. The two oldest dates of Flintbek vided, offering some ideas and thoughts about the LA 4 non-megalithic features neglect the archaeo- social identities responsible for it. logical building sequence; therefore they should not In the late Mesolithic / earliest Neolithic apart be taken seriously, particularly because two other from one burial pit only settlement remains indicate dates taken from other samples of the filling of these human presence in the settlement area of Flintbek. graves fit well to the model. The dates of the non- From ~ 3650/3600 cal bc up to 3350 cal bc the first megalithic features, which are doubtful for various long barrows were erected containing megalithic or reasons, are marked in light red. non-megalithic mortuary structures. The dolmens As a result, it is clearly visible, that the dolmens within them are rather small, about 1.5 – 5 m², giving within the long barrows date between 3630 – 3350 space for 3 to 20 individuals among those primary cal bc. If the two non-megalithic dates of LA 4 are and secondary deposited bones of adults and chil- rejected, some megalithic burials are clearly older dren, which could be prepared as inhumations or than the non-megalithic ones, but remember within were partly cremated depositions. Burial practices single monuments as the above described LA 3, it seem to be very heterogeneous in this period. Apart can be vice versa. Most of the non-megalithic buri- from burials in long barrows, megalithic tombs or als belong to LA 3. So this sequence starts around non-megalithic mortuary houses, depositions of ar- 3500 – 3350 cal bc. ticulated as well as disarticulated skeletons within Dates connected to dolmens outside the long bar- settlements and earthen enclosures are also known, rows are plotted on the second graph, which can be as well as simple single graves, which can form small read in the same manner as the first one (Fig. 6). On burial fields. the left calibration curve it can be viewed that the The more extended dolmens with interior cham- megalithic constructions date mainly to the same ber sizes of 5 – 7 m², which were covered at least in time span as those in long barrows before. This is, several cases by round mounds, were constructed however, totally new information, since previously in this same time slot. Both kinds of monuments the long barrow and non-long barrow dolmens were sometimes overlay older settlement remains or commonly understood as sub sequencing each other fields, proven by the plough marks preserved by based on typological suggestions of architectural the tumuli. The Flintbek case study is an example of 140 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 5. Flintbek. Curve plotted modelled AMS-dates of long barrows differentiated by the context related to the building or use of the monuments and by megalithic or non-megalithic burials.

Fig. 6. Flintbek. Curve plotted modelled AMS-dates of more extended Dolmen outside of long barrows differentiated by the context related to the building or use of the monuments and by megalithic or non-megalithic burials. D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 141

Fig. 7. Flintbek. Curve plotted modelled AMS-dates of Passage graves. these monuments built not at once, but in small units are known. One can think about the connotations of which are not unique. Not all are made of permanent the monuments in the societies being responsible for materials, and not all are elaborate in construction. this formalization of burial practices. But the notion So what does this heterogeneity imply about the on the importance of humans coming together for connections between social identity groups and offerings persists, which is underscored by vessel monuments? Several ideas have been already pro- depositions around the passage graves, often in sets vided, such as monuments – megaliths in particu- of highly decorated so called “food vessels”, clay lar – as territorial markers (e. g. Renfrew 1973) or as spoons and clay discs. By the time of the erecting of legitimisation of the access rights of a social unit to passage graves some of the extended dolmen were resources via a linear descent (e. g. Saxe 1970, 119). still in use, but it seems that the mortuary practices But, in connection to the long barrows or other mon- became more simplified or perhaps more routine. umental structures, one can consider the importance To understand monumental landscapes of the of the act of building, i.e. humans coming together Northern European Neolithic it becomes obvious next to the graves or within earthen enclosures for that we have to think more in terms of human life ritual purposes, feasting, depositing and so on be- spans or generations instead of long duration to ing more important for the society than the creation come closer to an idea about the every day human of an everlasting colossal and elaborated monument relationships and the material significance as well as for creating a more external cultural memory. the symbolic meanings of monumental architecture A change can be observed for the time slot from within small agricultural social units. 3350 – 3100 cal bc where the passage graves became the dominant monument type having chamber sizes of 8 – 12 m² for burial purposes. Apart from this acknowledgements I would like to express monument type, only simple burials, sometimes my gratitude to E. Kücükkaraca for improving the Eng- interred in or next to the outer limits of the tumuli lish. 142 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

References

Bayliss et al. 2007 Mischka 2010 A. Bayliss / C. B. Ramsey / J. v. d. Plicht / A. Whittle, D. Mischka, Flintbek LA 3, biography of a monument. Bradshaw and Bayes. Towards a timetable for the Neo- www.jungsteinsite.de (20. Dezember 2010). lithic. Cambridge Arch. Journal 17, 2007, 1 – 28. Mischka 2011a D. Mischka, Early evidence of a wheeled wagon in Gebauer 1988 Northern Europe and a statistical model of the building A. B. Gebauer, The long dolmen at Asnæs Forskov, West sequence of the Neolithic long barrow at Flintbek LA 3, Zealand. Journal Dan. Arch. 7, 1988, 40 – 52. Northern Germany. Antiquity 85 (329), 2011, 742 – 758. Mischka 2011b Hartz et al. 2007 D. Mischka, NoNeK – Ein Aufnahmesystem für S. Hartz / D. Mischka / J. Müller, Die neolithische steinzeitliche Keramik Nordmitteleuropas. Ber. RGK 89, Feuchtbodensiedlung Bad Oldesloe-Wolkenwehe LA 2008 (2011), 47 – 58. 154. Resultate der Untersuchungen 1950 – 1952. Offa Mischka 2011c 61/62, 2004/05 (2007) 7 – 24. D. Mischka, Das Neolithikum in Flintbek, Kr. Rends burg-Eckernförde, Schleswig-Holstein – Eine feinchro- Kjær Kristensen 1989 nologische Studie zur Besiedlungsgeschichte einer I. Kjær Kristensen, Storgård IV. An Early Neolithic long Siedlungskammer anhand von Gräbern (unpubl. Habi- barrow near Fjelsø, North Jutland. Journal Dan. Arch. 8, litation Kiel 2011). 1989, 72 – 87. Mischka in print D. Mischka, Flintbek LA 3, biography of a monument. Madsen 1979 In: J. Müller / F. Lüth / C. Scarre / M. Furholt (eds.), Pro- T. Madsen, Earthern long barrows and timber struc- ceedings of the megalithic studies group (Tagung Kiel tures: Aspects of the early mortuary in Denmark. Proc. 2010) (Kiel in print). Prehist. Soc. 45, 1979, 301 – 320. Mischka et al. 2007 Madsen 1994 D. Mischka / W. Dörfler / P. Grootes / D. Hein- T. Madsen, Die Gruppenbildung im frühesten Neo- rich / J. Müller / O. Nelle, Die neolithische Feuchtbo- lithikum Dänemarks und ihre Bedeutung. In: J. Hoi- densiedlung Bad Oldesloe-Wolkenwehe LA 154. Vorbe- ka / J. Meurers-Balke (eds.), Beiträge zur frühneolithi richt zu den Untersuchungen 2006. Offa 61/62, 2004/05 schen Trichterbecherkultur im westlichen Ostseegebiet (2007) 25 – 63. (Symposium Schleswig 1985). Unters. u. Mat. Steinzeit Müller 2009 Schleswig-Holstein 1 (Neumünster 1994) 227 – 238. J. Müller, Monumente und Gesellschaft. Arch. Nachr. Madsen / Petersen 1984 Schleswig-Holstein 15, 2009, 30 – 33. T. Madsen / J. E. Petersen, Tidligneolitiske anlæg ved Mosegården. Regionale og kronologiske forskelle i Müller 2010 tidligneolitikum. Kuml 1982 – 83, 1984, 61 – 120. J. Müller, Ritual cooperation and ritual collectivity: The Meurers-Balke 1983 social structure of the Middle and Younger Funnel Beak- J. Meurers-Balke, Siggeneben-Süd. Ein Fundplatz der er Group (3500 – 2800 BC). www.jungsteinsite.de (29. 10. frühen Trichterbecherkultur an der holsteinischen Ost- 2010). seeküste. Offa-Bücher 50 (Neumünster 1983). Müller 2011a Mischka 2006 J. Müller, Megaliths and Funnel Beakers: Societies in D. Mischka, Die Steinartefakte von Bad Oldesloe LA change 4100 – 2700 BC. Kroon-Vordraacht 13 (Amster- 154, Wolkenwehe: Ein Praktikum zum Umgang mit dam 2011). den Funden der Grabungen von 1950 – 1952. Starigard 7, Müller 2011b 2006, 83 – 91. J. Müller, Vom Aufräumen der Landschaft: Jung Mischka 2007a steinzeit in Nordmitteleuropa. Arch. Deutschland 2, D. Mischka, Zum Zerstörungsgrad neolithischer Sied- 2011, 18 – 21. lungen im Oldenburger Graben. Die Fundstelle Ol- Müller et al. 2010 denburg LA 255, Kreis Ostholstein. Offa 61/62, 2004/05 J. Müller / J.-P. Brozio / D. Demnick / H. Dibbern / (2007), 65 – 74. B. Fritsch / M. Furholt / F. Hage / M. Hinz / L. Lorenz / Mischka 2007b D. Mischka / C. Rinne, Periodisierung der Trichter- D. Mischka, Die Grabungskampagne 2007 auf dem neo- becher-Gesellschaften. Ein Arbeitsentwurf. www.jung lithischen Fundplatz Bad Oldesloe-Wolkenwehe LA 154 steinsite.de (2010). im Brenner Moor. Starigard 8, 2007, 55 – 61. Müller et al. submitted Mischka 2008 J. Müller / H.-R. Bork / J. P. Brozio / D. Demnick / D. Mischka, Neue archäologische Ausgrabungen im S. Diers / H. Dibbern / W. Dörfler / I. Feeser / Brenner Moor: Die neolithische Feuchtbodenfundstelle B. Fritsch / M. Furholt / F. Hage / M. Hinz / von Wolkenwehe. Jahrb. 2009 Kr. Stormarn 27, 2008, W. Kirleis / S. Klooss / H. Kroll / M. Lindemann / 85 – 92. L. Lorenz / D. Mischka / C. Rinne, Landscapes as social D. Mischka, Temporality in the Monumental Landscape of Flintbek 143

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Renfrew 1973 Zich 1999 C. Renfrew, Monuments, mobilization and social or- B. Zich, Das Hügelgräberfeld von Flintbek nach zwan- ganization in neolithic Wessex. In: C. Renfrew (ed.), The zig Ausgrabungsjahren. In: Jahrb. Ehemaliges Amt Bor- explanation of culture change. Modells in prehistory desholm 1 (Bordesholm 1999) 7 – 58. (London 1973) 539 – 558. Zich 2005 B. Zich, Flintbek. In: E. Aner / K. Kersten / K.-H. Will- Saxe 1970 roth (eds.), Die Funde der älteren Bronzezeit des nor- A. Saxe, Social dimensions of mortuary practices (Ann dischen Kreises in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Arbor Univ. Microfilms 1970). Niedersachsen 19, Kreis Rendsburg-Eckernförde (süd- Schwabedissen 1953 lich des Nord-Ostsee-Kanals) und die kreisfreien Städte H. Schwabedissen, Moorsiedlung Oldesloe-Wolkenwe- Kiel und Neumünster (Neumünster 2005) 31 – 84. he, Kr. Stormarn. Germania 31, 1953, 230 – 231. Zich 2006a Schwabedissen 1959 B. Zich, Neolithic Vehicle Tracks superposed by long- H. Schwabedissen, Die jungsteinzeitlichen Wohnplätze barrow LA 3, Flintbek, North Germany. Arch. Baltica 6, der Trichterbecherkultur aus Sachsenwaldau und Wol- 2006, 22 – 30. kenwehe. In: H. Hingst (ed.), Vorgeschichte des Krei- Zich 2006b ses Stormarn. Vor- u. Frühgesch. Denkmäler u. Funde B. Zich, Ornières de véhicule néolithique à Flintbek Schleswig-Holstein 5 (Neumünster 1959) 24 – 27. (Allemagne du Nord). In: P. Pétrequin / R.-M. Arbo- Steffens 2009 gast / A.-M. Pétrequin / S. v. Willigen / M. Bailly (eds.), J. Steffens, Die neolithischen Fundplätze von Rastorf, Premiers chariots, premier araires. La diffusion de la Kreis Plön – Eine Fallstudie zur Trichterbecherkultur im traction animale en Europe pendant les IVe et IIIe millé- nördlichen Mitteleuropa am Beispiel eines Siedlungs naires avant notre ère. Centre Nat. Rech. Scien. Monogr. raumes. Univforsch. Prähist. Arch. 170 (Bonn 2009). 29 (Paris 2006) 215 – 224.

Doris Mischka Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel Germany [email protected] 144 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Uffe Rasmussen and Henrik Skousen Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia. Non-monumental Ritual Behaviour in a Time of Megalithic Tombs and Causewayed Enclosures

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 145

Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia

Non-monumental Ritual Behaviour in a Time of Megalithic Tombs and Causewayed Enclosures

Uffe Rasmussen and Henrik Skousen

abstract Among the various rituals associated with the wetlands of Scandinavia, offerings in springs may have been rather a common phenomenon during the Neolithic. The worship of natural spirits in bogs and springs took place in a small-scale non-monumental way, in contrast to contemporary ancestor worship involving large social events and the building of megalithic tombs and causewayed enclosures. Through a case study of a recently excavated site in eastern Jutland, an attempt is made to describe the physical appearance of Neolithic ritual springs in the field and to demonstrate the extensive continuity of the phenomenon, right up to the present day, while highlighting the changing ideas that lie behind it.

Introduction Skejby, the hills bordering the Egå valley form a broad flat plateau, 60 m above sea level. The subsoil Between September and December 2009 Moesgaard here consists of a mixed moraine material compris- Museum excavated an area of about 12,000 m2 at ing differing layers of stony moraine clay, sand and Skejby on the northern outskirts of Aarhus, eastern gravel which were laid down close to the stationary Jutland, Denmark. The excavation focused on part of ice front during the Late Baltic glacial advance of a major settlement dating to the Late Pre-Roman Iron the Late Weichselian. The shortest distance from the Age – i. e. 1st century bc. On a cold day in December, site of the pit feature to a freshwater stream is about shortly before the end of the excavation, a large pit 1 km, while the distance to the river Egå is about with Early Neolithic pottery and worked flint at its 2 km. surface caught the archaeologists’ attention. An in- Here at Skejby, and on the opposite side of the vestigation of the pit was initiated and two sections valley, there are archival records of at least ten dol- were cut by hand through the fill of the pit. The finds mens. The Egå valley is an archaeologically very well recovered seemed promising; however, the section investigated area – an area where, overall, we have trenches flooded and the winter weather became one of the most extensive records of excavated finds severe, so further investigation was postponed until from the Early Funnel Beaker culture in Denmark. the following spring. This record includes settlements of various sizes and types and offering sites and other traces of ritual activity (Skousen 2008).

The site and its topography

Skejby is situated above a pronounced river valley – The investigation the Egå valley – within which flows the small river Egå. During the Stone Age, part of the valley formed The pit was excavated between April and October the floor of a 1.5 km wide marine inlet, extending 2010. On the surface, the feature was apparent as an 5.5 km inland from the bay of Aarhus (Fig. 10). At area of greyish, sandy, slightly clayey fill, measuring

Fig. 1. Skejby. The pit during excavation – after two sections had been cut through the fill. Seen from the west.

about 10 by 5 m, and containing pieces of charcoal, 3) Mixed, light reddish-yellow, greyish sandy clay. pottery and worked flint. It was systematically exca- 4) Light reddish-yellow, slightly greyish clay with a vated in plan on a half-metre grid, thereby establish- few pieces of charcoal and some small stones. ing a series of sections (Fig. 1). Finds were recorded In reality, the stratigraphy was considerably more according to layer and 0.25 m2 square. It soon became complex than this, and within these layers it was clear that the dark upper fill marking out the surface often possible to separate further layers observed of the pit covered lighter-coloured fill layers with a as faint grey sooty material, thin stripes containing substantial subsoil component and incorporating, pieces of charcoal, diffuse horizons of stones, breaks among other things, pottery and worked flint. These in stratigraphy, and so on (Fig. 3). The finds recov- layers were very similar to the surrounding natural ered from the pit were often found associated with moraine subsoil. It was often very difficult to distin- these thin, faint layers. Under conditions such as guish the fill from the natural subsoil and establish these it was often difficult to establish a secure strati- the precise extent of the pit (Fig. 2). graphic context for the finds. In several places within the pit, stone packing, layers of stones or paving were found embedded Stratigraphy within the fill. In one area these were apparent as two stratigraphically distinct horizons: one with a In general terms the stratigraphy can be described as localised stone packing laid in a cut feature and con- being comprised of four layers; from top to bottom sisting of 10 – 15 cm diameter flints among which lay as follows: large fragments of pottery. This was overlain, at a 1) Grey, sandy clay. stratigraphically higher level, by a layer formed of 2) Dark grey, sooty, charcoal-rich sandy clay with smaller stones, giving the impression of a consoli- some stones. dated surface (Fig. 4). U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 147

Fig. 2. Skejby. The pit during excavation. The western section seen from the east.

Fig. 3. Skejby. Western section.

In general, the pit had been cut 40 – 60 cm down The formation of the pit into the subsoil. At this depth, much of its base had reached a natural moraine layer comprising stones, After having established a series of profiles and sys- gravel and coarse sand. This layer constituted an aq- tematically excavating the sequence of layers, fol- uifer, which meant that water ran out from the layer lowed by meticulous analysis of the complicated into the pit during wet periods, flooding the excava- stratigraphy, it became clear to us that the pit and its tion. fill represented the result of repeated re-cutting op- 148 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 4. Skejby. Two stratigraphically distinct stone horizons embedded within an area in the northeast side of the pit feature.

erations. The pit was, so to speak, a feature “accumu- The finds material recovered from the pit comprises: lated”, or combined, from several separate pits. Each ● Pottery time, after being dug out, the pit had been back-filled ● Flint flakes and flint tools shortly afterwards, using the soil removed from it. ● Animal bones (a few pieces) The fill layers revealed no signs of material which ● Worked stone (a few pieces) had collapsed or been washed down at the sides or ● Amber (a few amber beads) the base of the pits, as would be expected if they had been left open for a longer period of time. From our Many pieces of pottery were found incorporated excavations, it was possible to identify at least eight within the fill of the pit, often in the form of large separate re-cuts and traces of several more (Fig. 5). fragments and accumulations of potsherds, but The impression gained was that each individual cut also as single scattered sherds (Figs. 6; 7). No whole feature was regularly circular to elongate-oval in pots were found deposited in the pit. The pottery is shape, with a flat or slightly rounded base. characterised by sherds from medium-sized funnel- necked beakers and a few from lugged beakers, but also sherds from some smaller and larger funnel- necked beakers were recovered. In addition to these The finds funnel-necked types, there are some sherds from lugged flasks and lugged jars, as well as clay discs – A large number of finds were recovered and several so-called baking plates. Most of the pottery appears samples were taken from the fill layers for further to have been ornamented. There are parts of sev- scientific analyses. Exact numbers cannot be given eral richly ornamented pots. Among these are some for each individual finds category because the mate- decorated with the chevron bands characteristic of rial has yet to be fully processed and analysed. the Early Neolithic Fuchsberg phase of the Funnel U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 149

Fig. 5. Skejby. The pit was formed by several subsequent Fig. 8. Skejby. Sherds from a funnel-necked beaker or- recuts as shown on this preliminary, idealised drawing namented with a characteristic Fuchsberg chevron band. showing the individual recuts identified during excava- Found close to the spring feature seen in Fig. 9. tion.

Beaker culture (Fig. 8), supporting the general impression gained from the finds and dating the pit to around 3400 bc. No radiocarbon dates have yet been obtained in relation to the pit. Preservation conditions for bone, tooth and antler were very poor. All that remained were a few broken and degraded fragments of bone and animal teeth. Nevertheless, the fact that these are present bears witness to the fact that they might have made up a more substantial part of the material originally placed in the pits.

Fig. 6. Skejby. A large fragment of an ornamented funnel-necked beaker found associated with the lower stone Interpretation of the feature layer seen in Fig. 4. In an attempt to determine their function and to reconstruct the activities which took place within and around the pits, various possible interpretations have been proposed, but these will not be discussed in detail in this preliminary paper. 1) Rubbish / settlement pit? (Unlikely: not typical rubbish fill) 2) Raw material pit? a) Extraction of clay? (Unlikely: poor quality – sandy clay with flint inclusions etc.) b) Extraction of flint? (Unlikely: poor quality – flint with internal cracks and only a small number of large flakes) 3) Water pit? a) Well? (Unlikely: no visible well construction and no water-lain deposits)

v Fig. 7. Skejby. Part of a fragmented lugged flask found together with the funnel-necked beaker seen in Fig. 6. 150 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 9. Skejby. An example of a sand lens with a diameter of c. 40 cm – a feature originating from a dried-out spring – identified at the base of a recut in the spring pit.

b) Ritual well or spring? (Water-bearing subsoil which water had been pressed out at the base of layers – i. e. an aquifer) the pit. 4) System-ditch? (Incorporates some features simi- The spring pit is interpreted as a ritual feature. lar to a system-ditch as seen at causewayed enclo- This interpretation is supported primarily by its sures) composition rather than the finds recovered from it, In our opinion, only one of these proposals seems as well as comparison with similar sites, as will be plausible. The feature is interpreted as a spring pit, shown later. At this place, Neolithic people had re- formed by repeated re-cutting in order to expose peatedly dug out the subsoil thereby creating small small springs fed by water-bearing layers of coarse pools into which water trickled from the aquifer. stony gravel and sand. Observations of circular lens- These activities possibly involved the re-cutting of es comprising concentric layers of deposited sand earlier pits. Ritual activities were conducted in con- are important relative to this interpretation (Fig. 9). nection with these operations and pottery played In some places these phenomena could be observed a significant role in the performance of these ritu- at the base of the cut feature, and they are inter- als. The pottery may have been used to take water preted as a place where water has trickled out from from the pools or in the preparation of food – per- the water-bearing subsoil layers, i. e. the aquifer. haps there was a ritual meal followed by deposition At the end of the excavation, the subsoil was re- and / or destruction of the pottery. Pots or potsherds moved by machine down to the level of the base were either placed in the pit or, alternatively, on an of the pit, revealing at this point a change in the open surface in the partly back-filled pit, or on the natural subsoil from homogeneous chalky clay to area around it. As a consequence, remains of the pot- moraine deposits comprised of various layers of tery ended up embedded within the fill, along with clay and water-bearing coarse sand. These layers other objects, possibly re-deposited to some extent constituted a water-bearing subsoil horizon from by subsequent acts of re-cutting. The pottery was U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 151 deposited or offered as a part of a ritual. Then, after of megalithic tombs, most of which are no longer vis- only a short time had elapsed, all or part of the dug- ible, but their former existence is recorded in the Na- up earth was returned, “sealing” the spring pit and tional Archive of Sites and Monuments at the Danish closing the ritual. National Museum. Only three well preserved mega- The spring pit was dug and used during the lithic monuments still exist within the Municipality Fuchsberg phase, a short period of only about 100 of Aarhus. years. During this time, people were having a great If we take a look at a map showing the distribu- impact on the natural environment through exten- tion of the megalithic monuments, it is clear that they sive clearance of the forest and opening up of the form clusters in some areas (Fig. 10). This is seen as landscape. Despite large-scale excavations in the an expression of Neolithic settlement areas or terri- area, no traces of contemporary ordinary settlement tories. Clusters are often found close to the coastal activity have been found in close vicinity to the pit. zone – by the sea or alongside inlets, as well as in Several megalithic monuments were, however, built valleys lying close to larger inland water systems. In in the surrounding landscape during the period these areas they are concentrated on higher ground when the pit was in use. within a radius of 1.5 km. Investigations have shown that this distribution is in accordance with the settlement pattern at the time of their construction (Mad- sen 1982). Chronological context and contemporary As mentioned earlier, a number of dolmens are finds from the nearby area known to have been present in the area around Ske- jby, and on the opposite side of the valley. We know The introduction of arable agriculture and animal that most of the dolmens still existed back in 1808 husbandry was accompanied by comprehensive rit- as the local clergyman informed a commission in ual activity, demonstrating that this new way of life Copenhagen (today the Danish National Museum) should not only be seen as a change in food economy about their state of destruction. In 2007, remains of and material culture but just as much as a change one of these dolmens was revealed during an exca- in ideology. From the very beginning of the Funnel vation located approximately 1.2 km northeast of Beaker culture, ritual activities are apparent in the the spring pit (unpublished report). The dolmen had form of votive deposits in wetland areas, an offer- probably been constructed as a form of long dolmen, ing custom which became increasingly extensive in a rectangular structure measuring about 25 x 18 m. the time up to around 3400 – 3100 bc. The offerings As a special feature, a row of ditches, around 1 m in were primarily of pottery, but polished axes, amber, depth, had been dug along one side of the structure, animal and humans (both entire and various parts) contemporary with the dolmen. These ditches were were also deposited in wetlands (Koch 1998). the focus for certain activities, showing traces of fire A local pollen diagram, produced from sediments and the deposition of objects before they were back- sampled in a small kettle-hole bog on the opposite filled with the earth that had been dug up. Both the side of the Egå valley about 2.5 km from the spring ditches and the dolmen are contemporary with the pit, shows the introduction and presence of agricul- causewayed enclosures of that time. The structure of ture at the time during which the pit was formed. the ditches, and the ritual activities which took place A cultural layer relating to an Early Neolithic set- in them, is comparable to that seen in the system- tlement was found within the bog stratigraphy; this ditches and other features found associated with the contained bones of domestic and game animals as causewayed enclosures (Andersen 1997). well as a human bone. In association with this, a Not far from the dolmen, traces were found of funnel beaker had been offered in the bog. The cul- contemporary settlement activity during the Early tural layer has been radiocarbon dated to 3630 – 3380 Funnel Beaker culture. In the Late Funnel Beaker, cal. bc (AAR-9411). At this time an opening up of the settlement once again moved into the area and, fol- landscape is reflected in the pollen diagram; a sharp lowing a break of half a millennium, ritual activities decline is seen in the curve for tree pollen, followed were resumed at the dolmen with re-cutting of the by a marked increase in charcoal dust together with ditches. From this time, a unique clay disc decorated pollen of cereal-type (Skousen 2008, 149 – 156 and with a sun symbol was recovered from one of the appendix 4). old ditches. With its dating to the Fuchsberg phase, the spring In summary, there was a settled area here during pit is contemporary with the construction of mega- the Early Neolithic, with a close spatial relationship lithic monuments. Eastern Jutland has many records between settlements, monumental burial structures 152 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 10. Aarhus, eastern Jutland. The distribution of megalithic tombs. The framed area to the north of Aarhus shows a concentration of megalithic tombs around the Egå valley close to the spring pit.

and traces of ritual activity involving offerings – a of the bog offerings, the spring pit is also linked to kind of a micro-cosmos, so to speak. The spring pit a particular – specially chosen – place in the natu- should be seen as an integral part of this system. An ral landscape, and probably also to circumstances offering is a way of communicating with a deity, the bound up with nature. Springs are places linked to spirits or with ancestors. Through communication the subterranean world and to the hidden and secret with the higher powers the cosmic order is main- places where the landscape has a life of its own. The tained. offering rituals here had the character of personal offerings carried out by small groups – individuals, a family or maybe a settlement – as part of their every- Non-monumental and monumental day life. These constitute, however, only one side of ritual behaviour in Early Neolithic society the ritual behaviour of the period. We find the other side represented in burial practices and these also It is often difficult to distinguish between profane reveal a shift in the social ideology that occurred in and sacral activities. There need not necessarily be parallel with the introduction of agriculture. At the any explicit distinction between a functional and a same time as people were digging the spring pit and ritual activity. Ritual life was an integrated part of offering in bogs, we find rituals and offerings associ- daily life, and the same applies to the objects em- ated with monumental structures: megalithic tombs ployed in the ritual (Andersen 2000). and causewayed enclosures. These are structures as- Ritual behaviour in the Neolithic seems to have sociated with a cult of the dead, funerary rituals and run in two different directions. Offerings in wet- ancestor worship – or the spirits of ancestors. These lands, as already mentioned, became commonplace ancestral spirits are bound up with people and cul- with the introduction of agriculture. As in the case ture and they do not have their natural places in the U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 153 physical world, as is the case with the natural spirits. These appear as circular bodies of sandy sediment, Here we have a situation that applied to the super- 5 – 50 cm in diameter, in the upper part of the subterranean world – i. e. that above ground – and to so- soil (Fig. 11). Their base is rounded and extends only ciety. Monumental structures were raised in order to about half their diameter beneath the former sur- perform the rituals and activities in honour of these face. Here, a tiny channel may be recognized run- spirits; this demanded the participation of many ning further down. In some cases, the flowing water people, the community representing the society that under the spring has affected the deeper stratigra- had rights to the land. Megalithic tombs and cause- phy, undermining the upper layers and creating a wayed enclosures both have the character of closed, confusing stratigraphic sequence (Fig. 12). These for- shielded structures or areas. When the dead, by way mer springs are typically located at the foot of a hill of the death cult, pass over into the spirit world, an- near wetland, but can also appear on higher ground. cestral spirits can provide the link between the living Their geological premise takes the form of alternat- and the supernatural. ing layers of moraine sand and clay. In these, water This ritual behaviour reflects a changed relation- pressure can be generated in the sandy layers by the ship with nature, where people, as a consequence movement of water from higher ground beneath a of a new way of life connected with agriculture, en- covering waterproof layer of clay. As the pressure tered into a new relationship with natural phenom- increases, the water may find small cracks or earth- ena. Human society no longer formed a natural part worm burrows in the upper layers through which it of the environment – a division was created between makes its way to the surface, forming a spring. nature, Man and culture. The sand deposited in association with these for- ● Nature > < culture mer springs has often become sorted by grain size, ● Subterranean > < superterranean creating beautiful ring structures frozen in the mo- ● Spirits in nature > < the spirits of ancestors ment of drying out – giving almost the appearance ● Natural places > < have no natural places = of annual rings in trees (Fig. 11). In active springs monuments today it is possible to observe how this separation These represent two sides of the same subject (but occurs and how the rings are formed (Figs. 13; 14). also two quite different sides): cosmos maintained The age of the structure is difficult to determine through rules, regulations and order. unless it contains artefacts or appears within a strati- The location of holy or sacred places in the land- graphic sequence. The rising water will often dis- scape, and their expression, is closely connected to turb the surrounding sediments and if the disturbed the cosmological world view. People are not able layers can be distinguished from the undisturbed it freely to choose the location of a holy place – certain may be possible to correlate the spring with an ar- prerequisites or signs are needed to define a place chaeological context. as being sacred. A holy place can be seen as being a An answer to the question of why such a large part of a larger network of powerful places with dif- number of springs were apparently active precisely ferent functions, and incorporating the landscape as during the Neolithic may be provided by consider- a whole (Nilsson / Nilsson 2003). ing one of the main tasks facing the early farmers: Through the water at the spring pit, Neolithic clearance of the forest for agriculture. This clearance people felt able to make contact and experience activity could well be responsible for the formation the communication with the supernatural powers. of springs in the Early Neolithic. Tree growth in a The water is seen as a link or medium between two dense forest is a large consumer of water from the worlds – the natural and the supernatural. upper part of the subsoil. When large areas of the forest suddenly disappear we can expect an equally sudden surplus of water which, in some cases, will Ancient sacred springs in a geological, appear at the surface in the form of springs. archaeological and historical perspective

Geology Archaeological examples Through a number of archaeological excavations Closely related to, and partly contemporary with, carried out during the past decade we have be- the feature seen at Skejby is a group of features ex- come increasingly aware of dried-up former springs cavated at the site of Aldersro, located 7 km to the as very common subsoil features in certain parts northeast. The settlement here covers 20,000 m2, be- of the hilly moraine landscape of eastern Jutland. ing represented by a cultural layer dating mainly 154 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

11 14

12 15

Fig. 11. Skejby. Dried-up springs at the surface of the subsoil. The scale bar is 2 × 20 cm.

Fig. 12. Skejby. Section through a series of dried-up springs. Note the rounded base of the features and the confused layers beneath.

Fig. 13. Thyholm, Holy Spring. Note the light sandy parts of the base where the water gushes forth (photo Karsten Hjort Larsen).

Fig. 14. Thyholm, Holy Spring. Close up of the sand “boiling” in the spring (photo Karsten Hjort Larsen).

Fig. 15. Aldersro. Ritual hearth adjacent to dried-up 13 springs. U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 155

and then, with time, made their way down into the sandy fill. The spring area at Aldersro was also characterised by a relatively high frequency of intact flint axes and chisels – some of which appeared in pairs. A number of grinding stones, some whole, some deliberately broken, can perhaps also be linked to the votive acts. Archaeological evidence on the subject is hard to find in the Danish literature. However, in our opinion, in some cases dried-up springs may not have been recognised during excavation. An example is seen at the site of Ellerødgaard on Zealand, which is almost identical to Skejby. The feature and the finds are interpreted as the remains of a ritual feast, showing close similarities with the bog offerings. Although the feature was not linked to a spring, mention is made of the presence of a “sandier, water-bearing stratum” within the stiff boulder clay subsoil, and of a high level of groundwater, which in our view may be relevant in the present context (Nielsen 1988, 63). Another example is seen at the site of Kildevang, 1.2 km to the west of Aldersro, where finds from several Early Neolithic pits and a well indicated ritual activity. The pits were located at the same level around the foot of a low hill, by a former beach. The geology of the site could very well indicate the pres- Fig. 16. Non-monumental ritual activity in the Early Neolithic. Artist’s reconstruction of the activities by the ence of springs and translated into English the name springs at Aldersro (drawing Erik Sørensen). Kildevang actually means “Springfield” (Ravn 2005; Skousen 2008, 160; 163). In Scania, Sweden, sacred springs have been recog- from the Late Funnel Beaker culture. Within an area nised in a prehistoric context for more than 50 years. of about 1,000 m2, immediately adjacent to the settle- The site of Röekillorna Spring was excavated in the ment, numerous dried-out springs were uncovered. early 1960s and fully published in 1997 (Stjernquist The finds and the traces of activity relating to the 1997). Today, it is the best known Scandinavian ex- springs are of a ritual character and date from Early ample of prehistoric spring cult and comprises a to Late Neolithic (Rasmussen 2004). large number of peculiar finds related to one spring. Directly next to a dense cluster of dried-up In addition to stone artefacts and ceramics, numer- springs, a small hearth was uncovered which con- ous bones were present from ritual meals and sacri- tained exclusively oak charcoal and a single frag- ficed animals – even humans were present. Another mented funnel beaker (Fig. 15). The hearth’s rela- more recently excavated spring site in Scania is that tionship to the spring was confirmed by the fact that, at Saxtorp. Here too, the skeletal remains of animals due to the moist soil, the wood in it had not burnt and humans were preserved. Whereas Saxtorp dates completely to ash and its simple and solitary appear- from the Early Neolithic, Röekillorna shows much ance on the site lead to the conclusion that this is a greater prehistoric continuity – from the Early Neo- ritual feature – an act of offering (Fig. 16). lithic to the Iron Age. In another case, spectacular finds were revealed. From prehistory in general, there is a large group The sandy sediment within a 1.2 m deep spring fea- of finds interpreted as offerings due to their extraor- ture was found to contain six transverse arrowheads dinary character. These are not only found in wet- and no other cultural remains. This feature was at lands, but also to a great extent on dry land. Many first understood as a pit cut into the spring, but it is of the finds from the open fields, without any clear more likely to be a natural depression arising from connection to monuments or pronounced natural erosion by the spring water. In which case, the ar- features, may very well originally have been linked rowheads must have been thrown into the water with former, now dried-up, springs. This applies in 156 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain particular to the many Bronze Age finds from hill- source, deep down in the earth and appears rather sides. In the Bronze Age and Iron Age, offerings in mystical and capricious. Springs suddenly pop up wells are a familiar phenomenon, probably closely in one place and perhaps disappear again shortly related to the offerings at springs (Kaul 2004, 74 f.). afterwards. Then they reappear some years later at another spot nearby. Due to the constant tempera- ture deep in the subsoil, spring water does not freeze Historical evidence in winter. Numerous ethnographic studies document the In historical times, the so-called “holy spring” or beliefs and rituals related to springs. The general “holy well” played a prominent part in Danish folk- characteristics are that springs are the domiciles of lore and popular traditions, and continues to do so, gods or spirits – both good and bad, an entrance even today. The healing powers of the spring were to another world / the underworld, a strong potent well known and accepted by all people alike – com- power – both in relation to humans and to the soil. moners, nobles and even kings. The power of the water reached its peak on a particular day each year, typically midsummer’s day at midnight. Peo- ple went to springs all over the land on that day and Barbar – they had to adhere strictly to a set of rules in order worship of springs in a monumental setting to ensure the power did not fade. For instance, the activities had to be carried out in complete silence. A final example from outside Europe demonstrates Cloth from the sick parts of the body was to be left in a different prehistoric approach to the worship of the trees or scrub by the spring. An interesting rule, springs. The Barbar Temples of Bahrain, in the Per- from an archaeological perspective, is that the sick sian Gulf, were discovered 60 years ago and totally person had to employ newly-made, unused pottery excavated in the subsequent decade. In this arid part for the water, and it was forbidden to use the pot of the world, Bahrain is blessed with its freshwater afterwards as it now contained the illness. The vessel springs, and these were probably crucial to the for- had to be left at the spring and often its destruction mation of the rich Dilmun culture in the Early Bronze was urged. Another custom was to make an offering; Age of late 3rd and early 2rd millennium bc. With an this normally involved coins being thrown in spe- economy based on extensive trade with Mesopota- cific direction and into the spring itself. This is why mia, the Dilmunites had close relations with Meso- excavations of historical holy springs and wells often potamian lifestyle and religion. expose large quantities of broken pottery and coins The Barbar Temple was built of high quality ash- (Schmidt 1926). lars and twice extended. At a prominent place within The tradition of “holy springs” or “holy wells” is the complex, a broad staircase led down to a well a relic from pagan times preceding the introduction and a pool built around a spring (Fig. 17). The out- of Christianity in the 10th century. In the eyes of the standing architecture of the construction underlines early Catholic Church, these activities were seen as its importance in the temple rituals – it was clearly superstition but were hard to suppress. Instead of not just a simple water supply. In the centre of the fighting them, the Church decided to incorporate building, there were altars for ritual slaughter and the tradition, and the spring and the rituals associ- pits with offerings (Fig. 18). Parts of a similar tem- ated with it were then related to the healing power ple, also with a well and a pool, have been excavat- of a Christian saint. The strategy worked and the ed at Umm as-Sujur, not far from Barbar (Ander offerings, in the form of money or provisions, were sen / Højlund 2003). now given to the Church, which then maintained the The Mesopotamian mythology of the region is spring in good condition. With time, this turned out known from the cuneiform tablets of the Assyrian li- to be a fairly good business. Subsequently, the Prot- braries and they tell us about one of their main gods – estant Church again tried to combat the spring cult, the God of Wisdom, Enki. He lived in the “ocean be- but with little tangible success. low the world” and was the god of freshwater and Clean water is of vital importance to our very ex- of springs. For several reasons, the archaeological istence. Springs therefore appear as one of the fun- interpretation of the Barbar Temple links the well damental features of nature. They seem to appeal to with the god Enki and the rituals with a “water cult” our basic feelings, and in a spiritual mind they easily (Bibby 1996, 56 ff.; Andersen / Højlund 2003, 329 f.). obtain divine status. Their water is always clean, cool In the case of Barbar, we have pronounced wor- and refreshing. But it also comes from an unknown ship of the spring, and of freshwater, at a highly or- U. Rasmussen and H. Skousen, Rituals at Springs during the Early Neolithic in Scandinavia 157

Fig. 17. Bahrain. Well and pool at the Barbar Temple Fig. 18. Bahrain, Barbar Temple. Early reconstruction (photo Anonymous). from the movie Land of the Living (John Underwood c. 1960).

ganised level and, in contrast to the Scandinavian behind the rituals at sacred springs. The new reli- examples, a monumental manifestation of the ritu- gion, Christianity, was unable to stop the old pagan als. Furthermore, we are able to link the archaeologi- rituals but managed instead to shift the background cal record to religious myths from written sources. for the worship. The power of springs now became linked to Christian saints and the Church even ben- efited economically from this ancient ritual. The worship of springs shows not only a high de- Summary gree of continuation through time, but it also seems to occur in most parts of the world. In the desert The rituals associated with springs during the Neo- of Bahrain, this worship required the building of a lithic of eastern Jutland reveal a neglected facet of monument in the form of a great temple. wetland offerings. The recent excavations demonstrate the existence of non-monumental ritual activities at a time when the first real permanent monuments were being built in the area, and by exactly the same people – worship of the spirits of nature versus worship of the people themselves, and their acknowledgements The authors would like ancestors. to thank Anne Bloch and Dr. David E. Robinson, Isle of The worship of springs seems to have continued Wight, for the English revision of the manuscript and for throughout prehistory, although the rituals and the critical comments. Also thanks to Flemming Højlund, offerings changed with time. Reaching historical Moesgård, for critical comments on the Mesopotamian times, we witness an interesting change in the ideas chapter. 158 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

References

Andersen 1997 Nielsen 1988 N. H. Andersen, Sarup vol. 1. The Sarup Enclosures. H. Nielsen, An Early Neolithic pottery deposition at The Funnel Beaker Culture of the Sarup site including Ellerødgård I, Southern Zealand. Journal Dan. Arch. 6, two causewayed camps compared to the contemporary 1987, 63 – 77. settlements in the area and other European enclosures. Nilsson / Nilsson 2003 Jutland Arch. Soc. Publ. 33,1 (Højbjerg 1997). M.-L. Nilsson / L. Nilsson, Ett källsprång i Saxtorp. In: Andersen 2000 M. Svensson (ed.), I det Neolitiska rummet. Riksanti- N. H. Andersen, Cult and rituals in the TRB-Culture. kvarämbetet (Malmö 2003) 242 – 295. Kuml 2000, 49 – 58. Andersen / Højlund 2003 Rasmussen 2004 H. Helmuth Andersen / F. Højlund, The barbar tem- U. Rasmussen, Kildeofre. Skalk 3, 2004, 28 – 32. ples. Jutland Arch. Soc. Publ. 48 (Højbjerg 2003). Ravn 2005 M. Ravn, Fjordbønder. Skalk 2, 2005, 5 – 12. Bibby 1996 G. Bibby, Looking for Dilmun (Originally published Schmidt 1926 1969; reprint London 1996). A. F. Schmidt, Danmark Helligkilder. Danmarks Folke- minder 33 (København 1926). Kaul 2004 Skousen 2008 F. Kaul, Bronzealderens religion. Nordiske Fortidsmin- H. Skousen, Arkæologi i lange baner (Højbjerg 2008). der B 22 (København 2004). Stjernquist 1997 Koch 1998 B. Stjernquist, The Röekillorna Spring. Spring-cults in E. Koch, Neolithic bog pots from Zealand, Møn, Lol- Scandinavian prehistory. Skr. Kgl. Humanistiska Veten- land, Falster. Nordiske Fortidsminder B 16 (København skapssamfundet Lund 82 (Lund 1997). 1998).

Madsen 1982 T. Madsen, Settlement systems of early agricultural societies in East Jutland, Denmark. A regional study of change. Journal Anthr. Arch. 1, 1982, 197 – 236.

Uffe Rasmussen Henrik Skousen Moesgård Museum Moesgård Museum DK-8270 Højbjerg DK-8270 Højbjerg [email protected] [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Erik Drenth A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands during the Late Neolithic

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time E. Drenth, A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands 159

A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands during the Late Neolithic

Erik Drenth

abstract The present paper discusses the Late Neolithic finds of the Single Grave culture and Bell Beaker culture from hunebedden in the Netherlands, which in all likelihood were originally built by the Middle Neolithic TRB West Group to bury part of the dead. Usually the Late Neolithic artefacts are explained as being related to burials or to represent offerings. As such it seems likely that these finds continue at least to a certain degree ancient customs. It may very well be that in the case of secondary interment the Bell Beaker culture preferred hunebedden over Single Grave culture barrows.

Introduction ther BBC; c. 2400 – 1900 bc). To illustrate this, from hunebed G2 at Glimmen3 (Brindley 1986a; in the Among the most conspicuous prehistoric monu- present contribution Fig. 2) come a SGC amphora ments from the Netherlands are the hunebedden. of Strichbündel type4 (No. a) and possibly two other Their occurrence is restricted to the northern and smaller amphorae (Nos. b and c) and the fragments eastern parts of the country (Fig. 1). A distinct con- of three bell beakers, two of which of maritime or centration is found in the province of Drenthe (Ta- related type (Nos. d – f). Of BBC age or Early Bronze ble 1 p. 166)1. The hunebedden were built between Age date are two oval flint knives, whereas a hemi- c. 3400/3350 and 3050/3000 bc by the Middle Neo- spherical amber object (most likely an unfinished lithic West Group of the Funnel Beaker culture or bead or button) must be assigned in all probability Trichterbecherkultur (further abbreviated as TRB West to the BBC (Fig. 3). Group; c. 3400/3350 – 2800/2750 bc)2. From the very Brindley (1983) reports of the investigations at the beginnings of professional investigations it has been nearby hunebed G3 at Glimmen, having produced realized that the use of hunebedden was not confined sherds from an SGC amphora of Strichbündel type. to the TRB West Group, as evidenced by younger She thinks that one of the other finds, a thin-bladed remains (e. g. Van Giffen 1925/1927). The majority flint axe with a rectangular cross-section, also be- of the excavations have yielded pottery, flint and / or longs to this culture. other kind of stone artefacts from the Late Neolithic, Equally exemplary are the finds from hunebed D9 i. e. the Single Grave culture (further abbreviated as at Annen which include fragments of at least four SGC; c. 2800 – 2400 bc) and Bell Beaker culture (fur- SGC vessels (de Groot 1988; Fig. 4 in the present con-

1 Each megalithic tomb was given a unique number by the late Dr A. E. van Giffen, each number consisting of a capital followed by a figure. The capitals refer to the provinces. So, D stands for Drenthe, F for Friesland, G for Groningen and O for Overijssel. The figures, originally Roman but later changed by Dr J. A. Bakker into Arabic ones, indicate a particular hunebed in the province under consideration. If the figure is followed by a letter the megalithic tomb has been destroyed. To give two examples, D9 is the extant hunebed no. 1 in the province of Drenthe, located at Annen, whereas D43a represents the first destroyed megalithic tomb that was discovered near D43 at Emmen. 2 For more information with respect to chronological aspects of the TRB West Group, Single Grave culture and Bell Beaker culture see studies by Bakker (1992; id. 2009), Brindley (1986b) and Lanting / van der Plicht (1999/2000). 3 The reader is referred to Fig. 1 for the location of the hunebedden mentioned in the present contribution. 4 See in this connection Fischer 1969; van der Waals 1964.

Fig. 1. Netherlands, distribution of the hunebedden (after Bakker 1992). Extant ones are symbolized by a dot, demolished hunebedden by a cross. Provinces: D = Drenthe, F = Friesland, Fl = Flevoland, G = Groningen, Ge = Gelderland, and O = Overijssel. It should be noted that the map also includes a few stone cists (see in this connection Bakker 2010, Appendix 1).

tribution): a 1d type beaker (No. a) according to the partial (?) herringbone motif also in wide grooves, ei- typological classification by Van der Waals / Glas- ther a fragment of an epi-maritime beaker (see in this bergen (1955), an amphora (possibly of Strichbündel connection Lanting / van der Waals 1976; Lanting type; Nos. b and c), a vessel with brush strokes on 2007/2008) or a sherd of a SGC beaker (type 1b or 1e). the outer surface (presumably a pot with short wave- To give a final example, during the excavation moulding; No. d) and a vessel decorated with cord of hunebed D32a near Odoorn sherds of at least five impressions (No. e; either a beaker of type 1a or an SGC vessels were recovered (Taayke 1985; Fig. 5 in All-Over-Ornamented beaker of type 2IIb; see in the present paper). The vessels in question were this connection Van der Waals / Glasbergen 1955). one with short-wave moulding (No. a), a beaker of Besides, the hunebed has yielded BBC pottery in the type 1c (No. b), and three amphorae or vessels with form of a neck pot beaker (No. f) according to the short wave-moulding (Nos. c and d). classification by Lehmann (1965). In addition, there is From the aforementioned instances emerges the a sherd (No. g) with wide, horizontal grooves and a picture that the number of Late Neolithic vessels E. Drenth, A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands 161

Fig. 2. Glimmen. Hunebed G2. a – f) Late Neolithic pottery, height of complete beaker (d) 17.4 cm (after Brindley 1986a).

Fig. 3. Glimmen. Hunebed G2. Two flint artefacts (a – b) and an amber object (c). Length of the longer knife (b) c. 5 cm (after Brindley 1986a). 162 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 4. Annen. Hunebed D9. a – g) Late Neolithic pottery, height of reconstructed Single Grave culture beaker (a) c. 17 cm (after de Groot 1988).

Fig. 5. Odoorn. Hunebed 32a. a – d) Single Grave culture pottery, height of sherd (a) c. 4.5 cm (after Taayke 1985). E. Drenth, A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands 163 from hunebedden is modest. In any case for the BBC graves. Instead of interpreting the pottery in ques- this picture is reinforced by overviews by Drenth tion as grave goods, she remarks that “[the] possibil- and Hogestijn (Drenth / Hogestijn 1999) and Lant- ity of (food) offerings should be given serious con- ing (2007/2008)5. Though at present there is no com- sideration.” pendium for the SGC there is no reason to draw Like de Groot, Bakker (1992, 58 – 59) has noted another conclusion. A study of literature6 and the that Late Neolithic assemblages from hunebedden analysis by the author of the majority of hunebedden have a composition that in several respects differs inventories stored at the Groninger Insitituut voor Ar from the inventories in SGC and BBC flat graves and cheologie, State University of Groningen, show this. barrows. But his conclusion is completely different. Usually one is able to count the total number of Late He sees the amphorae, beaker pots and vessels with Neolithic vessels from a hunebed more or less on the short-wave moulding as indicative of special inter- fingers of one hand. From the cases above, it further ments within TRB West Group chambers7. Apart transpires that several stone artefact types that are from these special burials, he continues, the hunebed so well-known from Late Neolithic barrows and flat den must have been a place where the normal Late graves are the exception rather than the rule in the Neolithic burial took place, as indicated by battle- context under consideration. Daggers of French flint axes and normal-sized beakers. (so-called Grand-Pressigny daggers) and their coun- Though with reservation, as none of beakers finds terparts in other flint types (pseudo-Grand-Pres- is said to have been found accompanied by human signy daggers), for example, have not been found or skeletal material, Drenth and Lohof (Drenth / Lo- have been recovered possibly once (Brindley / Lant- hof 2005, 438) also favour an interpretation as grave ing 1991/1992, 123 and fig. 12e: no. 54). To give an- goods. They too stress the differences between Late other example, in none of the hunebedden has a stone Neolithic inventories from hunebedden and the grave wristguard been found. Besides, it was only from the gifts discovered in flat graves and barrows. Besides, hunebed D26 at Drouwen that SGC battle-axes have the remark is made that if the number of finds is in- been recovered. Two specimens were found there. dicative, Late Neolithic burial in hunebedden must Equally rare are battle-axes of the BBC. Reference have been sporadic. can only be to a specimen (belonging to the Emmen Lanting (2007/2008, 68 – 69) holds a standpoint type; for more information see Lanting 1973) from that is in between the view taken by de Groot on hunebed G1 at Noordlaren (Bakker 1982 – 1983, 170). the one hand and that of Bakker as well as Drenth and Lohof on the other. BBC pottery is surmised by Lanting to have ended up in hunebedden as a result of various rituals. One of them was burial and Interpretations therefore some of the vessels are considered grave goods. A small nest of cremation remains, though The Late Neolithic finds under consideration have not accompanied by any artefacts, recovered from often been related to human burials, as we will see the burial chamber of D30 at Exloo is seen as evi- below. Either implicitly or explicitly therewith a con- dence. A sample from the bones has been 14C-dated tinuation in their use is assumed, since the general to 3695 ± 35 bp. Furthermore, Lanting relates the BBC view is that these monuments were built by the TRB pottery partially to offerings to the spirits of the de- West Group to bury (a segment of) its dead (e. g. ceased that had been buried in the hunebedden. He Bakker 1992; Bakker 2009). They are therefore usu- does not exclude they were regarded as ancestors. ally designated as megalithic tombs. In his opinion the two bell beakers illegally dug up De Groot (1988, 99) holds a different view. She from hunebed D15 at Loon probably attest to offering. points out that the vessels from hunebedden include The lower of the two vessels was according to the several types (amphorae, pots with short-wave discoverers found placed upside down over a more moulding and beaker pots) that have not or hard- slender specimen, apparently to protect the latter’s ly been found in Late Neolithic barrows and flat content. Such a custom is unknown from contempo-

5 It should be mentioned that Lanting’s inventory lists complete beakers, or large portions thereof, and pot beakers that are largely reconstructable (Lanting 2007/2008, 68). The beaker pots of Bentheim type are not included, however. The same holds true for beaker sherds that do not allow for a reconstruction of a substantial part of the vessel as well as flint and non-flint stone artefacts. An exception to the rule is a small fragment decorated in maritime style from hunebed D6a at Tynaarlo. 6 For the literature consulted see the reference lists in Bakker’s monographs from 1992 and 2009 about the TRB West Group. 7 Bakker’s treatise also considers the TRB West Group hunebedden on present-day German territory. 164 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain rary barrows and flat graves. As, similarly, the de- Though the motives must probably be sought ceased of the SGC and BBC interred in such graves rather in the ideological and / or social realm, the have not, or at most very seldom, been equipped precise reasons underlying the observed pattern with vessels with short-wave moulding and large are difficult, if not impossible, to grasp. One pos- amphorae or beaker pots, Lanting holds the view sibility is that by interring persons in hunebedden a that such vessels from hunebedden may relate to of- social group was drawing on tradition and the “an- fering rituals too. cestors”, in order to legitimize political ideologies Finally, Drenth (2005, 357; 359 – 361) has present- and other concrete interests. Whether these ances- ed an opinion that resembles Lanting’s. Some of the tors in all cases solely originate from the TRB West Late Neolithic finds from hunebedden are presuma- Group, remains to be seen. A substantial number of bly grave gifts, while others may represent offer de- the hunebedden with BBC finds also contain SGC ar- posits. To substantiate this claim reference is made tefacts9. to discoveries in megalithic tombs abroad. In this connection mention should also be made of BBC pottery from several TRB West Group stone cists indicating re-use (Lanting 2007/2008, Appen- dix II). There is good reason to think that the lat- A comparison between barrows ter culture constructed these stone cists for human and hunebedden burial. One of them at Diever (barrow I or the steen kistheuvel ) in the province of Drenthe contained the A way of shedding more light on the meaning of severely decayed bones of at least two individuals, hunebedden during Late Neolithic times is by plac- among other things a cranium fragment (ibid. 173; ing these monuments within a wider perspective. 176 – 177 and figs. 48b; 50 – 51). On top of this burial The choice was therefore made to compare hunebed (not covered by an earthen mound) the BBC erected den and BBC barrows. To this end, a distinction was a burial mound with two primary graves. Whether made between hunebedden containing BBC artefacts the BBC deliberately chose the location to build a and those which do not; the cases per category were barrow because of the presence of a TRB West Group counted (Table 1). In addition, using Lanting’s over- grave, is unclear. In addition, Bakker (2010, 209; af- view of BBC graves from the northeastern Nether- ter pers. comm. by J. N. Lanting) reports that the top lands (mainly the province of Drenthe, where also of the mound covering hunebed D13 at Eext, province the hunebedden are concentrated) as a basis, the BBC of Drenthe, dates to the BBC. burial mounds were divided into two groups and Mention should also be made of a dolmen (G5) at the size of each population was determined (Ta- Heveskesklooster, showing that perhaps Late Neo- ble 1). The first one comprises enlargements of ex- lithic practices had sometimes a completely differ- isting barrows or, to put it differently, BBC burial ent character. The dolmen was severely damaged mounds that were raised on top of SGC tumuli. The (Bakker 2004, 75 and 77). Three of its capstones had second group includes the remainder. been taken off. In addition, a large portion had been It appears that the BBC reused hunebedden sub- struck off of one of them, as had also been done in stantially more often than SGC barrows, as dem- the case of two sidestones. Other sidestones display onstrated by a two-tailed Fisher exact test8. Such a light traces of damage, whereas the chamber’s con- preference was probably not dictated by practical tent had been partially cleared out. Such disturbanc- reasons, for instance because the BBC lived and acted closer to megalithic tombs than to SGC barrows. Not only does the overall distribution of these cultures contradict this explanation (see Bakker Fig. 6. Province of Drenthe, northeastern part. Distribu- x 2009; Drenth 2005, figs. 11 and 12), but also there tion of hunebedden (“megalith or site of a destroyed megalith”) and Late Neolithic graves. Nos. 4, 6, 7, 15, 21 and are several instances known where hunebedden, SGC 44 – 47 refer to hunebedden; nos. 3, 5, 8, 10 – 12, 22, 26, 27, and BBC flat graves and barrows lie within a short 30 – 32, 34, 40 – 42, 51, 54, 57, 61 and possibly nos. 23 and 39 distance of one another. This is illustrated by a map to Single Grave culture barrows and flat graves; nos. 5, 9, showing the distribution of megalithic tombs and 35, 43 and possibly 59 to Bell Beaker culture barrows and barrows in northeast Drenthe (Fig. 6). flat graves (after Jager 1985).

8 The outcome is that p = 0.0002; p = 0.0000 if the doubtful cases are included. In both instances α = 0.05. 9 A preliminary inventory shows that at least in c. 43 % of the instances this is the case. E. Drenth, A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands 165 166 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain es are of course not a sign that one wanted to contin- meagre. Unburnt bones are barely present (Bakker ue traditions or link up with the past. When exactly 1992, 47), which is usually said to be due to the poor the demolition took place, is unknown, though the preservation circumstances. Hunebedden are located suggestion by Bakker (2010, 204) that it was during on acid sandy soils. Nevertheless several unburnt SGC or BBC times seems likely. In any case it must human bones are known from hunebed D26 at Drou- have been during Neolithic times, because the dol- wen13. But hitherto none of them has been 14C-dated, men was already overgrown by peat in the second so their age remains to be seen. Practically all of the half of third millennium bc10. hunebedden contents encompass burnt bones, but the possibilities they offer to enlarge our knowledge N N have yet to be fully exploited. As far as the author is of positive cases of negative cases aware, none of them have been subjected to physical Hunebedden anthropological analyses. In addition, only in two 18 (23) 8 (9) with BBC artefacts11 cases have 14C-dates been obtained14. In sum, sub- BBC barrows built over 1 (4) 21 (27) stantial progress may be made by physical anthro- SGC burial mounds pological research in combination with 14C-dating. Table 1. Province of Drenthe. A comparison between Last but not least, it is of course necessary to hunebedden and barrows12. In brackets are the numbers in- make a complete inventory of all artefacts from the cluding the doubtful cases. hunebedden. At present the author is working on such a list and he hopes to publish the final results elsewhere; the present contribution should be regarded Final remarks an interim report.

What direction should future research take to obtain a better understanding of Late Neolithic finds from acknowledgements The author is grateful to hunebedden? Hopefully I have shown that placing Dr O. Brinkkemper (Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erf- goed, Amersfoort) for making the figures. For their help in them in a wider archaeological landscape instead of writing the present paper thanks are furthermore due to focusing purely on the monuments themselves of- Dr J. A. Bakker (Baarn), drs J. N. Lanting (Haren) and the fers possibilities. members of the Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, State The actual evidence that hunebedden in the Neth- University of Groningen (the Netherlands), in particular erlands were used as graves during the Neolithic is Prof. Dr D. C. M. Raemaekers.

Erik Drenth Torenstraat 4 3811 DJ Amersfoort Netherlands [email protected]

10 A sample of the peat has been 14C-dated to 3805 ± 35 BP (GrN-11969). 11 Including hunebed D30 at Exloo with a BBC cremation grave (see elsewhere in this contribution), though during investigations un- equivocal BBC artefacts have not been discovered (Brindley / Lanting 1991/1992). 12 The numbers are borrowed from literature and personal observations by the author. If one compares Table 1 with Fig. 1 misunder- standings may arise with respect to numbers. For the sake of clarity, finds are not known from every hunebed, for example due to the fact that no investigation has taken place. 13 Pers. comm. Dr J. A. Bakker. He is preparing a monograph on the excavation of D26 including a physical anthropological contribution. 14 A sample from burnt bones from hunebed D15 at Loon (province of Drenthe) has been dated to 4480 ± 60 bp (GrA-15641; Lanting 2007/2008, 264). The result points to the TRB West Group. Of BBC age is the already mentioned small nest of cremation remains found inside the chamber of D30 at Exloo, as 14C-dating of a sample thereof has yielded the outcome of 3695 ± 35 bp (GrA-28350 or -28359; Lanting 2007/2008, 68; 275). E. Drenth, A Note on the Re-use of hunebedden in the Netherlands 167

References

Bakker 1982 – 1983 Fischer 1969 J. A. Bakker, Het hunebed G1 te Noordlaren. Groningse U. Fischer, Strichbündelamphoren in der Saale- Volksalmanak 1982 – 1983, 115 – 199. schnurkeramik. In: H. Behrens / F. Schlette (eds.), Die Bakker 1992 neolithischen Becherkulturen im Gebiet der DDR und J. A. Bakker, The Dutch hunebedden. Megalithic tombs ihre europäischen Beziehungen. Veröff. Landesmus. of the Funnel Beaker Culture. Internat. Monogr. Prehist., Vorgesch. Halle 24 (Halle 1969) 39 – 69. Arch. Ser. 2 (Michigan 1992). van Giffen 1925/1927 Bakker 2004 A. E. van Giffen, De hunebedden in Nederland (Utrecht J. A. Bakker, Eine Dolmenflasche und ein Dolmen aus 1925 [volume 1 + atlas] 1927 [volume 2]). Groningen. In: J. Hoika / J. Meurers-Balke (eds.), Beiträ- de Groot 1988 ge zur frühneolithischen Trichterbecherkultur im west- D. J. de Groot, Hunebed D9 at Annen (gemeente Anloo, lichen Ostseegebiet. Unters. u. Mat. Steinzeit Schleswig- province of Drenthe, the Netherlands). Palaeohistoria Holstein 1 (Neumünster 1994) 71 – 78. 30, 1988, 73 – 108. Bakker 2009 J. A. Bakker, The TRB West Group. Studies in the chro- Jager 1985 nology and geography of the makers of Hunebeds and S. Jager, A prehistoric route and ancient cart-tracks in Tiefstich Pottery (Leiden 2009). the gemeente of Anloo (province of Drenthe). Palaeohis- Bakker 2010 toria 27, 1985, 185 – 245. J. A. Bakker, Megalithic research in the Netherlands, 1547 – 1911. From ‘Giant’s Beds’ and ‘Pillars of Hercules’ Lanting 1973 to accurate investigations (Leiden 2010). J. N. Lanting, Laat-Neolithicum en Vroege Bronstijd in Nederland en N. W.-Duitsland: continue ontwikkelin- Brindley 1983 gen. Palaeohistoria 15, 1973, 215 – 317. A. L. Brindley, The finds from hunebed G3 on the Glim- Lanting 2007/2008 mer Es, mun. of Haren, prov. of Groningen, the Nether- J. N. Lanting, De NO-Nederlandse / NW-Duitse Klok- lands. Helinium 23, 1983, 209 – 236. bekergroep: culturele achtergrond, typologie van het Brindley 1986a aardewerk, datering, verspreiding en grafritueel. Palae- A. L. Brindley, Hunebed G2: Excavation and finds. Pa- ohistoria 47/48, 2007/2008, 11 – 326. laeohistoria 28, 1986, 27 – 92. Lanting / van der Plicht 1999/2000 Brindley 1986b J. N. Lanting / J. van der Plicht, De 14C-chronologie van A. L. Brindley, The typochronology of TRB West Group de Nederlandse pre- en protohistorie, III: Neolithicum. pottery. Palaeohistoria 28, 1986, 93 – 132. Palaeohistoria 41/42, 1999/2000, 1 – 110. Brindley / Lanting 1991/1992 Lanting / van der Waals 1976 A. L. Brindley / J. N. Lanting, A re-assessment of the J. N. Lanting / J. D. van der Waals, Beaker Culture re- hunebedden O1, D30 and D40: structures and finds. Pa- lations in the Lower Rhine Basin. In: J. N. Lanting / J. D. laeohistoria 33/34, 1991/1992, 97 – 140. van der Waals (eds.), Glockenbechersymposion Ober- ried 1974 (Bussum, Haarlem 1976) 1 – 80. Lehmann 1965 Drenth 2005 L. Th. Lehmann, Placing the Pot Beaker. Helinium 5, E. Drenth, Het Laat-Neolithicum in Nederland. In: 1965, 3 – 31. J. Deeben / E. Drenth / M.-F. van Oorsouw / L. Verhart (eds.), De steentijd van Nederland. Archeologie 11/12 Taayke 1985 (Meppel 2005) 333 – 365. E. Taayke, Drie vernielde hunebedden in de gemeente Drenth / Hogestijn 1999 Odoorn. Nieuwe Drentse Volksalmanak 102, 1985, E. Drenth / W.-J. Hogestijn, De Klokbekercultuur in 125 – 144. Nederland: de stand van onderzoek anno 1999. Archeo- logie 9, 1999, 99 – 149. van der Waals 1964 Drenth / Lohof 2005 J. D. van der Waals, De amfoor van de Hankenberg E. Drenth / E. Lohof, Mounds for the dead. Funerary en de andere amforen van de Standvoetbekercultuur and burial ritual in Beaker period, Early and Middle in Nederland. Nieuwe Drentse Volksalmanak 82, 1964, Bronze Age. In: L. P. Louwe Kooijmans / P. W. van den 173 – 204. Broeke / H. Fokkens / A. L. van Gijn (eds.), The Prehis- van der Waals / Glasbergen 1955 J. D. van der Waals / W. Glasbergen, Beaker types and tory of the Netherlands 1 (Amsterdam 2005) 433 – 454. their distribution in the Netherlands. Intrusive types, mutual influences and local evolutions. Palaeohistoria 4, 1955, 5 – 46. 168 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Marzena Szmyt and Janusz Czebreszuk Monumental Funeral Sites: Creation, Long-term Use and Re-use in the Neolithic and the Bronze Age. Case Studies from the Polish Lowland

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 169

Monumental Funeral Sites: Creation, Long-term Use and Re-use in the Neolithic and the Bronze Age

Case Studies from the Polish Lowland

Marzena Szmyt and Janusz Czebreszuk

abstract The study is based on the analysis of five funeral sites from the region of Kujawy. As a rule, the history of such a funeral site started with the construction of a more or less monumental tomb in the Middle and Late Neolithic periods. Quite often such monuments had a long history of original use as a site in which complex funeral and post-funeral ceremonies took place, and – in some cases – burials were successively deposited. Since the building of the first tomb and mound, the site was well marked in space and became a persistent fixture of the cultural landscape. In extreme cases the mound of a Late Neolithic tomb continued to be used in the 19th century. The sequence of establishing, exploiting and abandoning the sites presented in the paper may be interpreted as one of the aspects of a site’s biography, referring to Kopytoff’s concept. The study assumes an intentional continuation, i. e. a deliberate allusion to the existent and recognized form of the monument´s use, at times in a discursive mode. This can be studied by using the category of discourse undertaken by people in reference to the social landscape: to the landscape encountered and the legible traces left there by more or less distant predecessors.

Introduction Quite often such monuments had a long history of original use as a site in which complex funeral and Our study is based on the analysis of selected funer- post-funeral ceremonies took place, and – in some al sites for which we have evidence of long-term use, cases – burials were successively deposited (e. g. stretching predominantly over the Neolithic and the Czebreszuk / Szmyt 2011; Szmyt 2011). Since the Bronze Age, in some cases up until the Middle Ages building of the first tomb and mound, the site was or even modern times. Geographically speaking, the well marked in space and became a persistent fix- study covers the western portion of the Polish Low- ture (a reference point) of the cultural landscape. Its land, with the region of Kujawy (Kuyavia) being a original purpose was identified by the successive – specific test area within it (Fig. 1). even extremely distant in time – generations of peo- As a rule, the history of such a funeral site started ple who considered it a “sacred space” or a “funeral with the construction of a more or less monumen- space”. This can be seen in the placement of subse- tal tomb in the Middle and Late Neolithic periods. quent tombs near older ones (giving them forms re- This could be either a chamberless long barrow of sembling features of the first), as well as in the place- the Kuyavian type, built by the communities of the ment of subsequent graves in the existing mound. FBC1, or a round or oval mound, built by the popula- Thus, a tradition of perceiving and using such sites tions of the GAC, or at least a round barrow of the as special – sacred (funerary) – was formed, which people of the CWC. must have been accompanied by giving them appro-

1 The following acronyms are used in this study: LPC – Linear Pottery culture (Bandkeramik), FBC – Funnel Beaker culture (TRB), GAC – Globular Amphora culture, CWC – Corded Ware culture.

partly as “generalized” since they all have life cycles in common. This study therefore shall confine itself to an outline of a biography of a specific point in space, being one of the elements of the cultural and social landscape. This in turn shall serve as a basis for a larger goal in respect to the biographies of ritual landscapes in the Polish Plain.

Life cycle of a monument: the case of site Krusza Zamkowa 13

The first site selected because of the long and mul- Fig. 1. Location of the western portion tiphase history of its use is Krusza Zamkowa 13, of the Polish Lowland (1) and Kujawy region (2). which is located within a fertile area with the best soils on the Polish Lowland (known as the Kuja- vian black soils), in the area exploited for very intensive agriculture from the second half of the 19th priate names. Usually, the tradition lasted as long as century. The consequences of agricultural activities the monumentality of such features persisted in the were traumatic for the archaeological heritage, lead- landscape. In extreme cases, recorded in Kujawy, ing to a serious remodelling of the site relief, and to the mound of a Late Neolithic tomb continued to be the destruction of archaeological relics such as stone used in the 19th century for burying people who had constructions. died of dangerous contagious diseases (especially The site covers an area that is naturally demarcat- cholera). ed at the edge of the western incline of the Smiernia The outline presented below of the sequence of es- stream. In 1974 – 1975 excavations were conducted tablishing, exploiting and abandoning the five sites there, covering 487.5 m2, which is about 50 % of the may be interpreted as a “biography” of each site – or settlement area. The results of field research were to be precise, one of the aspects of a site’s biography. presented in a special book (Cofta-Broniewska It is pertinent to refer to the concept of a “cultural 1989a). biography of things” where Kopytoff argues: The history of site use in this context can be said “What would make a biography cultural is not to embrace eleven phases, five of which correspond what it deals with, but how and from what perspec- to domestic purposes (settlements or camps) and six tive. A culturally informed (…) biography of an ob- correspond to funerary activities. ject would look at it as a culturally constructed entity, endowed with culturally specific meanings, and classified and reclassified into culturally constituted The initial phase categories.” (Kopytoff 1986, 68). The monuments under discussion can be consid- The history of site exploitation by people begins ered also in terms of a culturally constructed entity. with the Early Neolithic. Undefined activity (domes- The application of Kopytoff’s concept in archaeol- tic? economic?) of the LPC group was recognized ogy has already given birth to several important in the northern part of the excavated area (Fig. 2) works (see Gosden / Marshall 1999; Fontijn 2002; and marks the oldest phase of human activity on Mischka 2010). They go on to develop concepts the site (Kośko 1989b, 15 – 17). Its remains comprise such “specific” and “generalized” biographies (Gos- only seven potsherds that do not provide sufficient den / Marshall 1999, 170 – 171) or biographies of fea- grounds for an assessment of this collection in terms tures “primarily associated with communal versus of relative chronology (Kujawy LPC periodization – personal identities” (Fontijn 2002, 26 – 27). The sites see Pyzel 2010, 90 – 95). On account of the fact that discussed in our study are placed in categories such LPC settlement appears in this part of Kujawy only as “primarily associated with communal identities”. in its second phase, its traces in Krusza Zamkowa 13 Their “biographies” therefore can be seen partly as can be linked with the period 5250 – 4900 bc (Pyzel “specific” since each has specific characteristics, and 2010, 97). M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 171

4,1

4,2 4,3

4,4 4,5

4,6

4,7

4,8

4,9

5,0

1 2

3 4

0 10m

Fig. 2. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Traces of activity of the Linear Pottery culture (1), the Late Band Pottery culture (2), the Early Bronze Age (3) and the Lusatian culture (4) (after Kośko 1989b).

The next phases of site use middle-sized stones were only partially preserved (Fig. 4B). Under the frontal part of the embank- The next two phases (2 and 3) can be linked (Kośko ment a grave was discovered (Fig. 4C), containing 1989b, 17 – 21) to the later groups of the Danubian very badly preserved human (one individual) and cultures (so-called Late Band Pottery culture; for animal remains (fragment of an indefinite species). general concept see Czerniak 1980) and to the ear- The deceased was placed probably on the back, the ly phase of the GAC. The relics in this context are head turned SW. The lack of furnishings does not mainly pottery (one potsherd of the first unit; 103 allow us to determine the precise chronology of potsherds of the GAC) and five pits belonging to the the grave. On the basis of comparative data it can GAC (Fig. 2 and 5A). be tentatively suggested that the creation and the From phase 4 a funerary sequence begins (Fig. 3). use of the tomb should be bracketed in the period Its inauguration was a chamberless tomb of the from the turn of phases II and IIIA until the close Kuyavian type built by the FBC population on the of phase IIIB of the FBC (Kujawy periodization), i. e. NW part of the elevation (Kośko 1989b, 29 – 32). 4000 – 3550 bc. During the excavation it was found that the tomb Phase 5 (Fig. 5A) is indicated by the location of a (Fig. 4A) was badly devastated and a stone frame ritual site of the GAC population on the principal that normally encircled the earthen embankment of elevation of the area, which included a tomb and the tomb was completely destroyed. The embank- a ritual object containing partial cattle deposits ment and an arrangement of supporting small and (Kośko 1989b, 23 – 27, 33 – 45). The orientation of both 172 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 3. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Funeral objects of the Neolithic: tomb of the Funnel Beaker culture (1), tomb of the Globular Amphora culture (2), ritual object of the Globular Amphora culture (3), tomb of the late phase of the Funnel Beaker culture (4) (after Kośko 1989b, amended).

objects clearly related to the axis indicated by the the dispersion of the pottery was the effect of an in- FBC tomb. tentional destruction (fragmentation) of vessels dur- The roof sections of the GAC tomb (Fig. 5B) were ing the funeral or rather post-funeral ceremonies, particularly badly damaged, with only lower parts this provides the basis for a reconstruction of the of the stone construction preserved. It was a pas- possible embankment. Its diameter would then have sage-like grave whose chamber was 3.0 × 1.5 m in di- been approx. 10 m (Fig. 5A). mension, oriented with a long axis in the SW – NE di- The ritual object (Fig. 5C) was an oval pit with a rection. The walls of the chamber were built of stone basin-shaped cross-section and 4.8 × 1.9 m in size, blocks stabilized with pebbles. The chamber was oriented along the SW – NE axis. The pit contained divided into two more or less equal parts by a “par- parts (limbs) of cattle (six individuals): five cows (in- tition wall” of pebbles. The entrance to the chamber dividuals A, B, D, E, F) and one bull (C). In the NE was from the NE, where the passage (0.8 × 0.8 m) part of the pit traces of a hearth were found, which with walls supported by smaller stones was situat- were covered with a bowl, with an amphora placed ed. Inside the chamber, in the central SW part, burnt next to it. A spindle whorl was placed by the limb of bone remains were placed. Determination of sex and animal B while two stone blocks were placed next to age was impossible. Outside the chamber and in the animals A and B. The whole pit was probably filled tomb fill, fragments of about eleven vessels and six with earth, maybe forming a small mound framed flint artefacts were registered. If it is accepted that with pebbles. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 173

A 4,8 9 4,

C 5,0 B

0 10m 1 2

0 5m 1 2 3 4 5

0 1m

Fig. 4. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Chamberless tomb of the Funnel Beaker culture. A) location: 1 grave, 2 mound; B) plan: 1 stones, 2 feature of the Globular Amphora culture, 3 Middle Ages graves, 4 grave of the Funnel Beaker culture, 5 hypothetical range of the stone frame, grey colour = bones; C) human grave (after Kośko 1989b).

Fig. 5. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Funeral complex of the Globular Amphora culture. Two radiocarbon dates were obtained for the A) location; B) tomb: 1 pebbles and moved stones, 2 boul- ritual object discussed: Gd-309, 5140 ± 140 bp, ders, 3 decomposed stones, 4 burnt bones, 5 concentration 4250 – 3700 bc (charcoal from the hearth) and GrN- of artefacts, grey colour = bones; C) ritual object: 1 – 3 grave 14022, 4330 ± 35 bp, 2960 – 2890 bc (long bones of in- goods (after Kośko 1989b). dividual C). The first date seems to pertain to one of the earlier settlement episodes on the site, while the second corresponds with the datings for other simi- there were placed remains of two human skeletons: lar GAC objects (see Szmyt 2001). a mature man (40 – 60 years old) and a young indi- Phase 6 covered the period when the area under vidual aged 14 – 16. Only fragments of both skeletons investigation yet again performed a funeral role: were found (the man: fragments of the skull, torso north of the GAC grave a very late FBC tomb was lo- and feet; the second skeleton: only some vertebrae). cated (Fig. 6A) that represents the Radziejów group However, in view of the much advanced devastation (Kośko 1989a, 166 – 169; for general information see of the tomb it is difficult to determine whether these Przybył 2009). Unfortunately it was also badly dam- were fragments of the bodies that had been original- aged by the later phases of the site’s development. ly placed in the tomb or whether their fragmentary The grave (Kośko 1989b, 46 – 58) was registered in the condition was caused by post-depositional destruc- form of a pit of 3 × 2.5 m, more than 1 m deep, SW to tion. Furthermore, parts of six animals were placed NE in orientation (Fig. 6B). In the NE part of the pit in the pit: two adult cows (foreparts of the carcass), 174 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 6. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania Fig. 7. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Tomb of the late phase of the Funnel Beaker culture. voiv. Cemetery of the Przeworsk culture. A) plan: 1 cre- A) location; B) plan: 1 – 3 stone and antler artefacts, 4 unde- mations, 2 inhumations, 3 undefined object, 4 deposits fined amber artefact; grey colour = bones; C) artefacts from of dogs, 5 objects with pottery, 6 “isolated mugs”, 7 sanc- tomb 1 : 1 antler axe, 2 fragment of stone axe, 3 fragment tuary, 8 fireplaces, 9 remains of stone fence, 10 remains of half-finished stone axe (after Kośko 1989b). of stone “altar”; B) examples of graves: 1 – 9 grave goods (after Cofta-Broniewska 1989a; Kokowski 1989).

a sheep / goat (a leg), a pig (a rib and a scapula), a neath one of the cow bones (Fig. 6C). A radiocarbon horse (a leg) and a young dog (a leg). The SW sec- analysis of the animals’ bones gave the result: Bln- tion contained fragments (?) of a young cow (under 2187, 3920 ± 60 bp, 2480 – 2290 bc. two years of age). Again, in that case it is not certain Above the described structure a part of a beaker whether their fragmentary nature was intentional. (Fig. 2) was found in the secondary deposit. Nearby, In the NE part there were registered sherds of four also in the secondary deposit, human bones were vessels (some of them lying under the bones), two registered. Thus, one can assume the next grave destroyed stone artefacts (an axe and a semi-finished (phase 7; Kośko 1989b, 58 – 60) could be linked to the battleaxe) and an unidentified amber ornament. In Early Bronze Age (or Proto-Bronze Age) and dated the SW part an axe made of antler was found under- to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium bc. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 175

south and southeast of the building interpreted as a sanctuary (Cofta-Broniewska 1989b). During the excavation its pavement, made of stone slabs, and a stone circle surrounding the supposed shrine, were still extant. Phase 10, when the site was used, falls in the Early Middle Ages, i. e. 2nd half of the 12th century until the beginnings of the 13th century (Mendyk 1989; Cofta- Broniewska 1989c), when a small cemetery and a possibly wooden chapel were located in the area (Fig. 8A). A further 37 graves (probably half of the whole cemetery) were discovered during the excavations (Fig. 8B). It is estimated that the cemetery was in use for about 50 years (Mendyk 1989, 195). Interest- ingly, in spite of the spatial convergence of the early medieval cemetery and the 1,000 year older burial ground from the 2nd century bc, none of the medieval graves destroyed older objects (Cofta-Broniewska 1989c, 199). This could indicate the existence in the 12th century of some form of above-ground marker of older graves from the 2nd century bc.

The end phase

We do not know in what circumstances the specific role of this site was forgotten or how long the settlement area was used as a field. Neither is it possible to identify in which periods the site was abandoned. It is known that in the 20th century a small rural settlement was established in this area (phase 11; Cofta-Broniewska 1989a, 9) and that during its life span a partial destruction of prehistoric stone constructions occurred. In the 1950s there were attempts to destroy them with dynamite (Cofta-Broniewska 1989b, 127). Fig. 8. Krusza Zamkowa site 13, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Medieval cemetery. A) plan: 1 man’s grave, 2 woman’s grave, 3 child’s grave, 4 undefined grave, 5 identified grave pit; B) examples of graves: 1 – 9 grave goods (after Mendyk 1989). Life cycle of a monument: the case of site Złotowo 4

The episode connected with the Lusatian culture Our second case is Złotowo site 4, where the funeral (phase 8; Kośko 1989b, 60 – 61), from which only a space was used twice: at the end of the fourth to the few potsherds have remained (Fig. 2), is little sub- beginning of the 3rd millennium bc and in the 19th stantiated and functionally non-definite. century. Rescue excavations were conducted in 1960. The subsequent phase 9, dated to the 2nd centu- The report of excavation research was published ry bc, when a Przeworsk culture cemetery existed in three years later (Teztlaff 1963) and is the basis of the area (Kokowski 1989), has been much better rec- information used in the following discussion. ognized (Fig. 7), boasting 35 graves (8 with skeleton When the excavation began the preserved em- burials, 27 with cremations) and 18 other features bankment of the tomb had been reduced to half its (including one hearth and six so-called self-stand- original area, and boulders of the funeral chamber ing mugs). The graves were located east, northeast, protruded from the devastated northern part (Fig. 9). 176 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 9. Złotowo site 4, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Fig. 10. Złotowo site 4, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of Contour map of a barrow (after Tetzlaff 1963). the Globular Amphora culture tomb: 1 stones and boulders in undefined arrangement, 2 boulders in walls of tomb’s chamber, 3 boulders in tomb’s frame (after Tetzlaff 1963).

Fig. 11. Złotowo site 4, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of the tomb’s chamber: 1 amber beads, 2 amber pendants, 3 flint axes; 4 pottery fragments; 5 animal teeth, 6 traces of burning, 7 sand (after Tetzlaff 1963).

The boulders bore traces of intentional destruction, The initial phase probably made during attempts to shatter them in the modern era. The destruction reached the upper On the peak of a small elevation 750 m north of the part of the funeral chamber as well. When the explo- Noteć river a GAC tomb was constructed. First the ration work started, the embankment was 19 m long humus was removed and thirteen big boulders pre- and 1.20 m high above the surrounding area, with a pared. They were positioned vertically on the peak preserved width of 9 m. around a rectangular space about 6 × 1.2 m in size, M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 177 thus creating walls of the funeral chamber with the The next phases of site use longer axis running SW – NE (Fig. 10). The boulders were supported by small pebbles and their Within the mound and in the upper destroyed part of inside surface in the chamber walls was smoothed, the funeral chamber, traces of human presence from as evidenced by traces of crushing. Joints between the medieval (phase 2) and modern era (phase 3) the boulders were sealed with smaller stones. The have been recognized (potsherds and metal objects, entrance to the chamber was planned in the SE cor- including a small iron arrowhead; Tetzlaff 1963, 8; ner, leaving there a gap between the stones (60 cm). 10; 12). At least ten more boulders of similar dimensions were prepared and set in a widely spaced formation around the chamber, thus creating a frame separated The end phase by approx. 0.5 – 2 m from the chamber itself. The bodies of four dead were placed in the In the 19th century a cemetery was located on the chamber (Fig. 11), though it cannot be determined mound (embankment), where victims of cholera whether they were primary or secondary burials. were buried2 (Tetzlaff 1963, 1). At the same time or The absence of the anatomical arrangement of bone at the beginning of the 20th century a wooden cross remains might signify a far advanced devastation was raised on the embankment. These events were of the contents of the chamber or else an intentional probably linked with the covering of the flattened deposition of only some parts of the corpses (Wo- mound with a pavement of small stones evenly dis- szczyk 1963): of an adult individual (sex?), an adult tributed in the upper layer of the barrow and over male, an adult individual (sex?), a young individual the cholera graves (Tetzlaff 1963, 8 – 10). Nonethe- (sex?). Due to the lack of information, two extreme less the northern part of the mound was destroyed hypotheses have to be considered: either the bodies at the start of the 20th century when a road was built (or parts of the bodies) of all four were placed in the across the field. As a result the boulders constitut- chamber simultaneously or they were buried one af- ing the walls of the burial chamber were partially ter the other in sequence. exposed and subsequently there were attempts to The following objects were placed simultaneously break parts of these (Tetzlaff 1963, 1). or in an unknown sequence by the bodies or in the In the end phase the feature was then divided into chamber (Fig. 11): at least 12 clay vessels, a necklace two parts: the south became the zone for sacrum (a or necklaces containing 8 amber beads and 2 amber cholera cemetery marked by a wooden cross), while pendants, 2 flint axes, 15 small flint artefacts (1 frag- the north section became the profanum. ment of a small axe and 14 flakes of Baltic flint). Part of the carcass of a one-and-a half-year-old cow (probably the head of which fragments of teeth have been preserved) was prepared and placed in the fu- Life cycle of a monument: neral chamber. the case of Bożejewice site 8 A site for the hearth was made ready in front of the entrance to the chamber and a fire was lit – once Bożejewice site 8 is located on a small peak in the hin- or repeatedly for each burial. terland of a small river valley, in the very centre of An embankment was built, maybe filling in the the Kujawy region. It was discovered in 1976. In 1978 outline marked by the stone frame. In that case the as well as 1980, excavation research was conducted minimum surface on which the barrow was built over an area of 402.5 m2. The results of research were would have been an oval of approx. 8 × 12 m, with presented in a special monograph (Kośko 1991). a height possibly reaching approx. 2 m. After the Three phases of the use of space for funeral purpos- construction of the mound or during the work, uni- es were identified there (Fig. 12), preceded by two dentified activities (post-funeral?) were being per- phases connected with undefined (non-funeral) ac- formed, the remains of which are very small frag- tivity of the LPC and FBC populations. ments of at least ten GAC clay vessels and probably 48 small flint artefacts.

2 It is worth noting that in the first half of the 19th century cholera epidemics appeared several times in Kujawy and Wielkopolska, each time causing numerous deaths. It was a common occurrence in the villages that as a matter of caution the dead were laid to rest beyond the usual cemetery area, far from houses. In Kujawy there are also several instances of a cholera cemetery being created on the fills of prehistoric monuments (e. g. Parchanki site 25; see Informator 1984, 46). 178 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

8,60

8,80

9,00

9,20

9,40

9,60

9,80

105 97 68 62 69/91 47 98 2 22 32B 32A 21 27 1 5 72 3 28 6 44 19 12 18 46 13 16 15 26 24

_ 1 _ 4

_ 2 _ 5

_ 3 _ 6

0 20m

Fig. 12. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of funeral arrangement of the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age: 1 grave of the Late Neolithic, 2 reconstructed range of the barrow of the Late Neolithic, 3 Early Bronze Age graves, 4 post-hole, 5 Middle Bronze Age grave, 6 excavated area (after Kośko 1991).

The initial phase The next phases of site use

The earliest traces of human activity on this site oc- Phase 2 is indicated only by several FBC ceramic cur during the Early Neolithic and are tied to the LPC potsherds and in this regard the meagre nature of (Kośko / Kločko 1991, 120) in the form of a small col- the collection does not allow for a precise chronol- lection of ceramic ware, indicating the penetration of ogy. Subsequent phases of use in this area are tied to the local area by inhabitants of early farming settle- features designated funerary purposes. ments, who similar to those at Krusza Zamkowa 13 During phase 3 a grave (feature 32B) was construct- (see above p. 170 ff.) can be dated to the II or III LPC ed on a small elevation and then covered by a mound phase (5250 – 4900 bc; Pyzel 2010, 97). (Kośko / Kločko 1991). The funeral pit (Fig. 13) was of the following dimensions: 245 × 185 × 100 cm. Found at the bottom of the grave was a burial, oriented along the north – south axis (with a deviation M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 179

69/91 105 97 68 62 47 98 2 22 32A 21 1 27 72 1 3 28 6 44 2 19 12 18 46 3 13 16 4 15 26 24 5

7 0 20m 8

Fig. 14. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of the Early Bronze Age cemetery, age and sex of deceased marked: 1 undefined age and sex, 2 adult of undefined sex, 3 man aged 30 – 40 or >30, 4 woman aged 18 – 20 or 25 – 30, 5 youth of undefined sex aged 16 – 18, 6 child aged 5 – 6, 7 multi-burial grave, 8 post-hole (after Kośko 1991).

Fig. 15. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Selected graves from the Early Bronze Age cemetery. A) grave 1; B) grave 3; C) grave 2 : 1 soil mixed with decomposed bones, 2 bone (white = human, black = animal), 3 stone, 4 artefact (after Kośko 1991). Fig. 13. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Late Neolithic grave 32B: 1 copper diadem, 2 plan and section of the grave (shaded lines mark traces of burnt wooden artefact, probably a bow) (after Kośko / Kločko 1991).

of 20o to the east). The buried person was a woman, 25 – 30 years old, lying in a slightly retracted position, on her left side, with her face turned east. Of the elements of clothing only a copper diadem was preserved. There was a burnt object placed on the body of the deceased that could be identified as a composite bow (90 cm long). Dendrological analyses (Raczkowski 1991) have revealed the presence of two kinds of raw material: coniferous wood in the central part (pine, larch or spruce) which is absent from the back part (here deciduous wood or perhaps other organic material such as bone or antler could have been used). Over the grave a barrow approx. 14 m in diameter and over 60 cm high was built. Radiocar- bon dating of the burnt wood of the bow has been found to be: Gd-888, 4140 ± 120 bp, 2880 – 2570 bc. The second funeral phase (phase 4) is marked by a cemetery from the beginning of the Bronze Age (Kośko 1991). Here, 24 skeleton graves and prob- 180 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 16. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Grave 24 from the Early Bronze Age cemetery: 1 soil mixed with decomposed bones, 2 bone (white = human, black = animal), 3 stone, 4 artefact (after Kośko 1991).

ably one cenotaph, were researched, either dug into view of the degree of devastation of the graves it is the embankment of the earlier barrow or at its base not certain whether this is intentional or was caused (Fig. 14). Of these, 21 were graves with single burials, by post-depositional damage. In one of the graves and three contained more (two, three or even eight (grave 2; Fig. 15) the remains of a wooden coffin burials – Fig. 15 – 16). In all a total of 34 people were were registered and in another case (grave 21) there buried at the cemetery (Fig. 15): 28 adults (at least were practically unreconstructable remains of stone seven women and nine men) and two children; in constructions. In six graves parts of animal carcasses four cases the gender and age of the deceased could were discovered (Makowiecki 1991): mainly cat- not be established (Jerszyńska 1991). Incomplete tle, more rarely sheep / goat and pig. In one grave a bone remains were found several times, though in complete skeleton of a fox (intentional?) was found. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 181

der, age and the nature of furnishings for the dead, as well as their number (Fig. 14). Only 50 % of the graves contained furnishings; most often these were single vessels (found in eight graves). Placed in the central part of the cemetery complex (on the peak of the old mound) were graves whose furnishing can be seen to be different from the remainder (grave 27 contained the body of an adult individual, sex unknown, two vessels, a circle made out of copper or bronze, a stone grinder; grave 32 contained the remains of a male, a stone axe, an arrowhead and a flint flake). Two further graves with “rich” furnishings (two vessels and a stone tool) contained two burials (grave 21) and eight burials (grave 24; Fig. 16) respectively. The latter was situated at the southern perimeter of the cemetery (Fig. 14). In addition, beyond the mound itself, a grave was found with three burials (grave 26). No doubt phase 4 featured a number of sub-phases that were tied to subsequent funeral rites. There may well have been as many as 25, if one is to assume that every grave constitutes the remains of a separate ritual. In taking into account the traces suggesting a manipulation of the remains of the dead as well as their partial removal, it is necessary to assume that apart from rituals tied to primary funer- als, others took place in relation to secondary ones. Moreover, post-funeral rituals are poorly marked on the site with traces of two relics: vessels placed nearby grave 97 and parts of a cattle skull at grave 98.

The end phase Fig. 17. Bożejewice site 8, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Mid- dle Bronze Age grave 5. A) plan: 1 range of grave’s pit, The third funeral phase (phase 5) is linked with a 2 post-hole (?), 3 stone, 4 bone, 5 mandible, 6 bronze ar- single grave, no. 5 (Fig. 12), located on the western tefact, 7 range of hypothetical roof; B) section: 1 humus, edge of the cemetery in question (Czebreszuk 1988). 2 range of grave’s pit, 3 fill of Early Bronze Age barrow, The grave (Fig. 17) contained a fragmentary skeleton 4 subsoil, 5 rock-bed, 6 level of bones, 7 upper surface of burial of a young man (age 20 – 25 years) equipped stones; C) 1 – 7 artefacts from the grave (after Czebreszuk with a valuable set of bronze objects: a pin (Ösen- 1988). nadel), two arm rings and four rings. It is dated to the Middle Bronze Age, precisely at the turn of the II and III period of the Bronze Age. The human bones gave the following radiocarbon dating: Gd-2171, Three radiocarbon dates were established for two 2850 ± 80 bp, 1130 – 900 bc. The presented range of graves from the cemetery: calibrating age, in accordance with the dating seg- ● grave 2 (charcoal) – Gd-1349, 3800 ± 50 bp, ment with a probability of one sigma, appears to be 2300 – 2140 bc, too young in relation to the given relative chronol- ● grave 24 (human bones) – Gd-3025, 3770 ± 50 bp, ogy. It would seem more credible to assume the ba- 2290 – 2130 bc and Gd-2499, 3760 ± 120 bp, sis of dating segmentation with a likelihood of two 2350 – 2020 bc. sigma, in particular its older limit of 1260 bc. Such The length of time the cemetery was used can be a chronology of the grave therefore would seem to estimated to be at least 50 years. The internal lay- better relate to the traits of its furnishings – though out of the graves indicates a certain relation to gen- even so it appears somewhat too young. 182 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Głogowiec

I III

IV Strzelce

J e z i o r o P a k o s k i e

Fig. 19. Strzelce site 2, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Contour map of barrow II (after Wiślański 1959).

Iron Age communities. In the case of Strzelce, the term “ritual landscape” refers to a relatively large stretch of land, about 750 × 200 m in size, where 4 barrows were recognized in the 1950s (Wiślański 1959, 1). At least two were built over the tombs constructed by the GAC population (Fig. 18). Barrow no. II was excavated in the years 1952 – 1954. In 1959 a detailed report of excavation research was completed (Wiślański 1959), which forms the basis of the following information. The barrow had been built on a peak of a gentle Fig. 18. Strzelce, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Location of elongated elevation situated on the slope of the lake barrows. I chronology undefined, II Globular Amphora culture, III Globular Amphora culture, IV chronology un- valley. It was oval-shaped along the longer N-S axis, defined (after Wiślański 1959). 29 m in length and approx. 15 m in width (Fig. 19), rising about 1 – 2 m above the surrounding area. Its central part was considerably devastated.

Life cycle of a monument: the case of Strzelce site 2 The initial phase The next of the sites discussed is Strzelce site 2. Here The first human traces at the site are linked with a we are dealing with two types of sequences: a long- small settlement of the LPC population (Wiślański term creation of the ritual landscape by the GAC 1959, 5 – 37). A big pit (Fig. 20) with rich examples population and then its extended use by Bronze and of pottery, flint, animal bones etc. was excavated. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 183

Fig. 20. Strzelce site 2, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of barrow II: 1 pit of the Linear Pottery culture; 2 grave 1, Globular Amphora culture; 3 grave 2, Globular Amphora culture; 4 deposit of a cow, Globular Amphora culture?; 5 vessel under stone block, Globular Amphora culture; 6 grave 3, Bell Beakers-Iwno culture; 7 deposit of a pig; 8 grave 4, chronology undefined; 9 grave 5, Pomeranian culture; 10 – 18 features of the settlement of the early Roman period: 10 remains of a building, 11 pit, 12 – 13 fireplace, 14 half-finished quern-stone, 15 – 16 stone processing workshop, 17 – 18 deposit of a dog (after Wiślański 1959).

Fig. 21. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania Fig. 22. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Grave 1, Globular Amphora culture: grey = bones voiv. Grave 2, Globular Amphora culture: grey = bones, (afterWiślański 1959). crosses = traces of burning (after Wiślański 1959). 184 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

destroyed subsequently. The human remains were accompanied by parts of animal carcasses: cows, sheep / goat, horse, deer and doe (Wiślański 1959, 40). West of grave 1 (Fig. 20,2) were two stone pavements, maybe in some way related. Within one of them the bones of a cow and sherds of a big vessel were discovered. The bones of two cows, one sheep / goat and one roe-deer and small pottery pieces were recognized beneath the second pavement. During this phase there certainly occurred a num- A ber of episodes related to funeral rituals (up to ten) and post-funeral ones. The latter are indicated by both the above mentioned animal depositions and ceramic potsherds as well as other artefacts dispersed in the fill. In considering the moving and fragmentation of bones, human remains could have repeatedly been subject to manipulation. The end of phase 2 is indicated by the creation over grave 1 of an earthen embankment in the form of an oval measuring no more than 11 × 18 m along a N-S axis. At the southern end of the existing mound, 11 m south of grave 1, the remains of a second grave, stratigraphically younger but also belonging to the GAC, were discovered (Fig. 22). Grave 2 marks out phase 3 of terrain use. Again, there was a stone construction B of the funeral chamber, which was almost complete- Fig. 23. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania ly destroyed. According to Wiślański (1959, 45), voiv. Grave 2. A) condition of human remains; B) burnt only one boulder 1.3 m high remained in situ. The bones (photos Archive of the Poznań Archaeological Mu- human remains (seven individuals; Wokroj 1959) seum). lay over an area of about 4 × 1.5 m, oriented along the W – E axis, where the bones were found to be mixed and broken (Fig. 23A). “An ornament shaped like the The material represents the IIA phase of the LPC in letter T was stuck into one of the skulls” (Wiślański the Kujawy (Pyzel 2010, Table 23) and is dated to 1959, 45). The condition of the animal bones (belong- 5320 – 5200 bc (GrN-5087, 6260 ± 70 bp), testifying to ing to a cow, a horse, a sheep / goat, a pig, a deer the existence of a small settlement in the surround- and a fox) was similarly bad (Krysiak 1959). Some ing area of this site. human bones (Fig. 23B) and most animal ones had traces of partial or even complete burning. As in the previous example, phase 3 also is made The next phases of site use up of unidentified numbers of rituals, both funeral (burials of seven deceased) and post-funeral. During The funeral sequence opens (phase 2) with the tomb the latter no doubt there took place ritual purifica- of the GAC peoples (grave 1), discovered under the tion (with the aid of fire) and the removal of human northern part of the embankment (Fig. 21). It had a remains, as well as their separation. Burials of hu- stone construction that underwent almost complete mans also included parts of animal carcasses (cow, devastation. The only big boulder preserved in situ pig, deer). was 1.5 m high, which may indicate the original Phase 3 ends with the placement of the stone height of the funeral chamber. Human and animal frame of large boulders (underneath one a jug was bones and artefacts were scattered over an area of placed) and the creation of the mound, which in ef- about 4 × 1.5 m. The human remains probably be- fect meant an enlargement towards the south of the longed to ten individuals, but they showed no an- existing barrow. Thus in this way the mound became atomical arrangement (originally?) and had been a regular oval, not exceeding 29 × 15 m (Fig. 19). M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 185

A stratigraphy of the mound shows that grave 2 is younger than grave 1, meaning that phase 2 pre- A cedes phase 3. The exact period of time separating both phases, however, remains unknown. Because of the lack of bone remains it is not possible to conduct an assessment of absolute chronology for both graves3. Phase 4 was certainly a brief episode, during which the mound was penetrated by peoples of “Forest”-east European traditions from the Neman culture circle (see Józwiak 2003 for general information). This is indicated by meagre traces in the form of two ceramic potsherds that were found in the subsurface layer of the south part of the mound. The next funeral activity occurs at phase 5. Grave 3 (Fig. 24A), its main indicator, is situated directly B northwest of grave 2 and dug out in the younger part of the mound. It dates to the Early Bronze Age and is linked to the Bell Beakers-Iwno culture (see Czebreszuk 2001 for general concept). The grave had a stone construction (which, however, was largely destroyed and cannot be reconstructed) and has revealed the remains of one individual lying in a retracted position, on the right side, with the head turned southwest. The skull was crushed by a large boulder (intentionally?). At the feet of the deceased the skeleton of a cow was placed, and directly on the legs two vessels (Fig. 24B). A fragment of a third vessel was found near the head of the deceased. There were no observable traces of any special embankment over grave 3. The research showed that in the stratigraphy of the mound the relic took up a younger position than grave 2, but at the same time older than relics from the Roman period (Wiślański 1959, Fig. 24. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania 61). voiv. Grave no. 3, Bell Beakers-Iwno culture. A) plan of the grave (grey colour – bones); B) 1 – 3 vessels (after Phase 6 also has a funeral ritual character, as indi- Wiślański 1959). cated by grave 4 (Fig. 25A) with the remains of three individuals (one young female, two forty-year-old males), laid in a slightly retracted position along the W-E axis. Two of them (a female and a male) were lying on their left side with their heads turned west, would seem to suggest the Early Bronze Age, and while the third (a male) lay on his right side, his head possibly Late Neolithic or its end (Wiślański 1959, turned east. The positioning of the dead suggests 61). Furthermore, northeast of grave 4 a skeleton of their burial took place in one common ritual. The a pig was found, which may indicate post-funeral remains of the dead were covered by paving made rituals. up of three layers of stone. The only furnishing was Phase 7 can be placed in the Late Bronze Age on a piece of an undefined amber ornament, two flint the basis of the few potsherds forming a ceramic se- artefacts and a (worked?) fragment of deer antlers ries of the Lusatian culture found in the mound. It (Fig. 25B). For this reason, the cultural and chrono- is most likely they testify to the penetration of this logical data from grave 4 cannot be described with area by inhabitants of the surrounding settlements any precision, though the stratigraphic indicators (Wiślański 1959, 65).

3 Unfortunately, currently there is a lack of bones from Strzelce site 2 in the collections of the Archaeological Museum in Poznań. 186 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 26. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Grave 5, Pomeranian culture: 1 stones, 2 burnt bones, 3 pottery sherds (after Wiślański 1959). B

The funeral function of the site had been negated in phase 9, dated to the early Roman period (1st century ad). During this period there extended around the mound a settlement of the Przeworsk culture, covering around 40,000 m2 (Wiślański 1959, 89). The barrow (mainly in the southeast) was used for economic purposes. A pole building was built here, two graves of dogs and a pit were located and a quern production workshop was in operation (Fig. 27). The workshop was situated in the vicinity of grave 2 (Fig. 20) and the querns were made from boulders forming the frame of the younger GAC tomb no. 2. The latter therefore at that time was only the source of lithic raw materials. The subsequent two phases, 10 and 11, show that Fig. 25. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania during the early and late Middle Ages the mound, voiv. Grave 4. A) plan of the grave: 1 antler artefact, which was at the time well defined in the landscape, 2 – 3 flint artefacts, 4 lump of amber; B) artefacts from the was only sporadically penetrated by the peoples of grave: 1 antler, 2 – 3 flint (after Wiślański 1959). the surrounding settlement.

The end phase The next phase of a funerary nature is phase 8, The end phase of using the mound embraces the which is indicated by grave 5 – a destroyed crema- modern era. According to Wiślański (1959, 92), up tion burial of the Pomeranian culture population to the start of the 20th century: “fires were burnt on from the beginning of the Iron Age (Fig. 26). Origi- the kurgan on St. John’s Eve” (i. e. 24th of June). In nally it had had a stone construction that was com- the 20th century it ceased to be used for farming pur- pletely destroyed. The dimensions did not exceed poses and was treated as a store for stones collected 1 × 0.7 m and it was situated near the southern edge from the field, which “in places created a layer about of the embankment (Fig. 20). 20 cm thick” (Wiślański 1959, 38). M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 187

Apart from this “ordinary” exploitation, the mound in Strzelce was to have another function, A which has been preserved in folklore. In contrast to the nearby Głogówiec mound, given the name “devil’s cemetery” (Wiślański 1959, 53 footnote 54), the barrow from Strzelce was a place where a roman- tic tale unfolded about a pair of lovers who would meet here in secret (Wiślański 1959, 92 footnote 12).

Life cycle of a monument: the case of Opatowice site 1

Our last case is Opatowice site 1 located in the western part of the so-called Prokopiak’s Mount (Kośko / B Szmyt 2006; Kośko / Szmyt 2007a; Kośko / Szmyt 2007b). Excavation research was conducted here in 1957 and 1990 – 1991, and the latter results were published in a special monograph (Kośko / Szmyt 2007a). At the site a sequence of ritual sites were discovered, mostly funerary ones (Fig. 28), which started with the creation of a ritual site of the FBC population c. 4000 – 3550 bc. The “funeral” phases were preceded and interrupted by domestic ones, during a period when the sites were used for settlement purposes.

The initial phase In Opatowice site 1, as in the other regions of Proko- C piak’s Mount, the oldest traces of human activity (phase 1) are related to the Mesolithic and testify to the “seasonal penetration of the mount” (Domańska 2007, 187).

The next phases of site use The most important event for the subsequent history of the area under discussion occurred in the first half Fig. 27. Strzelce site 2, barrow II, Kuyavia-Pomerania of the 4th millennium bc. The remains of phase 2 are voiv. Selected features of the early Roman period settle- in the form of a funeral arrangement of FBC popu- ment. A) remains of a building, postholes marked black; lations, which was discovered when recording fea- B pit; 3 deposit of a dog (after Wiślański 1959). tures 3 and 31 there (Fig. 29). The former may be called a post-funeral (votive?) feature in which a jug with an organic substance inside had been placed (Fig. 29B). The latter, however, is a surviving frag- a stone frame. Because of considerable devastation ment (only its “tail” part) of a chamberless tomb of only a 5-metre-long “tail” (the back part) of the em- the so-called Kujawy type (Fig. 29A). Both features bankment was registered. This was indicated by the were elements of a funeral arrangement of the FBC only element of the stone construction that stayed populations of phases IIIA – IIIB (4000 – 3550 bc); un- in situ: a fragment of the frame of field stones about fortunately it is not possible to date it precisely. The 1.4 m wide. dominant element of this spatial structure was the The next five phases 3 – 7 were identified as a series chamberless tomb situated along the W-E axis. Its of FBC settlements or camps, dated to phases IIIB-C, barrow was composed of earthen embankment and IIIC, IVA, VB i VC according to the Kujawy perio- 188 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

1 2 3

4 5 6 58 7

38 25

65 31 66 3

0 5m

Fig. 28. Opatowice site 1, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan of excavated area: 1 modern destructions; 2 funeral and ritual features 3 and 31, Funnel Beaker culture; 3 ritual feature 38, Globular Amphora culture; 4 graves 25 and 58, Proto- Bronze Age; 5 hypothetical grave 65, Proto-Bronze Age; 6 hypothetical grave 66, Early Bronze Age; 7 other features (after Kośko / Szmyt 2007a).

dization (Kośko / Szmyt 2007a, 295 – 305). In absolute chronology these settlements were of the following periods: phase 3 – 3550-3500 bc, phase 4 – 3350- 3100 bc, phase 5 – end of the 4th millennium bc (?), phase 6 – 2850 – 2750 bc, phase 7 – 2500 – 2450 bc. The greatest number of permanent relics in the form of pits and remains of post constructions is connected with phase 7. Signs of settlement in the area in phases 3 and 6 are limited to the occasional pits, while phases 4 and 5 mainly document ceramic ware. The different aspects of settlement in phases 3, 6 and 7 have been presented in detail in another place (Kośko / Szmyt 2007a, 301 – 305). It should be noted, however, that in the settlement occurring in phase 7 (2500 – 2450 bc), stone tools were produced for home use, such as quern, polishing slabs and axes (Chachlikowski 2007, 220 – 221). The raw material used for processing came (at least in part?) from

v Fig. 29. Opatowice site 1, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Fu- neral arrangement of the Funnel Beaker culture. A) feature 31; B) feature 3: a feature outline at level 790, b feature outline at level 785, c feature outline at level 780, d stones at level 790, e stones at level 785, f stones from level 780. Foll. Kośko / Szmyt 2007a. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 189 a stone construction of the tomb from phase 2. Dur- ing the investigations, traces of a steady destruction of the older tomb were observed, such as dismantling of stone blocks and their re-use for tool production (Fig. 30). This would seem to indicate a lack of identification or ignorance of the sepulchral nature of the tomb, despite the fact that its mound must have been clearly visible in the landscape (see below phase 9). This episode of tomb destruction was not continued later, however. Phase 8 is evidenced by ceramic ware only, revealed in the layer (apart from features) representing the GAC and can be dated to phase IIb and IIIa (Szmyt 2007, 151). A definitive interpretation of the collection’s function, however, is not possible. This phase can be indicated by relics from various episodes in the area under research, where there appeared the inhabitants of settlements or encampments identified at other sites at Prokopiak’s Mount (Kośko / Szmyt 2006; Kośko / Szmyt 2007b). It may also be possible that the ceramic ware discussed above marks the boundary of the GAC settlement, whose centre was in the area that is now destroyed. The next, phase 9, associated with the GAC population too, is marked by a ritual object (No. 38): animal deposition dated to about 2450 – 2300 bc situated about 6 m north of the “tail” of the chamberless FBC tomb, whose embankment was probably still visible and had been recognized as such. This is borne out by the orientation of the new feature which was Fig. 30. Opatowice site 1, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Dis- matched to the orientation of the earlier tomb. persion of stone materials against remains of “megalithic The GAC ritual feature (Fig. 31) was a shallow construction” (feature 31) and erratic stones and artefacts pit (up to 25 cm) in the shape of an elongated oval from the secondary deposit (in the destroyed area of mod- whose longer axis was oriented west – east (Kośko ern sandpit): 1 erratic blocks and pebbles, 2 stone artefacts et al. 2007). Its maximum dimensions were 4.60 m in (after Chachlikowski 2007). length and 2.0 – 2.30 m in width. Along the southern wall of the pit smaller stones had been placed while larger ones had been put in its middle and northwestern parts. On the bottom of the pit, clusters of of two graves (25 and 58), it was possible to record animal bones were unearthed and subsequently both grave goods and the outlines of the graves, found to belong exclusively to cattle. The identified while the third (66) could be identified only thanks remains represented at least three cadavers, includ- to the grave goods. Unfortunately, the bones were ing one bull. All bones belonged to animals that were decomposed and for that reason there is no infor- more than 3.5 years old at death. The arrangement mation concerning the dead. Selected objects were and topographic make-up of the bones preserved deposited in the graves. Grave 58 (Fig. 32) contained in individual clusters justify a belief that parts of two amber artefacts (a bead and a pendant) and two animal carcasses, including the fore and hind limbs, vessels. One of them (a bowl) contained an unspeci- had been placed in the pit. In the centre of the fea- fied organic substance, 22 flint flakes and fragments ture, a single big vessel had been deposited: a pot of five lumps of amber. Two other graves (25 and 66) with a relief ornament. contained only the occasional vessel. During the successive phase 10, c. 2300 – 2000 bc, At the time the first objects dating from the period a small cemetery was located at the site, dated to under discussion were created, the main landmark the Proto-Bronze Age (Czebreszuk / Szmyt 2007), of the cultural landscape was probably still the FBC which includes three graves (Fig. 28). In the case tomb stretched along the E – W axis and as such was 190 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 31. Opatowice site 1, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Plan and profile of ritual feature 38, Globular Amphora culture: a feature outline at level 845, b feature outline at level 835, c feature outline at level 830, d feature outline at level 825, e bone clusters (I – XXIII), f fine bones, g stones at level 835, h stones at level 825, i cluster of Globular Amphora culture vessel fragments, j Funnel Beaker culture pottery fragments, k daub lumps, l flints (after Kośko et al. 2007).

a spatial dominant. Both funeral pits preserved were The end phase situated at a distance of 12 m (grave 25) – 14 m (grave 58) north of the “tail” of the older tomb’s embank- After the Early Bronze Age the site area was made ment, and also 5.5 – 6 m northeast of the GAC ritual use of without leaving clear traces. Only two epi- site (Fig. 28). Both graves were oriented along the sodes around the Bronze / Early Iron Age (the Lusa- West – East axis, i. e. parallel to both the FBC tomb tian culture – phase 12) and the Early Middle Ages and the GAC ritual site, which means that the com- (phase 13) show evidence of finds in the form of a munity that buried its dead here c. 2300 – 2000 bc re- few ceramic potsherds (Czebreszuk 2007, 171). spected the signs of sacralization of the space by referring to the FBC tomb embankment and the GAC ritual site in their location as well as orientation of graves. Monumental funeral sites: To a slightly later period (perhaps the next biographies in the social landscape phase 11), one can link a hypothetical grave 65 recorded by one vessel that represents the Early Bronze We shall sum up this section of our argument by col- Age, namely the classic phase of the Bell Beakers- lating graphic representations of funeral sequences Iwno culture (Fig. 28). This could be indirectly dated at the sites discussed (Fig. 33). These include both to the first quarter of the 2nd millennium bc and ends continuation of funerary (more broadly, ritual) a funeral sequence at the site. means of using space as well as discontinuation or even signs of destruction of earlier funeral layouts. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 191

Fig. 32. Opatowice site 1, Kuyavia-Pomerania voiv. Grave 58, Proto-Bronze Age. A) plan and section of the grave: a feature outline at level 710, b bowl level 711, c pot level 711, d raw amber inside a bowl, e flint flakes inside a bowl, f amber bead level 702; g amber pendant level 702; h fine bones; B) selected artefacts from the grave: 1 – 16 grave goods (after Czebreszuk / Szmyt 2007).

When we write of continuation in reference to the identified as well. The repetition of location sites of way of using space we have in mind similar forms of the FBC by the GAC may have been due to a number use, and in this case: use for funeral purposes. This of reasons. For instance, it could have been caused does not presume a chronological continuity. Quite by environmental constraints, the use of similar eco- the opposite, in most cases we are dealing with phas- nomic and settlement models, or else it might indi- es of use separated by shorter or longer periods of cate a selection of sites that had been earlier defor- abandonment of the site or its use for other purposes. ested by former settlers (Szmyt 1996, 163 – 164). Use of the same site by communities from dif- At this juncture it is worthwhile to cite the opin- ferent times is a banal and frequent phenomenon, ion of botanists and ecologists who observe and which can be mostly observed, for example, in the model the so-called cycles of plant succession in case of domestic sites. In some situations it is of great post-farming wasteland as symptoms of dynamics relevance and does not seem to be coincidental. Let of ecosystems freed from long-lasting anthropogenic us consider a specific case. In Kujawy we studied the pressure. In a most simple case, the course of suc- convergence of location of the FBC and GAC settle- cession from psammofilic grass to the mature phase ment points in several microregions (Prinke / Szmyt of the spontaneous pine forest Peucedano-Pinetum 1990; Czebreszuk / Makarowicz 1990). Extreme val- takes about 140 years. “For succession series leading ues reached 50 % (in the Toruń Basin) and even 65 % to the emergence of different forest complexes the (on the middle Bachorza River). The figures demon- period is usually longer. In the case of multi-species strate that this particular part of GAC settlements deciduous woods such as a broad-leafed forest it can was located in sites where the FBC materials were be calculated at 350 years at least” (Faliński 1986, 192 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

2000 ● Bożejewice 8 – situating Early Bronze Age graves, younger by about 300 years, on the older mound; 1500 ● Strzelce 2 – location of much Later Bronze Age and even Early Iron Age graves in the embankments 1000 of GAC tombs;

500 ● Opatowice 1 – a repetition of the FBC tomb orientation by locating in its vicinity much later graves. AD/BC The second step involves valorization, which can be positive and leads to acceptance. Yet this need not 500 always be a full acceptance (“we accept this site as appropriate to bury our dead here”). There can also 1000 be a conditional acceptance (“we accept this site as

1500 appropriate to bury some of our dead here”). There can also occur a negative valorization (“this site is 2000 contaminated”). Within this scope the sites discussed earlier offer relevant examples: 2500 ● there are clearly discernible signals of a full acceptance of the sacredness of selected sites from 3000 the Late Neolithic to the Bronze Age (Bożejewice 8;

3500 Opatowice 1), and even during the Early Iron Age (Krusza Zamkowa 13); 4000 ● a visible sign of conditional acceptance is locat- th century graves of victims of an infectious dis- Krusza Złotowo Bożejewice Strzelce Opatowice ing 19 Zamkowa 13 4 8 2 1 ease (cholera) in the embankment of a Late Neolithic Fig. 33. Graphic representations of funeral sequences at tomb (Złotowo 4). We do not discuss such cases but the sites discussed in the paper: black = funerary or ritual they were more of them in our area; th th use, zigzag = destruction of older funeral layout. ● in the 19 and the first half of the 20 century the local inhabitants gave a negative valorization to some prehistoric mounds, e. g. in Głogówiec near Strzelce, calling it a “devil’s cemetery”. 33). This means that within the discussed temporal The above issue can be studied by using the cate- framework the features of an earlier anthropogeni- gory of discourse undertaken by people in reference zation (in the form of a much younger afforestation) to the social landscape: to the landscape encoun- could have been recognized in the landscape. tered and the legible traces left there by more or less However, continuation of using a particular site distant predecessors. “… what is significant about for funeral purposes (an accidental coincidence not- the adoption of alien objects – as of alien ideas – is withstanding) produces a number of other prob- not the fact that they are adopted, but the way they lems. All of them, however, assume an intentional are culturally redefined and put to use” (Kopytoff continuation, i. e. a deliberate allusion to the existent 1986, 67). and recognized form of use, at times in a discursive The perspective of discourse can be also used to mode. At this juncture let us focus on a few select tackle the issues connected with the symptoms of issues. discontinuation, including destruction of older fu- The first step is the recognition of the “sacral” dis- neral arrangements. We shall leave out the problem tinction of the site. In the biographies above we can of robbery to which various monumental funeral find a number of indirect indications that particular constructions (e. g Złotowo 4; Strzelce 2) fell victim sites had been long recognized as a sacrum and treat- in various periods and often more than once. The ed accordingly. This was undoubtedly made easier traces of robbery are pits drilled most often from the by the monumental character of the oldest funeral top and reaching the funeral chamber, and above arrangements to which the later phases, even distant all destruction and the breaking up of both human in time, adapted. The relevant examples have been remains and the accompanying equipment. This provided by the sites discussed here: phenomenon could be treated as a sign of de-sacral- ● Krusza Zamkowa 13 – adaptation of GAC funer- ization of funeral objects but also in such cases the al and ritual features orientation to the earlier FBC funeral function of the monument had been recog- tomb; nized. M. Szmyt and J. Czebreszuk, Monumental Funeral Sites 193

References

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Marzena Szmyt Janusz Czebreszuk Institute for Eastern Studies Institute of Prehistory Adam Mickiewicz University Adam Mickiewicz University ul. 28 Czerwca 1956 r., no 198 ul. Św. Marciu 78 61 – 486 Poznań, Poland 61 – 809 Poznań, Poland [email protected] [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Dariusz Król Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs in the Southeastern Group of Funnel Beaker Culture

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time D. Król, Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs 195

Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs in the Southeastern Group of Funnel Beaker Culture

Dariusz Król

abstract Research in recent years has demonstrated the existence of several clusters of sub- and non-megalithic tombs in the area of the Little Poland and Lublin Loess Uplands. They have been classified in three main types, based on the type of material and the form of the major components. With regard to the spatial organization of the burial types, there is a clear similarity between two types of tombs. Entirely different rules (or rather a lack of them) appear among tombs of the third type. Interesting relations are also observed in analysis of the gender structure of individuals buried in tombs and their grave goods. Due to still lacking radiocarbon evidence, we are not able to establish a strict chronological pattern for these types of tombs. This will require further attention in the future.

Introduction the southeastern part of Poland, the amount of information concerning tombs has increased (e. g. Bąbel Sub- and non-megalithic tombs1 of Funnel Beaker 1976). Recent years have clearly demonstrated the culture (abbr. FBC) are one of the most enigmatic existence of several clusters of tombs in the loess are- and fascinating problems of the European Neolithic. as (Libera / Tunia 2006). The number of new discov- Attempts to explain these constructions are rich in eries is growing gradually, which is reported as it is the literature of the subject (e. g. Kinnes 1975; Mad- attested for instance by site no. 7 in Skołoszów, prov. sen 1979; Midgley 1985; Hoika 1990; Sherratt 1990; Jarosław (Król et al. 2011). Although the gathered Sherratt 1995; Baldia 1995; Midgley 2008). In the data from this part of the FBC area is not impressive eastern group of FBC they were best identified in the compared to other regions, it may be a starting point Kuyavia (e. g. Chmielewski 1952; Jażdżewski 1970; to undertake a broader analysis. Wiklak 1986). A number of clusters have also been discovered in middle and western Pomerania (e. g. Dorka 1939; Chmielewski 1952; Siuchniński 1969). It is true that isolated cases of such tombs were discovered from the mid-20th century onward in the south- Fundamentals of sub- and non-megaliths eastern group of FBC, especially in the Little Poland classification and Lublin Loess Uplands (e. g. Gurba 1957; Grom- nicki 1961). However, they did not arouse such in- Sub- and non-megalithic tombs in the southeastern terest as sub- and non-megalithic structures in the group of FBC have been classified in three main eastern group of FBC. They were often considered a types (1 – 3). The basis for the proposed classification priori as “degenerate” (Jażdżewski 1970) and “pseu- was the type of material used to construct the tombs, domegalithic” (Kośko / Jankowska 1973) forms, as a and the way in which the major components were poor and chronologically delayed variant of Pomer- formed. anian and Kuyavian tombs. Nonetheless, with the It was typical for the tombs of type 1 (sub-mega- development of the research on FBC settlements in lithic forms) to use a different size of stone material

1 The nomenclature is according to Baldia 1995.

Fig. 1. Malice Kościelne site 1. Plan of investigated sub-megalithic tombs (type 1) (after Bargieł / Florek 2006; simplified).

to form the stone kerb, which had a trapezoidal or tri- stone pavement (Fig. 3). Such stone material in angular shape (Fig. 1). Such a stone kerb surrounded this case was clearly fragmented (e. g. Gurba 1957; the mound. Moreover, it is assumed that type 1 sub- Uzarowiczowa 1968). megalithic forms rarely included timber posts (e. g. A fundamental difference between them and Matraszek / Sałaciński 2006; Bargieł / Florek 2006; types 1 and 2 is also evident, for example, at the level Bargieł / Florek 2006a). of metric parameters analysis3. Trapezoidal shape was also distinctive of type 2 (non-megaliths and so called megaxylon2 forms as well). However, the material to build those forms was wood (Fig. 2). In this case stone kerbs, which Location of sub- and non-megalithic tombs were typical of sub-megaliths of type 1, either did not exist (e. g. Tunia 2006; Król et al. 2011) or ex- Within the group of southeastern FBC three main isted incidentally (Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982). clusters of sub- and non-megalithic tombs were As for type 3 tombs (sub-megaliths), significant identified: the Western Little Poland Upland, the formal separateness from the other types is notice- Sandomierz-Opatów Upland, and the Nałęczów able. These were usually rectangular-shaped struc- Plateau (Fig. 4). A few presumed tombs were also tures for which the main construction element was preliminarily identified in Koźmice Wielkie, prov.

2 The term “megaxylon” is according to Tunia 2006. 3 In the case of tomb length the following median values are observed: type 1 – 27.5 m; type 2 – 37 m; type 3 – 11.5 m. D. Król, Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs 197

Fig. 2. Słonowice site 7. Plan of investigated non-megalithic tombs (type 2) (after Tunia 2006; simplified).

Wieliczka on the Wielickie Foothills (Valde-Nowak Opatów Upland. This does not mean, however, that 2007). Moreover, tombs have also been discovered in the mentioned plateau was isolated territory for only a non-loessial area, within the Nida Basin, between one type of tomb. Researchers have also discovered the Western Little Poland Upland and the Sandomi- other types of sub- and non-megaliths there (e. g. erz-Opatów Upland (Garbacz 2006). Bargieł et al. 1982; Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982; In addition, in August 2010 during rescue excava- Polańska 2004). tions prior to the construction of the A4 motorway, a It is worth mentioning that in the Sandomierz- non-megalithic trapezoidal tomb was discovered in Opatów Upland there was a predominance of type 1 Skołoszów situated in the area of the Rzeszów Foot- sub-megalithic structures – over 50 % of all sub-meg- hills (Król et al. 2011). alithic forms reported in the southeastern group of For these considerations, it is striking that the ty- FBC. With regard to collected evidence, it is plausi- pological diversity of sub- and non-megalithic struc- ble that the described forms were present in a larger tures in some way relates to a specific geographical amount. This can be confirmed by the results of pre- unit. For example, the region of sole concentration liminary studies in Święcica and Czyżów Szlachecki, of type 3 sub-megaliths was the Nałęczów Pla- prov. Sandomierz (Szeliga / Florek 2007; Florek teau. These forms have not been discovered in the 2009). As for the Western Little Poland Upland, the Western Little Poland Upland or the Sandomierz- identification of solely non-megaliths of type 2 is a 198 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 3. Klementowice site 6. Plan of investigated sub-megalithic tombs (type 3) (after Uzarowiczowa 1968; simplified).

significant fact. It is difficult to conclude, though, only one grave. It is more uncommon to encounter whether this occurrence is parallel to the presence of tombs with a larger number of graves4 or “empty”. “type 3 in the Nałęczów Plateau” or is the effect of Entirely different rules (or rather a lack of them) ap- gaps in archaeological research in this area. pear among tombs of type 3. Basically, all known forms contained a different number of burials inside. Moreover, no tombs were found with only one burial. Not only the number of burials but also density of Burials in sub- and non-megalithic tombs their distribution inside a tomb is worth mentioning. Sub-megaliths of type 3 are the leaders in this aspect Spatial organization and relations between as they possess definitely the highest ratio of graves burials to the surface of a tomb. Observed differences are also intensified by While analyzing the spatial organization of the analysis of the spatial relations between burials. burials of all three types, there is a clear similarity Although in the case of type 1 and 2 tombs there is observable between type 1 and 2 tombs. Typical of no problem with the identification of primary inter- both types was a huge excess of forms possessing ment located at least 5 m from the eastern part (fore-

4 An exceptional situation was encountered in Pawłów, prov. Sandomierz. One of the two non-megaliths of type 2 contained 7 burials (Florek 2009). D. Król, Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs 199

Fig. 5. Gender structure in the tombs in the southeastern group of Funnel Beaker culture: 1 males; 2 females; 3 children; 4 undefined.

Gender structure Fig. 4. Location of tombs in the southeastern group of Funnel Beaker culture: 1 sub-megalithic tombs (type 1), Interesting relations are observed in analysis of the 2 non-megalithic tombs (type 2), 3 sub-megalithic tombs gender structure of individuals buried in the tombs (type 3), 4 supposed tombs. (Fig. 5). On the basis of anthropological research, it is obvious that the FBC long barrows in the Kuyavian region hid in their surroundings more male than female burials (e. g. Kapica 1975). This applies especially to the primary interment. This pattern seems head) of a long barrow (e. g. Miłocin-Kolonia, prov. to be confirmed in the southeastern group of FBC in Lublin; Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982), it appears to sub-megaliths of type 1. Additionally, double-burial be almost impossible among type 3 forms. This cir- forms of these sub-megaliths were discovered, in cumstance is due to two reasons, mainly the orien- which there was a combination of man + child, e. g. tation of burials and stratigraphic data. In the case in Wąwolnica, prov. Puławy (Bargieł et al. 1982). of tombs of type 1 and 2, a different orientation of By contrast, the combination of female + child was central burials (situated parallel to the main tomb not identified anywhere else. Overall, among all axis) to neighboring burials occurred. Such a model the skeletons in type 1 sub-megalithic tombs, 28.6 % appeared, for example, in the non-megalithic tombs were male, 4.8 % female and 23.9 % children. Obvi- no. I from Lublin-Sławinek, prov. Lublin, where the ously, the drawback of this analysis is the fact that primary interment was placed along the E – W axis, large quantities (42.9 %) are non-defined in terms of whereas two other burials were aligned N – S and gender remains, but it is difficult to believe that this SE – NW (Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982)5. In the case would affect the flagrant bias of the predominance of type 3 constructions, the orientation of all burials of male burials. Perhaps only the ratio of buried men was generally similar to the orientation of the tomb; to woman would be different – lower or higher. Was however exceptions do occur (e. g. Chruszczów-Ko- the model of male burial domination universal for lonia, prov. Puławy; Gurba 1957). The character of other types of sub- and non-megalithic tombs in the those deviations was entirely different, though. The southeastern Group of FBC? second reason why it is difficult to identify central Taking the current data into account slightly con- graves in sub-megaliths of type 3 is the lack of ap- tradicts the argument. Inside the type 2 non-mega- propriate stratigraphic data. liths, more female burials (50 %) were discovered than male (25 %). Although it is difficult to question the central position of male burial in grave no. I in

5 Nevertheless, non-megalithic tombs in which all graves were situated parallel to main tomb axis are also known (e. g. tomb no. VI in Słonowice; Tunia 2006). 200 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Lublin-Sławinek (Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982), one 2006). Other forms, such as amphorae and collared may doubt whether the predominance of male bur- flasks, occurred incidentally. The amount of flint ial, well-known from type 1 structures, is confirmed discovered in the graves was rather limited, and by the wooden forms on the Little Poland and Lub mainly represented by swieciechów and volyn ma- lin Loess Uplands. In addition, the double combina- terial (e. g. Bargieł / Florek 2006a). tion of female + children was investigated twice in Grave goods in sub-megaliths of type 3 and type 1 these tombs (e. g. Bargieł / Florek 2006a). By reason were similar. Artifacts were discovered in only 31.3 % of scanty data – only 14 skeletons – such revela- of the burials, and they were represented mostly by tions should be treated with great caution. Despite ceramics: amphorae and collared flasks (e. g. Nogaj- some controversy, it is worth noting that, among Chachaj 1989). Less frequent were flint products, these 14 skeletons, only in one case was it difficult such as scrapers made of volyn flint. Two stone axes to determine the gender (Jastrzębski / Ślusarska are also known (e. g. Gurba 1957). The pottery de- 1982). Thus, at least in the context of current data, scribed was placed near the body of the deceased ac- non-megaliths of type 2 represent a visible contra- cording to the classical scheme: a collared flask – the diction to the known canon – the supremacy of the head; an amphora – the feet (e. g. Nogaj-Chachaj male burials. 1988). With regard to tombs of type 3, our knowledge is very limited. Unfortunately, over 70 % of skeletons buried in these structures have not been defined in terms of gender. Some aspects of chronology

Regarding the aforementioned differences between Grave goods all the tombs, with reference to the construction and spatial organization of the burials and their goods, Structures of type 1, like the tomb in Kuyavia, were it seems to be obvious to draw attention to chronol- poorly equipped (Chmielewski 1952; Rzepecki 2004). ogy. Unfortunately, a serious problem that is related Among these burials, only 38.9 % had any deposits. to the southeastern group of FBC is the lack of pub- Others were not equipped or had pieces of pottery, lished radiocarbon dates. The only published infor- and their intentional character may be questionable. mation concerning the dates which can be presented The most widely represented in the burials were pot- here is the dating of one of the tombs from Stryczo- tery, among which predominated collared flasks and wice to about 3500 bc (Matraszek / Sałaciński 2006) amphorae (e. g. Bargieł et al. 1982). Also known are as well as the general dating of the flat cemetery in single specimens of a funnel beaker and an ansa luna- Słonowice to the first half of the 4th millennium bc ta cup (Garbacz 2006). The function of grave goods (Tunia 1996). Moreover, according to Dr. Krzysztof was also served by flint products (blades, retouched Tunia the radiocarbon dates from the flat cemetery in blades) made from local materials (swieciechów or Słonowice correspond to the classical phase (Brono- chocolate flint – 16.7 %, and mainly imported volyn cice II) of the southeastern group of FBC (Tunia flint – 66.7 %; e. g. Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982). The 1996; Tunia 2006). On the basis of stratigraphic data predominance of collared flasks in these sub-meg- the same researcher concluded that the flat cemetery alithic structures in the southeastern group of FBC was preceded by non-megalithic tombs which must corresponds to the situation recorded in Kuyavia have appeared earlier than 3650 bc (Tunia 2006; see (Chmielewski 1952). Analyzing the spatial distribu- also Nowak 2009). However, such a model of the tion of grave deposits in type 1 tombs, a certain re- early dating of the mentioned tombs and all non- lationship was noticed: a collared flask – the head megaliths (type 2) in the southeastern group of Fun- of the deceased; an amphora – the feet (e. g. Bargieł nel Beaker culture may be questionable. et al. 1982). This poor dataset does not actually allow for es- With reference to the data collected about type 2 tablishing strict chronological dependencies be- tombs, once again we receive surprising informa- tween all types of interesting tombs. However, on tion. In addition to the observed non-predominance the base of burial equipment we are still able to in- of male burials in these structures, it turns out that dicate the upper limit of their appearance. As men- more than half of the burials (exactly 60 %) were tioned, the dominant findings in sub-megalithic equipped. The largest group of artifacts found here structures of type 1 were collared flasks. These ves- is pottery with a majority of ansa lunata cups (e. g. sels presumably appeared in the area in question Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982; Burchard 2006; Tunia in the earlier phase of the classical stage, correlated D. Król, Some Aspects of Analysis of Sub- and Non-Megalithic Tombs 201 with the phase Bronocice II – 3650/3600 – 3500 bc structures were discovered at the site in Pawłów in (Kruk / Milisauskas 1999). Therefore we have no the Sandomierz-Opatów Upland, of which one had reason to date the appearance of sub-megaliths of a stone kerb and two were only framed by wooden type 1 to another period, especially if it were an at- material. We cannot explain the reason for building tempt to “make it older”. The occurrence of other the non-megaliths of type 2 out of wooden material, forms, such as amphorae and ansa lunata cups, may while stone material was used to construct an adja- set the upper limit for building these tombs in the cent sub-megalith type 1, de facto the largest one in Little Poland and Lublin Loess Uplands no earlier the Little Poland and Lublin Loess Uplands. In ad- than 3650/3600 bc. This is compatible with the dat- dition, less than 2 km away, in Czyżów Szlachecki, ing of tomb no. I from Stryczowice. While the high another sub-megalithic tomb has been discovered intensity of collared flasks in FBC units on the Little (Florek 2009). Poland and Lublin Loess Uplands was observed in Undoubtedly, the problem of chronology of sub- the period 3650/3600 – 3500 bc, the marked culmina- megaliths of type 1 and non-megaliths of type 2 is tion of the groups with ansa lunata cups occurred very absorbing and it will require further attention around 3500 – 3400 bc (Włodarczak 2006) – at the in the future. However, it is necessary to increase the turn of Bronocice II and III phases, or actually in an range of radiocarbon dates. older stage of Bronocice III phase (B IIIA). This find- As far as the sub-megaliths of type 3 are con- ing is considered interesting because in burials dis- cerned, it is only possible to describe the upper limit covered inside the non-megalithic tombs of type 2, of their appearance. It is designated by the men- collared flasks were not the dominant element, but tioned date 3650/3600 bc. There is no data by which ansa lunata cups. The increase in units with ansa lu- we could analyze their relative position in relation nata cups attributable to the period 3500 – 3400 bc is to other tombs. probably related to their dominance over the forms of vessels in tombs of type 2. This is in clear contra- diction to the model of the early dating of all meg- axylons from Słonowice. The equipment of all non- Conclusion megaliths (type 2) in the southeastern group of FBC indicates that they might appear later than the first Currently, it is certain that the FBC tombs in the sub-megalithis of type 1. southeastern group are an important research per- For the above-mentioned reasons, let us consider spective. There is no need to restate the need to the possibility of a subsequent dating of non-meg- intensify research and analysis for a better under- aliths of type 2 by contrast with sub-megaliths of standing of the chronology, origin and relation- type 1. Perhaps this would add a serious argument to ship between the tombs. We hope that in the near the debate on the origin of the wooden tombs. There future we will see full publication of research results is a well known opinion that the environmental con- not only for already known sites in Karmanowice, ditions (lack of stone material) necessitated the use Lublin-Sławinek, Słonowice, but also for newly dis- of substitutes – wood (e. g. Czerniak 1994), but in covered tombs, as in Skołoszów. this case it is difficult to accept. For instance, three 202 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

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Dariusz Król Institute of Archaeology, University of Rzeszów Hoffmanowej 8 st. 35 – 016 Rzeszów Poland email: [email protected] 204 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Dariusz Król, Jakub Rogoziński and Małgorzata Rybicka Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów, Radymno Commune, Podkarpackie Voivodship

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time D. Król, J. Rogoziński and M. Rybicka, Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów 205

Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów, Radymno Commune, Podkarpackie Voivodship

Dariusz Król, Jakub Rogoziński and Małgorzata Rybicka

abstract Archaeological investigations in southeast Poland, at the construction area of the new motorway A4, delivered many spectacular results in 2010. Among these the discoveries of the site Skołoszów 7 in the Podkarpackie voivodship are of special importance. The first earthen long barrow of the Funnel Beaker culture of this voivodship was found here. This monumental tomb was approx. 50 m long and was of wooden construction. It was likely covered with an earthen mound. In the vicinity of the tomb also niche graves of the Corded Ware culture with a rich set of grave goods and graves of the Mierzanowice culture were found.

Introduction chaeological Record of Poland project. Its geographical coordinates are: N 49 54 37, 679 and E 22 48 32, Wide-area rescue archaeological excavations on site 042. The site is located on a vast flattened promonto- 7 in Skołoszów, Podkarpackie voivodship, were carry on a bank of the river Rada, about 400 m from the ried-out in 2010 by the Foundation of the Rzeszów actual river bed (Fig. 2). The promontory is elevated Archaeological Center. In the course of the research about 20 m above a wet flood plain. The area of the a settlement site and a cemetery of the Mierzanowice site is covered by loess sediments. To the southeast culture were discovered there in addition to niche there are a few small marginal lakes (Fig. 2). graves of the Corded Ware culture (Fig. 1). Moreo- ver, a very interesting trapezoid construction about 38 m in length, linked with the Funnel Beaker culture (abbr. FBC), was identified on the site. As the Description of the tomb first structure of that kind on the Carpathian loess foothills, it is very important for studies of the FBC The tomb discovered at site 7 in Skołoszów is situ- settlement in this region. It also raises the question ated at the edge of a loess elevation (Figs. 1; 2). It of possible spatial relations between this sepulchral was orientated along the E – W axis, with a slight de- monument and the niche graves of the Corded Ware viation to SW – NE (Figs. 1; 3A). The structure was culture (abbr. CWC) and the flat burial ground of the delimited by a ditch about 38 m long, best preserved Mierzanowice culture. Therefore, the discovery de- in its northern part where rather irregular post- serves a more detailed presentation. holes have been registered in vertical cross-sections (Fig. 3B). The opposite “southern ditch” was partially destroyed by burials of the Mierzanowice culture. The tomb of Skołoszów is also distinctive on ac- Location of site 7 in Skołoszów, Radymno count of the presence of an inner ditch on the main commune, Podkarpackie voivodship axis of the structure (Fig. 3A), which was about 22 m long. The estimated width of the upper part of the Site no. 7 in Skołoszów was discovered in 1993 by tomb was about 2.5 m. The dimensions of the par- Andrzej Szpunar and Barbara Szpunar during a sur- tially destroyed front part cannot be precisely recon- face survey carried out within the project of the Ar- structed due to the dug-in burials of the Mierzano-

Fig. 1. Skołoszów site 7, Podkarpackie voivodship. Location of graves of the Corded Ware culture and the Mierzanowice culture around the tomb of the Funnel Beaker culture.

wice culture (Fig. 1) which damaged also the eastern Fig. 2. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkar- xn section of the southern ditch. If the northern ditch packie voivodship. Location of the site. survived almost completely, the outline of southern one can be reconstructed only hypothetically, es- Fig. 3. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkar- x pecially at its eastern end. In general, the width of packie voivodship. the front of the tomb was probably about 10 – 12 m. A) layout of the tomb and the cemetery of the Funnel A few postholes in the eastern part of the structure Beaker culture; may indicate its northeastern limits. B) cross-section of a part of the northern ditch. D. Król, J. Rogoziński and M. Rybicka, Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów 207 208 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 4. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkarpackie voivodship. Layout of feature 640.

orientated along the N – S axis, while the orientation of the forth was E – W. In feature no. 640 human bones preserved in a very poor state were discovered, while features nos. 638 and 639 revealed inside rectangular outlines resembling coffins. Feature no. 640 (Fig. 4) was especially interesting due to the presence of six small postholes on its borders. In the same group of features (located behind the northern ditch immediately in front of the tomb) there were discovered two vessels of the Funnel Beaker culture – a cup of the ansa lunata type in fea- Fig. 5. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkar- ture no. 638 (Fig. 5A) and a collared flask in feature packie voivodship. A) Ansa lunata cup from feature 638; no. 640. The depth of the features in question did not B) collared flask from feature 1273. exceed 30 cm. Outlines of the ditches and some of the rectangular pits were visible already in the bottom part of the plowing earth, relatively thin in the area of the site. This observation, combined with depths of the features, leads to the conclusion that excavations revealed only the lowest part of the sepulchral The graves and their inventories structures. The rectangular features are remains of flat FBC burials. To the north of the tomb described above, the two The second concentration of features, similar to groups of features of rectangular outlines were dis- those already described, was discovered to the south covered (Figs. 1; 3). The first of them, composed of the southern ditch of the tomb (Figs. 1; 3). They of four features (nos. 638, 639, 640 and 641; Fig. 3), were burials with human remains slightly better was located to the north of the eastern section of the preserved. The least decomposed skeletal fragments northern ditch. Three features of that group were (upper part of a skull and shinbones) were found D. Król, J. Rogoziński and M. Rybicka, Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów 209

Fig. 6. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkarpackie voivodship. Layout of feature 1233.

in feature no. 1233 (dimensions c. 2.5 by 1.2 m), ori- 1267, 1268, 1269, 1270, and 1271. All of them were ar- entated along the E – W axis (Fig. 6). The dead man ranged along the main axis of the structure in ques- was interred in a stretched position, with his head tion, in its southwestern part. In some of them, and pointed westward. He was furnished with a collared especially in feature no. 1271 (Fig. 7), outlines of the flask placed at his head (Fig. 6). Vessels of the same presumed coffins have been observed. It suggests type were found also in features nos. 1273 (Fig. 5B) the funerary function of the pits, otherwise deprived and 1227. of human remains and grave goods. Apart from the three graves with the collared flasks mentioned above, one more burial contained a funerary deposit. It was feature no. 1223, located slightly aside from the other features of the south- The tomb of Skołoszów against the back- ern concentration. It had dimensions of about 3.5 by ground of similar structures of the south 1.4 m and was orientated E – W. The research has not eastern group of the Funnel Beaker culture revealed any human remains there. Instead, in the western part of the pit there was a stone shafted axe in a very good state of preservation. We presume The tomb of Skołoszów is the first structure of that that the non-preserved head of the dead man prob- kind discovered in the sub-Carpathian milieu of the ably lay in that place. Skull fragments were discov- southeastern FBC group. Outside of this area a few ered also in feature no. 1240, otherwise deprived any dozen monumental tombs have been discovered so funerary finds. far. They are located on loess uplands of western Inside of the tomb six shallow features were dis- Lesser Poland (e. g. Burchard 2006; Tunia 2006), in tinguished (Fig. 3A), denoted by the numbers: 627, the Nida Basin (Garbacz 2006), on the Sandomierz- 210 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 7. Skołoszów site 7, Radymno commune, Podkarpackie voivodship. Layout of feature 1271.

Opatów Upland (e. g. Bąbel 2006; Bargieł / Florek Kazimierza Wielka district (Burchard 2006). How- 2006; Bargieł / Florek 2006a; Florek 2009), and on the ever, the Skołoszów tomb is distinctive on account of Nałęczów Plateau (e. g. Gurba 1954; Nogaj-Chachaj some specific features. As we have said, it had an in- 1991; Nogaj-Chachaj 1997; Jastrzębski / Ślusarska ner ditch on the longer axis of the construction. This 1982; Polańska 2004). The closest analogies for the was a unique feature, not registered in other tombs. Skołoszów tomb, all of them linked with the south- Also interesting is the absence of any stone material in eastern FBC group, can be found in Lublin-Sławink, grave pits, though it was utilized to various degrees Stan. 2, Lublin district (Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982; in the graves in the previously mentioned tombs Polańska 2004), Niedźwiedź, Stan. 1, Kraków dis- with timber constructions. Such a situation has been trict (Burchard 1973), Słonowice, site 5 (Tunia 2006) observed in Lublin-Sławinek (graves 1 – 3 in Tomb I and Zagaje Stradowskie, site Mogiła Stradowska, and grave 1 in Tomb II; Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982; D. Król, J. Rogoziński and M. Rybicka, Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów 211

Fig. 8. Skołoszów site 7, Podkarpackie voivodship. Niche grave of the Corded Ware culture. 1 cross-section of the niche grave; 2 animal burial; 3 child burial.

Polańska 2004), Słonowice (graves 1 – 3 in Tomb I; the conventions prevailing in the southeastern FBC Tunia 2006), and in Zagaje Stradowskie (grave 1 in group (head pointing to the west, feet to the east). Tomb I; Burchard 2006). Similar exceptions have been registered, for exam- We should also note specific constructional de- ple, in Stryczowice, Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski district tails of grave 640, located immediately behind the (Matraszek / Sałaciński 2006). northern ditch at the front of the tomb. Around its perimeter it has six small postholes, possibly ves- tiges of an unspecified construction built over the pit (chambers?). Analogies to it are known, for example, from Granstedt in Lower Saxony (Baldia 1995). One Chronology of the tomb of the Funnel Beaker of the burials from Skołoszów (feature no. 1233) con- culture in Skołoszów, site 7, Podkarpackie tained a collared flask placed near the human skull. voivodship Such a location of vessels of that type was observed many years ago by Waldemar Chmielewski (1952, The chronological position of the Skołoszów tomb Fig. 17, 23; cf. Król 2009). As we remember, collared and the accompanying flat burials is not very obvi- flasks were found also in graves 1223 and 1273. In- ous. Artifacts discovered at the site cannot be uti- terestingly, in the first of these graves the vessel in lized for a precise determination of the chronology question was located in the eastern part of the pit. of the sepulchral complex. Collared flasks appear in As collared flasks were never placed at feet of the the eastern FBC group throughout the entire Wiórek dead (in contrast to other vessels, e. g. amphorae), phase (Czerniak / Kośko 1993; Rybicka 2004). In we presume that in that case the head of the bur- relation to the southeastern group we lack similar ied individual was pointed to the east, going against observations. Also ansa lunata cups do not have a 212 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 9. Pawłosiów site 53, Podkarpackie voivodship. Jar Fig. 10. Skołoszów site 7, Podkarpackie voivodship. Lo- from pit 109. cation of sites of the Funnel Beaker culture in a 10 km radius. Center: site 7 in Skołoszów; • settlement points within the radius of 10 km from site 7 in Skołoszów.

precise chronological position within this group (Włodarczak 2006). The cup from Skołoszów features certain unusual elements (depression in the bottom, handle decorated by vertical double-cord Location of cemeteries of the Corded Ware impression) to which it is difficult to find direct and Mierzanowice cultures in relation to the analogies in FBC assemblages dated by radiocarbon monumental tomb of the Funnel Beaker cul- methods. Similar bottoms of the ansa lunata cups ture have been registered in Brąchnówek in the Chełmno region (Wawrzykowska 1981), in feature no. 20. Two One of the most interesting questions raised by the radiocarbon dates obtained for that site: 4860 + 110 research in Skołoszów concerns the spatial relations and 4770 + 80 bp (Kukawka 2010) locate it in the pe- between the tomb and the nearby burial grounds of riod 3600 – 3400 bc. Similarly shaped collared flasks Corded Ware and Mierzanowice cultures. The tomb are known from the earlier stage of the settlement in question is situated near the edge of a distinc- site at Makotřasy (Plešlová-Štiková 1987, fig. 2), tive loess promontory, while niche CWC graves are yet they lack double-cord decoration on the han- grouped around it (Fig. 1). Among them especially dles. The co-presence of the collared flasks and the interesting are large multiple burials spread over the ansa lunata cups with decorated handles has been area of c. 150 m2. The complex included four circu- confirmed in feature no. 32 in Kraków-Prądnik lar shafts and niches. In the bottom part of one these Czerwony (Włodarczak 2006). According to Piotr shafts there were animal burials (feature no. 256; Włodarczak (2006), this feature should be dated Fig. 8). Such features have no exact analogies on Pol- (on the basis of radiocarbon determinations) to ish territory. Probably most close to them are graves 3500 – 3430, 3380 – 3330 bc. All these facts suggest that from Koniusza (e. g. feature no. 620), dated by Piotr grave 638 in Skołoszów (and probably the whole Włodarczak to Phase II of CWC on the Lesser Po- tomb as well) is not linked with the early phase of land Uplands (Włodarczak 2006). the development of the southeastern FBC group. Pottery from burials in single-shaft graves is very Perhaps this general chronological conclusion will interesting. It resembles in style the pottery of the be rendered more specific by future radiocarbon Middle Dnieper culture. Clear influences from that analyses. cultural milieu have been observed by Jan Machnik D. Król, J. Rogoziński and M. Rybicka, Tomb of the Funnel Beaker Culture on Site 7 in Skołoszów 213 on the so-called Sokal Perch, on the eastern limits of sumption that the development of FBC communities the Lesser Poland’s variant of CWC (Machnik et al. in this region followed the same line as the develop- 2009). Discoveries in Skołoszów move to the west ment of other parts of the milieu of the southeastern the extent of these influences. According to Piotr group, and also in western Ukraine. We can enumer- Włodarczak, they were linked with the beginning of ate here many stylistic and morphological similarities Phase III of CWC on the Lesser Poland Uplands, i. e. with pottery from Ukraine (e. g. from the vicinity of with the central European developing stage of the Lviv; Gavins’kyj 2009) and Lesser Poland: Bronocice culture in question (Włodarczak 2006). (Kruk / Milisauskas 1999), Ćmielów (Włodarczak The location of burials of the Mierzanowice cul- 2006a) or Gródek nad Bugiem (Włodarczak 2006). ture in Skołoszów is also interesting. The earliest of Finally, was the tomb from site 7 in Skołoszów the them – of the pit type – were situated in the close vi- border for the eastern range of the existence of FBC cinity of the FBC tomb. In addition, two small Mier tombs? zanowice culture burial grounds (each composed of Objectives of future research include studies on a few flat graves) were discovered on the eastern and spatial relations between the Skołoszów tomb and western peripheries of the CWC cemetery. contemporary FBC settlement sites. At present we can only indicate the presence of such sites within a radius of 10 km from site 7 in Skołoszów, though all of them lack precise chronological and functional identification (Fig. 10). They will be subjected to Conclusions detailed field survey and excavations to clarify this problem. The settlement of the Funnel Beaker culture on the The presence of graves of the Corded Ware cul- sub-Carpathian loess areas has so far been a rather ture and the Mierzanowice culture in the vicinity of peripheral issue in the archaeological literature (e. g. the Skołoszów tomb is intriguing. We can interpret Zych 2008). Recently the situation has changed. it not only on the grounds of settlement continuity Among the most important discoveries of the past throughout cultural transformations, but also as the few years – apart from the tomb in Skołoszów pre- continuation of the funerary tradition of the place sented here – we should mention the excavations on initiated by people of the Funnel Beaker culture. a vast settlement site at Pawłosiów (located a dozen The monument erected there might have been my- or so km to the west of Skołoszów) where a jar with thologized by future generations, as other places – a handle in the form of sheep horn cores has been exposed and visible from far away – were mytholo- found (Fig. 9). Today there are grounds for the pre- gized.

References

Baldia 1995 go ze stanowiska V w Broniszowicach, pow. Ostrowiec M. O. Baldia, A spatial analysis of megalithic tombs. Świętokrzyski. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, 271 – 288. Unpubl. PhD. Thesis, Dedman College, Southern Meth- Burchard 1973 odist Univ. Available at: http: / / www.comp-archaeolo- B. Burchard, Z badań neolitycznej budowli trapezo- gy.org / (Accessed October 4, 2002). watej w Niedźwiedziu, pow. Miechów (stan. 1). Spraw. Bargieł / Florek 2006 Arch. 25, 1973, 39 – 48. B. Bargieł / M. Florek, Cmentarzysko ludności kultu- Burchard 2006 ry pucharów lejkowatych na stanowisku 1 w Malicach B. Burchard, Grobowce typu megalitycznego w Zagaju Stradowskim, pow. Kazimierza Wielka. In: Libera / Tu- Kościelnych, pow. Opatów. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, nia 2006, 301 – 306. 361 – 384. Bargieł / Florek 2006a Chmielewski 1952 B. Bargieł / M. Florek, Cmentarzysko w Pawłowie, W. Chmielewski, Zagadnienie grobowców kujawskich pow. Sandomierz na tle innych podobnych stanowisk w świetle ostatnich badań (Łódź 1952). kultury pucharów lejkowatych. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, Czerniak / Kośko 1993 385 – 400. L. Czerniak / A. Kośko, Z badań nad genezą rozwoju Bąbel 2006 i systematyką kultury pucharów lejkowatych na Kuja- T. Bąbel, Próba rekonstrukcji grobowca megalityczne- wach (Poznań 1993). 214 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Florek 2009 w Stryczowicach, pow. Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski. In: Li- M. Florek, Cmentarzyska kultury pucharów lejkowa- bera / Tunia 2006, 235 – 246. tych na Wyżynie Sandomierskiej. Historia i stan badań. Wiadomości Arch. 60, 2008, 97 – 123. Nogaj-Chachaj 1991 J. Nogaj-Chachaj, The stone-packed graves of the Fun- Garbacz 2006 nel Beaker culture in Karmanowice, site 35. Antiquity 65 K. Garbacz, Dwa grobowce z Grzybowa, pow. Staszów (248), 1991, 628 – 640. na tle zjawiska rozpowszechniania się idei megalitycz- Nogaj-Chachaj 1997 nej w grupie południowo-wschodniej kultury pucha- J. Nogaj-Chachaj, Dziewiąty sezon badań na stanowi- rów lejkowatych. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, 307 – 333. sku 35 w Karmanowicach, woj. lubelskie. Arch. Polski Gavins’kyj 2009 Środkowowschodniej 2, 1997, 16 – 23. A. Gavins’kyj, Settlement of Funnel Beakers culture in Mali Grybovychi. Matepiaли і дocлiдҗeңңя э Plešlová-Štiková 1987 apxeoлoґiї пpиkapпaття i вoлиңi 13, 2009, 172 – 197. E. Plešlová-Štiková, Die kulturelle Entwicklung und Gurba 1954 die Periodisierung der TRB in Böhmem. Die neueren J. Gurba, Materiały do badań nad neolitem Małopolski. Ergebnisse. In: T. Wiślański (ed.), Neolit i początki epoki Ann. Univ. Mariae Curie-Skłodowska 9 (3), 1954, brązu na ziemi chełmińskiej (Toruń 1987) 397 – 418. 129 – 178. Polańska 2004 Jastrzębski / Ślusarska 1982 M. Polańska, W kręgu idei megalitycznej. In: E. Bana- S. Jastrzębski / M. Ślusarska, Grobowce kultury pucha- siewicz-Szykuła / A. Stachyra / B. Gosik-Tytuła (eds.), rów lejkowatych z Lublina-Sławinka i Miłocina Kolonii Lublin przez wieki. Szkice z badań archeologicznych woj. lubelskie. Wiadomości Arch. 47 (2), 1982, 191 – 229. (Lublin 2004) 9 – 20.

Król 2009 Rybicka 2004 D. Król, Bezkomorowe grobowce w grupie południo- M. Rybicka, Kultura pucharów lejkowatych na Pojezie- wo-wschodniej kultury pucharów lejkowatych (maszy- rzu Gostynińskim. Chronologia, osadnictwo, gospodar- nopis pracy magisterskiej w bibl. Inst. Arch. Uniw. Rze- ka (Łęczyca 2004). szowskiego) (Rzeszów 2009). Kruk / Milisauskas 1999 Tunia 2006 J. Kruk / S. Milisauskas, Rozkwit i upadek społeczeństw K. Tunia, Temenos kultury pucharów lejkowatych w Sło- rolniczych neolitu (Kraków 1999). nowicach, pow. Kazimierza Wielka, badania 1979 – 2002. Kukawka 2010 Trzecie sprawozdanie. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, 335 – 338. S. Kukawka, Subneolit północno-wschodnioeuropejski na Niżu Polskim (Toruń 2010). Wawrzykowska 1981 B. Wawrzykowska, Osada kultury pucharów lejkowa- Libera / Tunia tych w Brąchnówku, woj. toruńskie. In: T. Wiślański J. Libera / K. Tunia (eds.), Idea megalityczna w obrząd- (ed.), Kultura pucharów lejkowatych w Polsce (Poznań ku pogrzebowym kultury pucharów lejkowatych (Lu- 1981) 109 – 118. blin, Kraków 2006). Włodarczak 2006 P. Włodarczak, Chronologia grupy południowo- Machnik et al. 2009 -wschodniej kultury pucharów lejkowatych w świetle J. Machnik / J. Bagińska / W. Koman, Neolityczne kur- dat radiowęglowych. In: Libera / Tunia 2006, 27 – 66. hany na Grzędzie Sokalskiej w świetle badań archeolo- Włodarczak 2006a gicznych w latach 1988-2006. Polska Akademia Nauk, P. Włodarczak, Kultura ceramiki sznurowej na Wyży- Komisja Prehistorii Karpat PAU, Muzeum regionalne nie Małopolskiej (Kraków 2006). im. Janusza Petera w Tomaszowie Lubelskim (Kraków 2009). Zych 2008 Matraszek / Sałaciński 2006 R. Zych, Kultura pucharów lejkowatych w Polsce połu- B. Matraszek / S. Sałaciński, Grobowce megalityczne dniowo-wschodniej (Rzeszów 2008).

Dariusz Król Jakub Rogoziński Małgorzata Rybicka Instytut Archeologii Instytut Archeologii Instytut Archeologii ul. Hoffmanowej 8 ul. Hoffmanowej 8 ul. Hoffmanowej 8 35 – 016 Rzeszów 35 – 016 Rzeszów 35 – 016 Rzeszów Poland Poland Poland [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Andrzej Pelisiak The Messages – Consigners and Addressees. The Corded Ware Culture Bar- rows in the Cultural Landscape of the Eastern Polish Carpathians during the 3rd and 2nd Millennium bc and the Monumental Structures between the Car- pathians and the Baltic Sea in the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 215

The Messages – Consigners and Addressees

The Corded Ware Culture Barrows in the Cultural Landscape of the Eastern Polish Carpathians during the 3rd and 2nd Millennium bc and the Monumental Structures between the Carpathians and the Baltic Sea in the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age

Andrzej Pelisiak

abstract A supra-regional overview of Neolithic and Early Bronze Age monuments in eastern central Europe is analysed with special regard to the monumental structures of the third and second millennium bc in the region of the East- ern Polish Carpathians. Drawing on recent interdisciplinary projects a spatial and temporal assessment of monumental activities in the latter core region can be given and compared with more general developments. The emphasis is laid on the form and biography of monuments as well as the social context with which they are connected. On the basis of the overall picture, a marked change in the function and addressees of monumental structures can be postulated from the late fourth millennium onwards, shifting from a basically “inward” direction of monumental messages to a combination of “inward” and “outward” messages with regard to social formations.

Introduction ants. An important question is how the monuments (messages?) were read much later. Where and to General socio-economic and cultural changes dur- whom were directed the information and messages ing the last centuries of the fourth and first centuries connected with monumental constructions? What of the third millennia bc resulted in the creation of did these constructions say and to whom did they new forms of socio-economic activity archaeologi- speak? There are fundamental questions involved, cally reflected in great parts of central Europe by the e. g.: personal, group and communal identity, bar- appearance of the Corded Ware culture (CWC). The rows as temples, barrows as a landscape, and territo- shift from sedentary to a more mobile way of life rial markers or as time markers. gave opportunities for new subsistence strategies Exceptionally useful in research of monumental but also allowed a new social custom – the complex- structures in the landscape is the idea of arenas of ity of social relations increased. The transformations social power (ASP) (Chapman 1997). Moreover an were connected with the building of spectacular idea of “visual envelope” is helpful as it was previ- monumental mortuary structures located in distin- ously used successfully in the studies on Stonehenge guished places of the landscape. and its landscape (Cleal 1995; Tilley et al. 2007). In I will focus my attention on long biographies of my opinion, the visibility of monumental structures monuments and monumental landscapes as well in the landscape was one of the crucial features of as an enculturation of landscape. The barrows gave these structures in the way of transmission of social much prominence to the people who constructed information both to living people and their descend- them, to the ancestors who were buried there, and ants. to the descendants. I would like to discuss the dif- My paper consists of two main parts. The first ferent directions of the messages sent by monumen- will be focused on the monumental constructions tal structures. The information might have been in the Late Neolithic and the Early and Old Bronze addressed to inside the community (to us) and / or Age in the area of southeast Poland (Fig. 1). In the outside (to others), to the living and to the descend- second part, I will concentrate on the much larger

SANDOMIERZ BASIN

STRZYŻÓW DYNÓW FOODHILLS FOODHILLS

PRZEMYŚL FOODHILLS

CARPATHIANS

Fig. 1. Area of interest. Fig. 2. Czudec, Strzyżów Foothills. Barrow of Corded Ware culture (photo A. Pelisiak).

area between the Carpathians and the Baltic Sea, and Southeast Poland and adjacent regions have been on the monumental constructions located within the the recent focus of interdisciplinary projects (system- time-span from c. 5300 to 1200 bc: the Linear Pot- atic surface surveys and excavations) mainly focused tery culture (LBK), Younger Danube, and first of all on the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age (Harmata the Brześć Kujawski group, the Funnel Beaker cul- et al. 2006; Machnik 2001a; Machnik 2008). All areas ture (FBC), the Globular Amphora culture (GAC), of SE Poland have been covered by systematic sur- the CWC, the Mierznowice culture (MC), and the face surveys conducted during the last three decades Trzciniec culture (TC). within the Archaeological Record of Poland project (Archeologiczne Zdjęcie Polski – AZP). Regard- ing this area the archaeological database consists of more than 9,500 sites dated from c. 5300 bc (LBK) to Southeast Poland – c. 1600 bc (Early Bronze Age MC) including settle- the third and second millennium bc ment sites, burial mounds and single finds (Pelisiak 2005). Numerous sites have been excavated includ- The southeast part of Poland is characterized by ing large scale multidisciplinary research within the highly differentiated landscapes. This area consists project (from 1995 till now) of rescue research on the of several main ecological zones (Fig. 1). The low- route of the prospective A-4 motorway (Czopek / Pe- lands of the Sandomierz Basin in the north are cov- lisiak 2007; Czopek / Pelisiak 2008). ered by different glacial and fluvioglacial sands and clays. The south part of the Sandomierz Basin is covered by a loess belt of several kilometres wide and The Corded Ware culture up to 250 m a. s. l. and covered by highly productive soil types. The Carpathian Foothills (the Strzyżów, During the third and second millennia bc the round Przemyśl and Dynów Foothills) are characterized earthen barrows (kurgans) of the CWC were one of by differentiated landscapes with the hills up to the most significant elements of the cultural land- 450 m a. s. l. The foothills are partly covered by loess- scape in the Eastern Polish Carpathians (the Dynów, like dusty deposits and relatively productive soils, Strzyżów and Przemyśl Foothills). The kurgans are partly by silty clays, rubble and sands. The Beskid generally round and their primary burial is usually Mountains are the most southern part of the region. central. The total number of known constructions The higher parts of foothills and the mountains have from this area is about 500 barrows. The preserva- offered the worst conditions for agriculture because tion conditions of barrows were exceptionally good the surface deposits consist of initial soils and grav- in the area covered by forest so the kurgans have els. The Jasło-Sanok Depression stretches between been well preserved there (Fig. 2). On arable land, the Carpathian Foothills and the Beskid Mountains. mounds are completely or almost completely de- A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 217

Fig. 3. Eastern Polish Carpathians. Almost completely destroyed Corded Ware culture barrow located on arable land (photo A. Pelisiak).

stroyed (Fig. 3). They are located on the top of hill Fig. 4. Czudec, Strzyżów Foothills. Conglomerations of ridges up to 500 m a. s. l. The decrease in height from Corded Ware culture barrows – an outline. Almost com- the top of the hills to their foot is from several to 200 pletely destroyed. metres. When looking towards kurgans from all directions, the locations are easily distinguished from the surrounding countryside and the kurgans form 10 m an obviously important landscape feature. There 3 are strong spatial connections between the areas of distribution the CWC sites and the FBC sites. The CWC barrows in the Carpathian Foothills are located in relation to prominent landforms within the area previously inhabited by the FBC communities 10 m (the first Neolithic people in this region), frequently in the same or almost the same place where the FBC settlements had existed (Gancarski et al. 2008; 10 m 10 m Machnik 1998; Machnik 2001b). The hill ridges and slopes were to some extent deforested during slash and burn farming (plant cultivation and stock breeding) by the FBC people. Clearances of forests are confirmed by pollen data (Harmata 1995a; Har- mata 1995b; Kruk 1980; Pelisiak 2005; Ralska-Jasie- wiczowa 1980). Barrows are concentrated into small clusters arranged in semi-rows according to the course of hill ridges. Kurgans are often grouped into 50 m clusters of two to three which may form larger conglomerations of dozens of barrows (Fig. 4). The barrows differ in size. They were originally up to 5 m high and from 7 m to more than 15 m in diameter. They were built on the top of the cleared hills, high- 50 m ly visible in the landscape from several kilometres 218 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

around. An important factor in the siting of CWC A barrows was the visual relationship to the other groups of barrows in the region. Neighbouring cemeteries are mutually clearly visible. The visual envelope of each group of barrows is large and the cover area extended up to ten kilometres in all directions (Fig. 5). It may be concluded that the most important feature of the place where barrows were located was perfect visibility of the place from afar and from all the directions.

The answer to the question of where and to whom 5 kilometers the information was directed by the builders of the CWC barrows is strongly connected with the so- B cial organization of the CWC communities, their economy and their way of life in general. Pastoral populations of the CWC and the activity of every group (families, kin) covered a large area of probably different regions. The groups moved from place to place within the region and / or from one region to another one. There are no regular settlement sites of the CWC north of the Carpathians. Inside the small and briefly occupied camps no stable dwelling constructions were found. The dwellings may have been similar to a modern-era yurt, and the shape and size 5kilometers of kurgan may have reflected this kind of “house”. Within all clusters the barrows differ in size but in Fig. 5. Barrows of the Corded Ware culture were well every group one or two barrows are significantly visible from several kilometres in all directions. A) bar- bigger than others. Because “... in every society some rows near Czudec; B) barrows near Bierówka. individuals are more equal than others, and power relations are never totally balanced...” (Müller- Scheessel et al. 2010, 181) the architecture (size of burial mound) may have been designed to reflect the people who built the kurgans, and the information social position of people in life or in death. Barrows, and messages were directed inwards, to their own first of all, may have reflected differences between group. The information and messages referred, for male and female, and old and young in the CWC instance, to mortuary rituals and ceremonial activi- society. Differentiation of barrow size suggests that ties, public relations, social reproduction (place of the biggest kurgans covered the burial of prominent gathering and feasting), negotiations and renegotia- persons, mainly adult men, and they were signifiers tions of social values, organization of society, social of social hierarchies. Moreover, an initial barrow of continuity, social identity and unity, expression of every cluster recorded the start of institutional pro- ideas about the living and the dead, expression of ject involving the cooperation of probably several an ancestral cult, cosmology, tradition, genealogies, families. The subsequent barrows were located close safety, commemoration, remembering and memory, to the initial one and the previously constructed bar- contemplation, rights and rules, authority and au- rows. The sequence of barrows reflected the history thorities, and family and kin ties. In these respects a of the community “described” as remembering of barrow was, for example, a time marker, a house of the death particularly of prominent men. Addition- the dead, a monument to ancestors, visualization of ally, the semi-conical shape of mounds and the loca- the long line of ancestors, a sacred place in the land- tion of the kurgans on the top of highest landscape scape, a signifier of social hierarchies, a signifier of forms within the region suggest that the beliefs and an ideological statement of a ruling elite. The second mortuary practices were strongly connected with group of information concerned the perfect visibil- cosmology. ity of the barrow mounds from all directions. The The CWC barrows transmitted two sets of in- message “sent by kurgans” was directed to the out- formation in two different directions. The first set side world (to the Others) and was connected with of information was strongly connected with the information about, for example, ownership of the A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 219 land, control of a territory and its natural resources, by both the CWC and the MC people. However, peo- power, and authority. In this respect, barrows were ple of the MC did not build their own monumen- perfect and strong territorial markers, and markers tal constructions, neither domestic (an impressive of ownership. exception should be noted – the Trzcinica site) nor mortuary ones. Instead they used prominent natural places in landscapes (elevations of hills) and promi- The Mierzanowice culture nent artificial places in the landscape (CWC barrows) to locate their own sacred sites, reflected by From the middle of the third millennium bc in the graves which were dug into already existing barrow different regions of the CWC we notice the ten- mounds. They were clearly visible in the landscape dency towards a more stable or semi-sedentary and might conform to a long tradition of prominent way of life reflected for instance in the emergence places and structures which had persisted from the of the Kraków-Sandomierz group of the CWC. The Late Neolithic throughout the Early Bronze Age. On final stage of different cultural, social and economic the other hand, there is a clear change of tradition transformations during first centuries of the second connected with the beginning of the MC. It can be half of the third millennium bc was the appearance difficult to conclude that the MC communities did of the MC (Kadrow / Machnik 1997; Machnik 1967). not continue the tradition of building monumental Within this time-span from c. 2400 to 2100 bc a more structures – there are no archaeological data which and more sedentary way of life played a more and can confirm the existence of such constructions more important role. Stable and long-occupied flat within the area inhabited by the MC people. Using settlements started to be the specific “anchor” of the the older CWC barrows can be described as an ever settlement system of the MC populations. A highly quieter “echo” of the previous tendency and in fact impressive example of large settlement sites is lo- during the time-span of the MC and in the area in- cated at Sietesz in the Kańczuga Upland in the loess habited by the MC communities “the monumental zone between the Carpathian Foothills and the low- structures gap” is observed. What is important is lands of the Sandomierz Basin (Madej 1999; Madej that the barrows of the CWC were used as a burial 2000), a zone covering an area of about thirty hec- ground by the MC people only during the very early tares. The subsistence strategies were based both on stage of the MC (Proto-Mierzanowice phase). From animal breeding and plant cultivation but animal the subsequent early phase of the MC onwards the grazing played an important role in the everyday life tendency of the MC people to site their own graves of these people. The cultural and social changes are inside the burial mounds of the CWC was fading, reflected in mortuary practices by the appearance of and in southeast Poland this break is clearly visible flat cemeteries located in the vicinity of settlements in archaeological data. (Kadrow et al. 1992). One of the most striking results of Carpathian The distribution of the Carpathian settlement field archaeology in recent decades has been the sites and burials of the MC is clearly related to the discovery of fortified settlements of the MC and FBC settlements and the CWC barrows. The major- the Otomani-Füzesabony culture (OFC) at Trzcini- ity of focal places were used on repeated occasions: ca near Jasło. About 2100 bc within the Carpathian by settlements of the FBC, barrows of the CWC and and Sub-Carpathian zones of the MC the so-called settlements or graveyards of the MC. Moreover, in Pleszów group emerged (Gancarski 1999a; Gancar- many examples we observe the re-use of mortuary ski 1999b). One of the important features which do structures constructed by the CWC people. Graves not find similarities in other regions of the MC distri- of the MC people are frequently located exactly at bution is the building of settlement sites with a sys- the same place where previously graves of the CWC tem of walls, ditches or palisades which enclosured were placed, and the CWC kurgans were repeated- the site located on the top of hills. In this regard, the ly used as a burial ground during the Early Bronze best example is the fortified site at Trzcinica near Age. Barrows were remodelled, and the MC burials Jasło. Within the Pleszów group of the MC different were often dug into the CWC mounds. An impres- interactions and connections with the communities sive example of continuation of the tradition of mor- living south of the Carpathians can be observed in tuary ground is the barrow of the CWC in Średnia, specific categories of archaeological material, e. g. site 3/2 (the Dynów Foothills), where the grave of a clay idol head which is almost a mirror image of the early stage MC (Proto-Mierzanowice phase) was Mediterranean art (Dickinson 2001; Doumas 2000) sunk into the CWC mound (Jarosz 2002). Some bar- as well as other clay animal figurines and cartwheel rows were used many times over hundreds of years model found in Trzcinica (Gancarski 2009). 220 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Monumental structures which surrounded the sedentary way of life appeared in the TC communi- settlement of the Pleszów group people in Trzcini- ties. Numerous settlement sites different in size and ca (monumental structures belong to the domestic time-span were inhabited by TC people within all arena) lay in opposition to the barrows of the CWC the areas of their occupation (Górski 1993; Górski which belong to the mortuary arena. There is a stark 1993; Makarowicz 2010b). The flat sites were located contrast between monumental structures of the mor- mainly in low zones of landscapes on the terraces of tuary domain in the CWC and monumentality locat- river valleys above flood plains of the valleys. The ed within the domestic domain in the Pleszów group barrows were sited in different landscapes including of the MC and finally the absence of monumental elevations of local hills. structures of both the domestic and mortuary do- Large barrows of the TC were significant and main in other groups of the MC. Moreover the site meaningful elements of the landscape (Górski at Trzcinica is located on a hilltop about 30 m above 1994b; Kempisty 1978) but they are frequently locat- surrounding valleys up to 270 m a. s. l. The site and ed in the low landscape zones too, e. g. within the its constructions were well visible within a radius flood plains of river valleys (Taras 1995). Barrows of of several kilometres, the visible envelope covering the TC are grouped into clusters consisting of sever- an area of several square kilometres. The site itself al barrows which differ in size. The biggest of them and the monumental constructions were a medium were originally five or more metres high and about and transmitter of the messages and information di- twenty metres in diameter. Without doubt they were rected both inside the community and to the outside constructed for the very prominent persons of the world. The site was probably a symbol of identity, society, and the differentiation of barrow size may unity and continuity, social reproduction, author- have been connected with the formation of a more ity and remembering. The messages directed to the complex and ranked society. outside world contained information on power and The barrows of the TC were incorporated into ownership of the land. Moreover this site, because different landscapes. There are barrows located of its high visibility, was an important time and land both within the low zones of river valleys and in marker. prominent landscapes on the top of local hills. The diversity of locations is strongly connected with the differing visibility of barrows in different locations in the landscape. Some of them will have been well The Trzciniec culture visible from a distance of several kilometres, others from only several hundred metres. Moreover, the The physical presence of the CWC burial mounds barrows were located within the area inhabited by attracted the attention of those who moved to the re- the TC populations more or less in the vicinity of the gion, whether they possessed ancestral links or not, settlement sites. and they used the mounds for their own purposes. During the last decades of 17th century bc peo- The long tradition of burial grounds is clearly visible ple of the OFC crossed the Carpathian passes and in spatial relationships between cemeteries of the moved into the area of southern Poland. These com- CWC and cemeteries of the TC. Some of the large munities settled the Carpathian Foothills between barrows of the TC covered previous kurgans or flat the Dunajec and San rivers. In the central part of this graves of the CWC, and began another cycle in the territory a concentration of OFC sites was discov- social identities of barrows. This kind of continua- ered near Jasło in the Jasło-Sanok Depression and tion of tradition of mortuary ground is frequently adjacent parts of the foothills. Migration of the OFC observed in Little Poland (Kempisty / Włodarczak people to the north of the Carpathians may have re- 2000; Makarowicz 2010a), and the siting of burials sulted in peaceful contacts with communities of the in the landscape defined the role of the area for the MC Pleszów group and the TC as well as in conflicts future and for the subsequent inhabitants. Impres- with local inhabitants. At the Trzcinica site people sive round barrows were built over the flat graves of the OFC replaced those of the Pleszów group of and the barrows of the CWC or nearby. In con- the MC about 1600 bc. New inhabitants occupied trast, the communities of the TC did not settle the the site in Trzcinica probably peacefully with the upland zones of a landscape, in particular the Car- distinct tendency to assimilate the local population pathian Foothills. In this area both settlement sites of the Pleszów group (no remains of catastrophic and graves are absent, and the tradition of repeated events were found in Trzcinica). Previous fortifica- use of CWC barrows was broken there. In contrast tions were remodelled, modernized and enlarged by to the pastoral CWC people the tendency towards a the OFC people. A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 221

Fig. 6. Trzcinica. Pleszów group and Otomani-Füzesabony site (photo J. Gancarski).

Fig. 7. Trzcinica. Wall of the Otomani-Füzesabony settlement (photo J. Gancarski). 222 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

The location of the site itself and both the Pleszów sometimes segmented or continuous ditches, pali- group and the OFC walls, ditches and palisades have sades and probably walls; both military and symbolic meaning (Figs. 6; 7). The 2) the Younger Danube cultures – flat settlement presence of defensive constructions in the settle- sites with monumental long trapezoidal houses; ment located in a crucial area on the main natural sometimes ditches, which may be continuous or tract from southern Europe and the Mediterranean segmented and are often associated with pali- Sea to the coast of the Baltic Sea seems to be obvious sades and probably walls; especially during the time of movement of differ- 3) the Funnel Beaker culture – monumental long ent groups of people in central Europe. The ditches, stone-earthen tombs, termed Kujavian; timber- walls and palisades were the dominant institutional earthen long barrows; stone chamber monumen- project. These kinds of constructions were planned tal tombs; from the start but in the case of the OFC site in Trzci- 4) the Globular Amphora culture – monumental nica they were also fitted to the already existing con- stone cist graves (sometime dug into the mounds structions. of FBC long barrows); The defensive structures were clearly visible from 5) the CWC – earthen barrows (kurgans); several kilometres in all directions. These construc- 6) the Mierznowice culture (MC) – sometimes bar- tions were an important symbol both for inhabitants rows of the Corded Ware culture used as a burial of the settlement and the “Others”. Walls, palisades grounds, ditches, walls and palisades on the sites and ditches told their own story about the power of the Pleszów group; and pride of the inhabitants and mainly its leaders. 7) the Trzciniec culture (TC) – large earthen barrows They were a powerful statement of identity, social (kurgans), the walls, ditches and palisades on the reproduction and central values. These structures, sites of the Trzciniec / Otomani / Füzesabony Jasło besides their obviously defensive value, were a sym- group. bol for Others and sent the messages and informa- In this part of my paper I will focus on the LBK, tion to the outside world including ownership of the Younger Danube cultures and first of all on the land and the power of community. Brześć Kujawski group, the FBC and the GAC.

The Linear Pottery culture Between the Carpathians and the Baltic Sea – from the beginning In Poland, one form of monumental architecture which may date back to the earliest Neolithic is a In the following, I shall give an outline of monumen- wooden long house of the LBK people (Fig. 8). The tal structures that characterized the Neolithic and sites of sedentary LBK communities are located in Early Bronze Age north of the Carpathians. I wish to the low zones of landscapes, mainly on the dry parts apply the concepts of monumentality as an integral of the low terraces above the flood plain in river val- aspect of social reproduction and identification dur- leys (Kruk / Milisauskas 1999; Milisauskas 1986). ing the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. The start- This area was covered by dense forests and only the ing point of my discussion is the Late Neolithic and site and close vicinity of the site (e. g. arable fields) Early Bronze Age monuments and landscapes in the were deforested. The long houses (settlement) and Eastern Polish Carpathians, but this region was em- their immediate surroundings were almost hidden; bedded in a “path” of central European monumen- the site and long houses were only visible from near- tal constructions from the second half of the sixth by and almost invisible from a distance of several millennium bc onwards. These display two basic hundred metres (they were invisible from afar). The patterns: the first refers to the domestic arena, the visible envelope was small and extended over the second to the mortuary domain. The sequence of do- area up to several hundred metres from the site. mestic and mortuary monuments during the time- There are no traces of rebuilding, renovations or span c. 5300 – 1200 bc represents a series of contrast- repairs of LBK long houses. The houses were aban- ing forms of monuments in which the appearance doned after a relatively short time of use and the of new forms contrasts with the former. The general subsequent long houses were built one by one in the and very simplified sequence north of the Carpathi- vicinity of previous houses but never in the same ans is as follows: place. 1) the Linear Pottery culture – flat settlement sites I would like to propose considering the long with monumental long houses; enclosed sites, houses from a wider perspective than simply dwell- A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 223

land) is an impressive example of “central” sites (Grygiel 2008). Within the Brześć Kujawski group, monumental structures belong only to the domestic domain – there are no monumental mortuary constructions there. It should be added that ditches and palisades were an important element of sites of the Lublin-Volhynian sites, too, and in this respect settlement sites at Bronocice (Kruk / Milisauskas 1985) and Sandomierz are the most impressive examples (Kowalewska-Marszałek 1990). The Brześć Kujawski group settlement sites are located in lowland landscapes near lakes or in river valleys. The biggest, “central” sites with trapezoidal Fig. 8. Brzezie site 17, Małopolska Brovince. Linear Pot- long houses, palisades, ditches and probably walls tery culture long house (photo A. Czekaj-Zastawny). were situated on prominent local landforms, e. g. on the lake peninsulas (Grygiel 2008). The central site and the sites located in the surrounding area are grouped into spatial and probably social clusters. ing. There are some important suggestions connect- The primary landscape was changed by various ac- ed with the location of long houses within the LBK tivities of the inhabitants. The area of the sites and communities: “the houses themselves are almost too the zone in the immediate vicinity of the sites (ar- big, too monumental, with result that they are too able land) were deforested, but forest clearance was difficult to interpret entirely in terms of the routines restricted to only a small part of the cluster area (Na- of daily life” (Bradley 2002, 20); and as M. Midgley lepka 2005). The central site and its palisades and said, “their significance extended beyond everyday walls were clearly visible from many places within consideration” (Midgley 2005, 128). R. Bradley also the cluster, and from some of the sites of the cluster, said “... the long houses of Neolithic Europe were but the visible envelope was restricted to the sur- not only dwellings but monuments in their own roundings of the central site. Sites with walls, ditch- right which charted the history of the first farming es and palisades, apart from their obvious defensive communities” (Bradley 2001, 55). These opinions significance, can be considered as important sym- confirm my own observations that the long house bols of identity, unity and continuity of both village was a very important and ideological symbol for and regional populations. These sites and the flat early farmers. The houses – both inhabited, aban- sites “accompanying” them could have reflected the doned and ruined – told the story of the descendants existence of social units much larger than the village and previous generations. The LBK long houses and community, comprising the inhabitants of several their sites can be considered as a symbol of continu- sites of the region. In view of the limited visibility, ity and identity of the village community. The long the messages and information held by monumental house and the site as symbols have to be viewed site constructions were directed primarily at the in- from inside the village community: information and habitants of the central settlement and adjacent sites messages were directed inside of settlement towards grouped within the cluster. the inhabitants of sites.

The Funnel Beaker culture The Brześć Kujawski group In the FBC communities the mortuary domain is sym- The settlement sites of the sedentary Brześć Kujaw- bolized by monumental long barrows (Kruk / Mili- ski group communities are located in different parts sauskas 1999), and only in Pomerania by both mor- of landscapes. Some of them consist of trapezoid tuary (long barrows) and domestic (long houses) long houses and settlement constructions connect- domains (Jankowska 1980). The cemeteries of long ing the houses placed near the houses. Moreover, barrows (Fig. 9) are located on slight, local, natu- there are sites with palisades and ditches which ral, small elevations in the boggy and waterlogged are a part of the sites and these constructions have landscapes with lakes and slow-flowing rivers. The delimited the site from the outside. In this regard, landscapes surrounding long barrows suggest that the settlement at Osłonki (Kujavia, the Polish Low- their siting was clearly associated with water. Long 224 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

Fig. 9. Wietrzychowice, Little Poland. Long barrow of Funnel Beaker culture (photo J. Skowron).

barrows are moreover located in the vicinity of set- much farther and was restricted to the surroundings tlements. There is differentiation in the settlement of the sites. In these respects the FBC barrows should patterns of the sedentary FBC populations both in be considered structures which directed the story lowlands, uplands and foothills (e. g. Kruk / Mili- they told first of all towards their own community. sauskas 1999; Pelisiak 2003). The sites varied in size and in the periods of occupation. What is important is that, in every ecological zone, plant cultivation and animal grazing involved in the slash-and-burn The Globular Amphora culture agriculture system played a fundamental role in the subsistence strategies. An intensive agricultural ac- The tendency towards the mobile lifestyle of the tivity of the FBC people was strongly connected with GAC communities with a predominance of animal the clearing of forests and the formation of large breeding was one of the important shifts in both the open areas. subsistence strategies and the social organization of The cemeteries of long barrows were situated Neolithic people north of the Carpathians. The social within the settled area in the vicinity of the settle- organization of the GAC populations can be divided ments. Without any doubt, the monumental barrows into three basic levels and is reflected by village, mi- contained prominent persons of the FBC communi- croregional and regional groups. The activity of mi- ties. They contained and reflected the history of the croregional groups consisting of three to five fami- FBC populations and were an important symbol of lies was concentrated within the relatively large area continuity, unity and social relations within the FBC of 160 – 310 square kilometres where the cemetery or groups. The locations of long barrows were not con- cemeteries played a central social role (Szmyt 1996; nected with especially prominent landforms, but be- Szmyt 1999) as time-marks and landmarks of the cause of forest clearance the long barrows will have community. been clearly visible from their neighbourhood and The GAC stone cist graves are located in differ- from afar. In some places the visible envelopes were ent landscape zones, but especially prominent land- much larger, as in a case of the LBK and the Brześć scape forms were not chosen as the locations of mor- Kujawski group sites, but visibility did not extend tuary grounds. Some of the graves “continue” the A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 225

LBK Younger Danubian

TRB

1 2 3

Fig. 10. Monumentality located within the domestic and mortuary arena: 1 long houses, 2 ditches and / or palisades, 3 long barrows.

mortuary tradition of some place in the landscape – Conclusions they were sunk into mounds of FBC long barrows. The stone cists may commonly have been covered When summarizing the evidence of the Neolithic by an earthen mound (Szmyt 1996; Szmyt 1999). and Early Bronze Age monumental structures, a However the graves, in spite of their monumental certain geographical and chronological regularity constructions and sometimes impressive size, were can be observed (Fig. 10). The messages were di- rather poorly visible in the landscape. The visible en- rected both inwards into the community itself and velopes were small or – as is also possible in the case to the outside world (to the Other). The directions of some graves (graves without an earthen mound) – probably changed through the Neolithic and Early completely absent. The graves contain genealogies Bronze Age and were strongly connected with the of the community and were involved in social rela- shape, size, function, localization and arrangement tions. They were the “anchors” of social relations, re- of monumental structures. The sequence of monu- production, continuity and unity and they played an mental domestic and mortuary constructions repre- important role as both time and land markers. The sents a series of contrasting site types (Figs. 11; 12). settlement system of the GAC communities and the In the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age of Poland central place of stone chambered graves within the there are several patterns of ASPs: some based on system suggest that information and messages held domestic arenas, some on mortuary domains, some and sent by the graves were directed above all inside on the structures composed of ditches, palisades the community who had built the graves. and / or probably walls located close to the settle- 226 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

GAC CWC

EBA OldBronze Age

1 2 3

Fig. 11. Monumentality located within the domestic and mortuary arena: 1 stone cist graves, 2 round barrows (kurgans), 3 ditches and / or walls and / or palisades.

ments or inside the settlements as part of them. They group refers to the mortuary domain. It contains the can be divided into three basic groups. The first is monumental long barrows, stone cist graves and based on the ancestral home of the flat, long-term round barrows (kurgans). This group contains the settlement and monumental long house. The links FBC (TRB) long barrows, the CWC barrows and the to the past are based on the domestic domain, and TC barrows. on the individual, household and settlement com- During the whole period from the end of the munity accumulation. This group of ASPs is asso- fourth millennium onwards (from the beginning ciated chiefly with the LBK, and with the younger of the CWC) we witness the introduction of new Danubian Neolithic cultures. The second group of status and prestige structures connected with the ASP patterns is based on the domestic domain as emergence of a more complex and ranked society well. It concerns the sites with ditches, palisades (Kristiansen / Larsson 2005), and an increasing and / or probably walls. The links are based on the ability to mark ownership and probably to control domestic domain, too, and on the communal accu- the territories. The change in direction of messages mulation of the people living at one or several sites held by monumental structures from “inwards” to which formed one separate spatial and social unit. both inwards and outwards to the outside world This group contains sites of the LBK, the Brześć was probably strongly connected with the general Kujawski group, the Lublin-Volhynian culture, the change of social and economic organization at the Funnel Beaker / Baden culture (Bronocice) sites, the end of the fourth millennium bc and during the first Pleszów group of the MC and the Jasło group of the centuries of the third millennium. First of all what Trzciniec / Otomani / Füzesabony culture. The third should be emphasized is the emergence of a mobile A. Pelisiak, The Messages – Consigners and Addressees 227

Location of monumentality

Informations Informations are directed are directed CHRONOLOGY INSIDE SETTLEMENT NEAR SETTLEMENT GRAVES OUTSIDE

TC TC/OFC OFC 1500 BC

MC/PG Un.C MC/PG Un.C 2000 BC Un.C

2500 BC CWC CWC

GAC GAC 3000 BC KPL/KB

TRB TRB 3500 BC

4000 BC

BKG BKG BKG 4500 BC

5000 BC LBK LBK LBK

5500 BC

Fig. 12. Location of monumental structures and the direction of transmitted information. pastoral lifestyle and the emergence of elites in the well as the prestige weapons including stone battle- communities of the CWC represented by adult men axes, flint axes, arrows and arches were attributed to as prominent persons. New mortuary structures the role of adult men in society as stock breeders and were introduced in the form of kurgans that could warriors. The Early Bronze Age large barrows and reflect the lineages represented by the graves of settlements with ditches, walls and palisades contin- prominent persons covered by mounds and located ued these tendencies and were connected with the on the “open” (deforested) hilltops. The kurgans as complexity of the Bronze Age society. 228 Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments on the Northern European Plain

References

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Andrzej Pelisiak Instytut Archeologii ul. Hoffmanowej 8 35 – 016 Rzeszów Poland [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 233

A Monument, Lasting Forever ?

Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times

Carsten Mischka

abstract The accurate analysis of the given database, geophysical surveys and the excavations resulting from them gave a detailed picture of the settlement pattern in the Eifel mountains in Roman times. Probably the most prominent sites of this time and region are the big mansions with associated farmstead, sometimes referred to as villae urbanae. Emerging from Celtic origins, most probably the now Romanized old Celtic establishment uses this special, enlarged form of the villa rustica to represent its still elevated status in the new social and political system. The smaller villae rusticae nearby can be seen as related, dependent settlements, especially in the early phases perhaps a system bringing the old social order into Roman times. The big complexes contained not only the up to 90 m broad mansions and sometimes 10 ha enclosed farmsteads. In addition to this, 20 m high burial monuments as referring to the ancestors, and sometimes temple complexes were erected at prominent locations nearby, to create a “monumental landscape”. The sheer size of these arrangements makes geophysical surveys the only technique to investigate these sites in their full extension. The sites of Gillenfeld / Strohn, Mettendorf, Weinfeld and Duppach are typical representatives of this kind of big villae, which were surveyed between 2001 and 2008. At Duppach, the survey led to regular excavations, lasting until now. These excavations revealed the evolution of this kind of monument in late Roman times. Completely detached from the former traditions, the new inhabitants deconstructed the monuments to recycle the building materials, with the former central sites now becoming new, smaller centres of scrapmetal working and stone quarrying.

Introduction area was part of the Roman province of Gallia Bel- gica and populated mainly by a Gaulish population In terms of monumentality, the Roman villae, as they from the tribe of the Treveri. The upper class of the are considered in this text, are much different from Treveri tribes were Romanized shortly after Caesar’s other so-called monuments, like megalith graves conquest in the late 1st century bc and started to use for example. They are not just single, big buildings. the newly learned Roman techniques to create a spe- Instead, several elements from the spheres of archi- cial type of monument, reflecting their continuing tecture, burial and use of landscape form the actual role as leaders of the society: the monumental villae monument as a whole complex. complexes. Not only the composition, but also the biography of these monuments differs from the mentioned Neolithic graves. The whole evolution of the villa Elements of the monument complexes, from erection to their deconstruction, takes place during the same archaeological culture, Villa which will be shown by reference to an example in the second part of this article. These complexes contain several ingredients adding This text will concentrate on sites from a part up to a monument. The first element certainly is the of the Eifel Mountains in Germany, the so-called villa itself, a big farmstead with impressive housing “western Vulkaneifel” (Fig. 1). In Roman times, this facilities.

Fig. 1. Working area and the mentioned big villae (C. Mischka).

As representative of the first element, we can take of adjacent buildings, extending to the southwest. the axial-type villae. Different in size, all of them The complex measures more than nine hectares, and show a standardized plan: first, one has to enter the is up to now the biggest known Roman villa of the economic area of the villa and to pass multiple com- axial type in Germany. At least for the latest, geo- plexes of adjacent buildings to both flanks of what is magnetically visible phase, the dimensions and loca- called the “pars rustica” (rural part). Some of these tion of the buildings and the symmetry of the two buildings can be nearly as big as the main buildings wings of adjacent buildings reveal unmistakably of “normal” villae rusticae. Very often, these build- that the villa was built after a clear plan. Of course, ings are connected by walls, so they form an impres- the geomagnetic results show only the biggest stage sive, homogenous front, ending in a partition wall; of the complex, but wood-built predecessors of the one passes through a grand gate-construction in this stone buildings, leading to this final stage, can be as- wall to enter the owner’s living quarters, the “pars sumed, as we will see later. urbana” (urban part). This part contains the luxury housing of the villa’s owner, the main building. The visitor will walk towards an impressive house, often Burial sites more than 80 meters wide and perhaps two or more storeys high. The illustration shows the typical ele- The second element of the monument is the place for ments exemplified by the villa in Gillenfeld / Strohn the dead, the connection between the living person “Römerberg”, as it is known from geomagnetic and his ancestors. From this connection the villa’s survey (Fig. 2; Henrich / Mischka 2006a). The pars owner derives also the legitimation of his property urbana with a main building more than 80 m wide and social status. It is given by the localization of is located at the northeastern end. Behind the par- the families’ graves in an imposing graveyard, di- tition wall the pars rustica is formed of two wings rectly next to the villa, visible for all who pass by. C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 235

Fig. 2. Gillenfeld / Strohn. Magnetogram and interpretation with the main elements of an axial-type villa (C. Mischka).

Additionally, big grave columns, like the one re- Duppach two of these structures, consisting of a cen- maining preserved today in Igel, near Trier, could be tral foundation and a surrounding rectangular wall, erected. The already mentioned complex in Gillen- were excavated. Impressive monuments themselves feld / Strohn also features such a status-boasting bur- (the biggest of the columns in Duppach can be recon- ial facility. On the top of the hill, towering over the structed with a height of 30 m), in this context they entrance of the villa, the remains of a massive grave are only a part of the whole monumental complex column’s foundations with a surrounding wall of (Henrich 2010, 77 ff. 116 ff.). A similar rectangular more than 40 m diameter and a broad frontage on the arrangement is displayed by the grave monument in front side were discovered by geomagnetic survey the big villa at Weinfeld (Henrich / Mischka 2009). (Henrich / Mischka 2005b). In the nearby villa of Besides the possible minor differences in construc- 236 Romanised Europe

Fig. 3. Grave monuments with foundations (red) for big grave columns: a Weinfeld, b Gillenfeld / Strohn, c – d Duppach; all magnetograms are plotted on the same scale (C. Mischka).

tion, the three presented examples from sites in the ments, were placed at dominant locations, exposed, western Vulkaneifel all show a connecting element: but clearly connected with the rest of the villa. This the central foundation for the column (Fig. 3). made whole landscape part of the monument. These big burial installations are not the only The complex in Gillenfeld / Strohn is the best ex- way to use ancestors to impress visitors. In Gillen- ample of this. The illustration shows the villa, fill- feld / Strohn for example, a whole graveyard with at ing the whole valley of the Römerberg (German for least two smaller burial mounds lies in front of the “Romans’ mountain”; Fig. 4). To enter the complex, villa’s entrance (Henrich / Mischka 2006a). a visitor would first have to pass the mentioned graveyard between burial mounds to the left and right. Meanwhile, the perhaps more than twenty Use of landscape meter high grave column on the northern promontory towered over the villa’s entrance, showing the The third element of the monument is the use of owner’s right to this place, derived by his great an- landscape. The villae not only stood in the land- cestors. The actual entrance to the villa is identical scape, they were part of it. Whole valleys could be to the valley’s entrance. Topographically, this does filled with villae, using the impressive natural bor- not make sense, as the villa is in the shade nearly ders to enhance the artificial ones and to boost the the whole day and has a creek is running through visual impact. Additional important buildings, like it, leaving most of the inner part of the complex wet temples or the already mentioned grave monu- and comparatively uncomfortable. But these disad- C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 237

Fig. 4. Gillenfeld / Strohn. Villa complex in the valley between the Römerberg and the Pulvermaar volcano (C. Mischka).

vantages were all accepted to enlarge the impression (Fig. 5). Like there, the whole Mettendorf complex the villa made on visitors. fills the whole end of a valley. The main building The landscape’s role is further enhanced by put- faces nearly north, so the owner would not have ting a temple complex on the opposite side of the Alf seen much sun, but therefore the visual impression valley, near to the Roman through road from Trier of the building, reaching out nearly from one slope to Cologne (Henrich / Mischka 2006b). From there, of the valley to the other, must have been maximized everybody could see the villa complex, filling the (Fig. 6). whole valley, guarded by the ancestors, an impres- The last example is the villa from Duppach. It is sive presentation of social and, of course, financial not an axial-type villa, but the adjacent buildings power. and also the grave monuments are lined up side by A slightly less spectacular, but similar example side on one straight road. The complex lies in an old of the use of landscape is the big villa from Metten- volcano crater and this linear arrangement shows dorf, which is also known nearly only by geomag- the travellers on the Roman road, running along netic survey (Henrich / Mischka 2008). As in Gillen- the crater rim, an arrangement of maximized size feld / Strohn the even larger main building is flanked (Fig. 7). As no more buildings are behind the ones at by two wings of adjacent buildings, though they the roadside, this would make the villa look much are not so well preserved as in Gillenfeld / Strohn larger than it was in reality. 238 Romanised Europe

Fig. 5. Mettendorf. Axial-type villa in magnetogram and interpretation (C. Mischka).

ed to emergency excavations in a few development areas. So, we have to rely mainly on survey results. But in this comparatively remote area of Germany the well suited geophysical survey is still in an initial phase and planned aerial photography has so far been insignificant. This results in the situation that none of the mentioned monuments is documented from its first to last phase. In addition to this, the chronology has often to be derived only from surface finds from the graveyards. Fortunately, we can rely in some points on analogies from the northern part of Gaul, where the big axial-type villae have their roots and where better data is available. The axial-type villa most probably evolves from Fig. 6. Mettendorf. Villa between the slopes of the Enz enclosed farmsteads of the late La Tène period, the valley (C. Mischka). so-called ferme indigene, expanded in Roman times for use as an instrument of representation. A good example of this process is the axial-type villa of Verneuil-en-Halatte, which evolves in different stages from a wood-built phase at the beginning of the The monument’s biography first century ad to the stone-built final phase (Col- lard 1996, 124 – 132). A similar phenomenon can be The deeper analysis of the shown monuments’ biog- seen in the Villa of Borg (Saar Region) (Frey 2007). raphy faces multiple problems. The Roman sites in With a comparable cultural substrate in the Treveri the working area are comparatively well known, but region we can assume this evolution also for the only as far as location and size are concerned. Most complexes shown in our working area. At least for excavations are only small and today mostly limit- the big villae of Gillenfeld / Strohn and Duppach an C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 239

Fig. 7. Duppach. Facade-like alignment of the excavated and surveyed buildings facing the Roman main road (C. Mischka). early beginning in the early first century ad is proven by finds from the adjacent graveyards (Henrich 2010, 13). Derived from these early predecessors, the big villae are most probably indicators of the old Gaulish upper class, perhaps the old local chiefs, showing their consistent power over their old min- ions with the new possibilities of the Roman world. The transition of this old Gaulish upper class to a romanized elite is also shown by a change of status symbols, in the Treveri country known for example from the finds from the necropolis in Goeblingen- Nospelt (Luxembourg) (Metzler 1984). The big villae serve as central nodes in a network of much smaller, dependant villae rusticae. The highest density of this network is reached in the working area in the middle of the third century, with Fig. 8. Big villae (black) and probably related villae rus- 15 big villae, each with about 13 smaller, related vil- ticae in the working area (C. Mischka, data from Henrich lae rusticae spread along the network of Roman 2006 and Krausse 2006). roads (Fig. 8). But the end of this elaborated network came shortly after. The troubles of the third century led to a separatist empire in the northwestern provinces, the short-lived Imperium Galliarum. The end the smaller ones, but from now on, the old tradition of this construct interrupted the continuity of evolu- and the ancestors were no longer needed as legiti- tion and, as shown by the further development of mation any more. And even if the big villae survived the complexes, ownership of at least some big villae. as economic units, they were subsequently not nec- The changes in ownership did not end the de- essary as complexes for the presentation of this kind pendencies between the owner of the big villae and of legitimation any more. The deconstruction of the 240 Romanised Europe

Fig. 9. Duppach. Reconstruction of the villa at the end of the 3rd century (P. Henrich).

monuments started soon, sometimes within a few ter the initial walls collapsed, it was converted into years. a dwelling structure with a new floor from burned As result of these processes, in the late third cen- and stamped ash. Furthermore, a part of a griffons tury a hypothetical visitor in Duppach would have sculpture, most probably the top of one of the grave seen a picture much different from the one just some monuments, was now used to renew the stairway of decades before, when the grave columns as indica- this “new” dwelling in this period (Henrich 2010, tors of the villa’s wealth reached their final phase. 43 – 57). This speaks of the new economy at this Instead of the stone-built outbuildings and burial place: deconstructing monuments for profit. chambers which had stood alongside the grave col- The biggest and most lucrative victims of this de- umns just some years earlier, he would have seen construction were the grave columns. Probably more simple buildings with a wooden framework, small than thirty meters high, as the massive foundations huts and a lot of busy people, as the illustration indicate, they provided lots of stone and scrap met- shows (Fig. 9). al and were torn down (Figs. 3d; 11). The fact that A typical representative of this situation is build- the new houses were made from wood rather than ing 1 from Duppach. This stone-built adjacent build- stone indicates that the stone-made buildings of the ing of the villa was completely converted at the end villa suffered the same fate. The non-reusable parts, of the third century. Massive postholes indicate a like big and small sculpture fragments, remained wooden house, built among the ruins of that old on the site. The layers with debris from this decon- stone building (Fig. 10 ; Henrich 2010, 135 – 149). struction contain many such artefacts, allowing us Other parts of the old monument were reused too, to date this process to the end of the third and the for example a burial chamber, now no more serv- beginning of the fourth century. Nevertheless, Dup- ing the purpose of representing the ancestors. Af- pach itself continued for decades to be a central site C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 241

Fig. 10. Duppach. Former adjacent building of stone with the postholes of the later wooden building (photo P. Henrich).

Fig. 11. Duppach. Foundations of grave column 1 during the excavation (photo P. Henrich). 242 Romanised Europe of the local economy, not only for agriculture, which Conclusion can only be assumed up to this point, but also as stone quarry, centre for scrap metal recycling and The examples from the western Vulkaneifel show also the working of locally obtained iron (Henrich the big Roman villae as monuments constructed 2011, 157). with different ingredients: impressive architecture, For the working of iron, a whole new infrastruc- graves at remarkable locations and the representa- ture was erected. New wooden houses, their post- tive use of the landscape. They are rooted in the or- holes filled with iron slag, ovens and an artificial der of the old Gaulish society, we can say the preced- pond are the most visible parts of it (Henrich / ing archaeological culture. But only in the Roman Mischka 2005a; Henrich 2011, 155 – 156). context could they grow to be symbols of the special The iron was not only scrapped from the old form of dependencies in Romanized Gaulish society, buildings; it was now also procured from the adja- and they were necessary to maintain the social order cent, smaller villae, as archaeometallurgical analyses from the first to middle of the third century. Even show. Remains of the smelting of iron were found at if they were subject to steady evolution, the usage the smaller villae, but iron ingots and working de- of the topography and the function as monuments bris only in Duppach (Henrich et al. 2008, 90 – 94), were planned from the beginning. The monuments which still remained a central site, though stripped were erected and destroyed in the same archaeo- of all monumentality. logical period and can be used as an indicator of a change in contemporary social systems, which can make a monument redundant in a very short time.

References

Collard 1996 Henrich / Mischka 2005b J.-L. Collard, La naissance de la villa en Picardie: La P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Die monumentale römische ferme gallo-romaine précoce. In: D. Bayard / J.-L. Col- Grabanlage von Gillenfeld, „Grubenberg“, Kreis Daun. lart (eds.), De la ferme indigène à la villa Romaine. Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 37, 2005, 21 – 28. La romanisation des campagnes de la Gaule. Kollo- Henrich / Mischka 2006a quium Amiens 1993. Rev. Arch. Picardie, no. spécial 11 P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Die römische Axialvillenanla- (Chalons-sur-Marne 1996) 121 – 156. ge von Gillenfeld / Strohn am „Römerberg“, Kreis Daun. Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 38, 2006, 18 – 24. Frey 2007 Henrich / Mischka 2006b M. Frey, Die spätkeltische Vorgängersiedlung der Vil- P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Der römische Tempelbezirk la von Borg. In: R. Gleser (ed.), Zwischen Mosel und von Gillenfeld „Etzerath“. Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 38, Morava: Neue Grabungen und Forschungen zur Vor- 2006, 25 – 33. und Frühgeschichte Mitteleuropas. Saarbrücker Stud. u. Henrich / Mischka 2007 Mat. Altkde. 11, 2007, 285 – 325. P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Neue geophysikalische Pros- pektionen in der Villenanlage von Duppach-Weiermüh- Hafner 1974 le. Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 39, 2007, 26 – 32. A. Hafner 1974, Zum Ende der Latenezeit im Mittel- Henrich / Mischka 2008 rheingebiet unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Die römische Axialvillenan- Trierer Landes. Arch. Korrbl. 4, 1974, 59 – 72. lage von Mettendorf „In der Ay“ (Eifelkreis Bitburg- Henrich 2006 Prüm). Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 40, 2008, 75 – 83. P. Henrich, Die römische Besiedlung in der westlichen Henrich / Mischka 2009 Vulkaneifel. Trierer Zeitschr. Beih. 30 (Trier 2006). P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Die römische Villa mit Grab- Henrich 2010 denkmal und die frühneuzeitliche Dorfwüstung „Wein- P. Henrich, Die römische Nekropole und die Villen- feld“ am Weinfelder Maar bei Mehren/Schalkenmehren anlage von Duppach-Weiermühle (Kreis Vulkaneifel). (Landkreis Vulkaneifel). Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 41, Trierer Zeitschr. Beih. 33 (Trier 2010). 2009, 14 – 25. Henrich / Mischka 2005a Henrich et al. 2008 P. Henrich / C. Mischka, Die römische Villenanlage von P. Henrich / C. Mischka / S. Perret, Die römische Villa Duppach-Weiermühle, Kreis Daun. Vorbericht zu den mit spätantiker Schmiede von Oberbettingen „Hillings- geomagnetischen Prospektionen und zu den Grabun- wiese“ (Landkreis Vulkaneifel). Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. gen 2005. Funde u. Ausgr. Bez. Trier 37, 2005, 12 – 20. Trier 40, 2008, 84 – 94. C. Mischka, A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkaneifel 243

Krausse 2006 Metzler 1984 D. Krausse, Eisenzeitlicher Kulturwandel und Roma- J. Metzler, Treverische Reitergräber von Goeblingen- nisierung im Mosel-Eifel-Raum. Die keltisch-römische Nospelt. In: Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier (ed.), Siedlung von Wallendorf und ihr archäologisches Um- Trier. Augustusstadt der Treverer. Ausstellungskat. feld. Röm. Germ. Forsch. 63 (Mainz 2006). Trier 1984 (Mainz 1984) 87 – 99.

Carsten Mischka Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2 – 6 24118 Kiel Germany [email protected] 244 Romanised Europe “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 245

The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period

Jana Škundrić

abstract This paper focuses on a late antique fortified palace complex associated with the emperor Galerius (283 – 311 ad) and its immediate and wider environs in the valley of the Crni Timok river in eastern Serbia, c. 11 km from modern town of Zaječar. In investigating the changes in settlement patterns over time, this new research project traces changes in the use and understanding of the landscape surrounding Felix Romuliana, from a Bronze Age burial site to a tetrarchic residence, a late Roman and Byzantine ecclesiastical centre and modern UNESCO world heritage site. In the late 3rd – early 4th century ad, major input in site development over a period of 30 years, generally believed to have been the result of direct involvement of the imperial family, resulted in the creation of a fortified palatial complex that continues to dominate the landscape to this day. A key interest is to identify to what extent changing cultural and political systems influenced the setting and meaning of the palace and what effects such developments had on its hinterland.

Introduction clear. Although archaeological research has been carried out for more than 50 years, so far there has The late antique site of Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana been little study of the palace’s hinterland. Since the is probably best known for its association with the summer of 2007 Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana has reign of the Roman emperor Galerius (283 – 311 ad). been on the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites Spectacular discoveries have regularly been made at (Fig. 1). An important step for research at the site the site from 1953 until the present. These make it one was the establishment of international cooperation of the most important and best preserved late antique which started in the year of 20041. These new stud- architectural complexes of the tetrarchic period. The ies are readdressing the balance between previous fortified palace was developed in specific political historical and data-driven archaeological studies circumstances and shaped through direct references of settlements and communication routes, and im- to the source of status and wealth, possibly related to plementing wider interdisciplinary survey projects the emperor himself and thus of ideological value. In with which researchers are able to attempt to under- terms of topography it is a well designed landscape stand social interactions on a regional scale2. We are reflecting its owner’s social prowess. The topograph- now trying to understand how the network of sur- ical position within the mining region of east Serbia rounding settlements functioned in relation to the shows that it might also have had an economic role main site’s historical development and the growth in certain periods. Nonetheless, the connection with or decline of its importance as a central place in dif- the network of surrounding sites as well as with ferent periods. A further key issue is to what extent the wider frontier zone of the Roman Balkans is not some changes in the landscape were suddenly trig-

1 The following institutions are involved in the current project: Archaeological Institute in Belgrade, Römisch-Germanische Kommis- sion des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Frankfurt am Main and the Architectural Department of the German Archaeological Institute in Berlin. 2 The interdisciplinary geo-archaeological project investigating the palace’s immediate surroundings is being carried out by Jana Skundrić MA and János Tóth M. Sc.as a tandem dissertation project “The Late Antique Palace Felix Romuliana and its surroundings”, initiated in May 2008 as part of the Topoi Excellence Cluster (www.topoi.org). For the preliminary results see: Kapuran / Škundrić 2009.

Fig. 1. Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. Aerial photo of the site from the southeast (Republic Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments, Belgrade, 2006).

gered by natural factors or long-term environmental ana, from antiquity and the medieval period, when changes. In this study, the aim is to recognize and the site was under the direct impact of incursions examine the evolution of the natural and anthropo- by different tribes into the Balkans, until modern genic landscape in the surroundings of Romuliana decay. Indeed, some of the site’s former elements of as a unique entity. Quantitative and qualitative data strength were erased, but its memory remains strong gathered primarily from the Crna Reka region, in even in the modern ethnographical perception of the the Timok basin, were used as a basis for our case local Serbian Vlach minority. study. In order to identify the complex interaction of change and continuity within this system all data are studied in contexts such as geomorphological evolution or key features like the politics, economy Historical features and occupation of the site and social system in the tetrarchic period. Special emphasis in this case needs to be put on ideological In looking at Romuliana, its main period of pros- control, i. e. to what extent culture affected the land- perity in the late Roman period is clearly the most scape and how this monumental ancient work was prominent. However, the history of Romuliana is meant to preserve a kind of continuity. In one period not limited to this period. Favourable climatic con- it was a public statement about the revival of old Ro- ditions, diverse vegetation and fauna and the ready man principles and virtues. Later, many historical availability of water had made this area a focus for circumstances threatened the continuity of Romuli- habitation and cultural movements from the earliest J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 247 times. Recent excavations and surveys are showing also that the hinterland of the palace supported significant Middle Neolithic activity (Starčevo cultural group), an occupation period not detected in previous data sets. These finds also possibly represent the oldest cultural layer of the Gamzigrad palace (Kapuran 2008, 251), followed by Eneolithic or Cop- per Age finds attesting to the presence of the Cer- navoda Kocofeni culture (Srejović 1983a, 19) which integrated the territories between the Carpathians, Danube basin and Homolje mountains to the south (Tasić 1997, 81). The Timok river and its numerous tributaries were of great interest for the cultures of the Bronze Age. The reason for this lies in a large number of copper ore deposits which have been exploited more or less continuously since the Late Ne- olithic period (Jovanović 1995). Past surveys and excavations in the vicinity of Romuliana discovered a large number of sites indicating intensive settlement during this period. Iron Age sites are represented in a smaller percentage of the Gamzigrad material, but it helps to fill the gaps in the chronology of this period in the territory of eastern Serbia, which is insuf- ficiently explored. Of particular interest are the data Fig. 2. Position of the site Felix Romuliana in the prov- from the Younger Iron Age or La Tène periods, i. e. ince of Coastal Dacia or Dacia Ripensis (base map: Petrović from the arrival of Celtic tribes (second half of the 1995, 18). 4th century bc) until the Roman conquests (1st century ad). It seems that this material represents the last occupation before an apparent chronological gap in 1995, 192; Petković 2010a, 40). It is in this context settlement activity that lasts until late antiquity. as well as in the emergence of Diocletian’s new sys- The Timok basin fell completely under Roman tem of government – the tetrarchy in 293 ad – that we rule when they conquered all the territories south must see the establishment of the so-called palace of of the Sava and Danube and the province of Moesia Emperor Galerius. The tetrarchic system simplified was formed in 14 ad. The Roman troops started pen- control of the vast areas conquered by the Romans etrating further north and began to establish strate- through decentralization. A side effect was that the gic bases along what would become the Danubian Balkans, and the provinces along the Danube in par- frontier. After the year 86 ad the province of Moe- ticular, rose in prominence as the family origins of sia was divided into two parts and the territory of many tetrarchic emperors, among them Galerius, modern eastern Serbia became part of the province lay here. In the period following Diocletian’s abdica- Upper Moesia (Moesia Superior). In the second half of tion in 305 ad his successors struggled amongst each the 3rd century, after the Romans retreated from Da- other for supreme rule. After the death of Galerius in cia (271 ad), the borders of the empire were again set 311 ad, who was the last trying to preserve Diocle- up along the right bank of the Danube and new ad- tian ideas3, the system suffered many problems due ministrative units formed. The territory of Romuli- to illegitimate or unofficial rule. The tetrarchy broke ana became part of the province of Coastal Dacia down in 313 ad when the emperors Constantine and (Dacia Ripensis) and stayed in it until the 6th century Licinius divided power between themselves. It last- (Fig. 2). In this period, eastern Serbia underwent a ed until 324 ad when Constantine the Great became cultural revival and economic development. New the sole ruler of the empire. Soon after the death of settlements were founded, old routes revived and his creator, all work on Romuliana stopped tempo- new ones established, and mines opened (Kondić rarily.

3 The last attempt of Galerius to keep the tetrarchic system operational was a meeting in Carnuntum in 308 ad, but it failed (Jovanović 2006, 159). 248 Romanised Europe

In the periods to follow, the site saw several phas- these left clear evidence of rapid change of site func- es of re-use. These will be grouped as the “post-pation and importance. On the one hand, it is impor- latial period” for reasons of easier comparison. The tant to study this landscape in view of its capability palace was transformed into a fortified settlement to support subsistence and a developed economy, from the last quarter of the 4th century until the be- while on the other hand it also had a religious, sym- ginning of the 7th century (Petković 2010b, 168). Pre- bolic and political dimension. Triggers for its modi- vious interpretations of this period were refined by fication could be increases or declines in population, recent excavations within the fortress, excavation of changes in supply demands, technical improve- a Late Roman necropolis situated south of the for- ments or imitating a kind of model that had proved tified complex (Petković 2007) and by the discov- thriving elsewhere. ery of an ecclesiastical complex of three basilicas to its west (von Bülow / Schüler 2007, 234 fig. 1; von Bülow in print, fig. 7). The new research identified Bronze Age mainly structures of economic character such as storage buildings and workshops; interestingly, there is It is difficult to reconstruct the start and end of the no significant number of residential structures. In Bronze Age in the Timok region as few systematic both phases Romuliana is beginning to provide in- research programmes have been conducted in this creasing evidence for its development into an artisan respect. Survey campaigns in the close vicinity of and commercial centre (metal and glass production Romuliana in 2001 and 2008/09 led to the discovery and possible ceramic and bone-working centres), a of numerous multilayered sites. In total, 47 sites of development accompanied by the ruralization of its archaeological interest are known in this area. This surroundings and Christianization. number suggests intensive activity during this pe- It seems that in the first half of the 7th century riod, possibly triggered by the large number of Gamzigrad was abandoned. The reason may lie in copper ore deposits in the Timok eruptive basin. the increasing Avar presence, who plundered the Chronologically, settlement activity at Romuliana Timok region and the lower Danube, paving the way is associated with the end of the Early Bronze Age for Slavs to settle in deserted Byzantine fortresses. to the developed Bronze Age from 1700 – 1300 bc For close on three centuries, the ruins of Romuliana (Lazić 2004, 123). The secluded area saw the devel- seem to be empty until a new medieval settlement opment of a special regional style of ceramic that and necropolis, settled with a Slavic population, was defined by D. Srejović and termed “Gamzigrad was founded in the second half of the 10th century. cultural group”4. Most information regarding this This lasted until the 11th century (Janković 2010, early pottery is gained from explored necropolises, 201). Some sporadic finds from the end of 14th – be- one of which is situated at Romuliana, another on ginning of 15th century show that the site may have the nearby hill Magura (Srejović / Lazić 1997, 228). been used as a shelter during the time of the Turk- The most important settlement is the one at Banjska ish conquest (Janković 2010, 212). Generally aban- Stena which existed as a fortified multi-stratigraph- doned and away from key natural routes, however, ical hill-settlement from the Eneolithic period to Romuliana remained undiscovered for more than the Middle Ages (Srejović / Lazić 1997, 228 – 230). three centuries until receiving attention in the writ- Based on the recovered archaeological sites it can ings of 19th century travellers and archaeologists and be concluded that the distribution of sites with the start of modern excavations. “Gamzigrad” cultural characteristics is limited to a very small area mostly in the vicinity of the Crni Timok river and its tributaries. The sites have very good visual communication, especially from the Evolution of Romuliana’s landscape standpoint of the Banjska Stena settlement. This site may have been an important strategic point for In summarizing the changes in the landscape which controlling the pass into the rich region of the Crni occurred during the site’s long occupation, this pa- Timok river. A key site is the necropolis on the hill per focuses on four periods: the Bronze Age, Roman Magura, were several tens of graves were excavated period, post-palatial period and modern times, as and provided insights into the burial rituals of this

4 Today this style is considered only as a local variant of a mixing of the Vatin and Verbičoara groups in the Middle Bronze Age and the Paraćin group in the Late Bronze Age. Chronologically it can be associated with the end of the Early Bronze Age / developed Bronze Age from 1700 – 1300 bc (Kapuran 2008, 246) J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 249

discovered but there are no visible traces of any settlement. There have been, however, sporadic finds of Bronze Age ceramics and stone tools. At present it appears that all of the settlements gravitate towards Magura, placing themselves on the ridges, hills or the gentle hill slopes of the valley from where they can communicate with their sacred place. No other big necropolises were discovered in the surrounding area, suggesting that Magura acted as a sacral place for the whole of the surrounding region.

Roman period

The Roman period may be the most studied, but it is also most difficult and complex period at Gamzigrad. On the site of Romuliana, there are traces of Roman activity before the construction of the main palace complex. This can be tentatively dated to the late 2nd and early 3rd century ad. The early material largely comes from the zone north of the palace. Large-scale geophysical prospection identified a number of structures in this area, some of which were partially excavated to confirm and chronologically relate the survey data5. The traditional interpretation is that a large villa rustica existed in this area, which remained in use until the middle of 3rd century (Srejović 1983b, 21 – 22). The new geophysical prospection, however, shows that the earlier structures actually cover a sig- Fig. 3. Magura hill near Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. nificantly larger area than palace itself. On the basis Bronze Age necropolis and antique consecration monu- of finds associated with structures excavated in trial ments (after Lazić 2010, 21 – 27 plan 1). trenches in this area it cannot be said with certainty what character any pre-Galerian building activity may have had. Some finds suggest a military function (von Bülow / Schüler 2007, 247; von Bülow regional group. The necropolis is placed on a ridge in print), while preliminary dating of these earlier 1 km east of the palace of Romuliana, just below structures puts them in the 2nd – 3rd century ad. On the tumuli and mausolea from the late antique pe- the basis of brick stamps found during the excava- riod (Fig. 3). The graves are made for cremated in- tion of Romuliana, it has been suggested that the V dividuals, whose remains were placed in urns and Macedonica legion was involved in its construction grouped into small tumuli with the circle base made (Mirković 1997). Whether the new geophysical dis- of bigger and smaller stones. Some of the urns were coveries north of the palace may represent a possible covered with flat stones carved with geometric or- camp of these builders, however, is still to be investi- naments and surrounded by ritually broken vessels gated6. Though current work evidently still requires (Srejović / Lazić 1997, sl. 36 – 38). The whole hill further excavation to enable any historical interpre- of Magura is visible from many of the Bronze Age tation, it is now clear that there was a pre-Galerian sites that are situated throughout the valley and it is phase of significant importance at Gamzigrad-Felix a natural link between the plain of Zaječar and the Romuliana. After the Roman withdrawal from Dacia hills to the east. In Romuliana, isolated graves were this region regained significance on both an econom-

5 Carried out by the Römisch-Germanische Kommission, Frankfurt from 2004 until the present day. 6 Christodoulou 2002, 278 note 18. The author also discusses the reasons for involving the V Macedonica legion, since at least three other military detachments were placed much closer to Felix Romuliana in that period. 250 Romanised Europe

Fig. 4. Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana and Magura hill. Reconstruction of the immediate surroundings of the palace with the sacral monuments and tetrapylon on Magura hill (U. Wulf-Rheidt / A. Pfützner, Architekturreferat DAI Berlin).

Fig. 5. Magura hill near Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. The scheme representing the mausoleums, consecration monuments and the tetrapylon, view eastwards from the palace (photo J. Škundrić). J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 251 ical and political level since it became a substitute for ry until the beginning of the second decade of the the rich gold mines in the former province of Dacia 4th century7. and saw many building activities in the tetrarchic Spatially and visually the palace is connected period. with the nearby ridge of Magura, which, as men- In this period, large villas of emperors as well as tioned above, appears to have been used as a sacral others belonging to wealthy individuals in the sub- place in the Bronze Age (Fig. 4). There, traces of sa- urbs of major cities and in the countryside form a cred monuments were found: two tumuli and two standard feature together with newly established mausolea, currently interpreted as the burial places imperial capitals. It might be that the proliferation of Galerius and his mother Romula, and the place of such centres was politically motivated – if not re- were the symbolic ritual of apotheosis or the raising quired – (Purcell 2007), but they might also have to the status of a deity took place. This shows that played a role in an official supply network (Mulvin Magura continued to play a special role also in an- 2005, 9). Rulers started to spend more time away tiquity as a sacred hill or mons sacer. It is interesting from Rome as their presence in the remote and in- to note that the construction of the tumuli and mau- secure parts of empire became essential for keep- solea appears not to have disturbed the prehistoric ing military stability. This made them into a kind of necropolis, but were placed just above it. Tentatively, “moving capital” (Millar 1977, 39) that meant impe- one might argue that this repeated practice of usage rial centres, or sites resembling such, had to spring reflects a kind of memory and tradition of its holi- up across the empire. The public image of the four ness that survived as late as the Roman period. On emperors, unified and equal, was shaped in order the saddle of the same ridge, 250 m to the north, the to show a new stable and powerful empire, as for remains of a tetrapylon are placed (Fig. 5).This has the example the famous porphyry sculpture portrait been seen as marking the access routes to the palace from St. Mark’s Basilica in Venice. At Romuliana, complex as well as to the consecration monuments there are several elements bearing this metaphor, (Srejović / Vasić 1994), or the meeting point of the including three pilasters with reliefs representing te- earthly and heavenly spheres. trarchs as well as typical tetrarchic symbols such as There have been many suggestions regarding the the tetrapylon (four bases / columns representing the purpose of Romuliana. One is that it might have four rulers in the empire). been built as an intended retirement home for Em- Various structures and finds from Romuliana peror Galerius and named after his mother Romula. firmly place the main complex in this period. It This hypothesis, first proposed by Prof. D. Srejović, seems that as part of the requirements for repre- is based on a reference to Romuliana in an Epitome sentative structural complexes of the time, political attributed to Aurelius Victor8. It was effectively motivations under Galerius resulted in a spate of proven by the discovery of a fragment of an archi- building activity, especially in the Balkan territo- volt with the inscription FELIX ROMVLIANA in ries, his homeland. One of the great architectural 1984, thus making the connection of Galerius and programmes associated with him is the palace and Gamzigrad more likely. There are several more in- the mausolea of Felix Romuliana, a place believed dicators of high-status occupation which imply that to have been designed as his final resting place the site acted as a central place and recipient within (Srejović 1983c, 63). The main complex with dimen- an empire-wide network of high-status goods, skills sions of 210 × 180 m, has a binary character: two cir- and technology supply. These include the remains cuits of defensive walls, with two gates each on the of Egyptian porphyry sculptures, of which the most east and west side, two main temples as dominant important is the porphyry head representing an structures, two so-called palaces 1 and 2, and several emperor, probably Galerius himself (Fig. 6), high- supporting buildings such as thermae and a horreum. quality mosaics that imply the import of specialist On the basis of building techniques, architectural mosaicists, the quality of architectural decorations decorations and coins it has been suggested that the (Jeremić 2006, 47 – 53; Živić 2010, 107 – 140), the ex- massive fortification walls of the complex were built istence of two major temples and, ultimately, the in a brief time span from the end of the 3rd centu- monumental scale of the ramparts. As such, there is

7 The earlier fortification is currently thought to have been constructed in the years after the victory of Galerius in the Danubian wars and against the Persian king Narses in 297/298 ad, while the more recent fortification is – historically – dated to 306 ad when Galerius became Augustus (Srejović 2010, 47; Vasić 2007, 49 – 52) 8 Aur. Vict. epit. XL, 16: Ortus Dacia Ripensi ibique sepultus est; quem locum Romulianum ex vocabulo Romulae matris appellarat. 252 Romanised Europe

that even after his death the complex was meant to spread the message about his personality and deeds. According to this interpretation nothing was left to chance: it was a “big theatrical stage for the imperial apotheosis”. The palace, the temples within its ramparts, the tetrapylon, mausolea, everything was organized in a unique way and directs movement from one building to another (Srejović 1994, 141), and this kind of visual rhetoric highlights the central person of imperial rank. Whether such a wide- ranging theoretical interpretation of all structures at Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana can be upheld remains to be seen in view of the results of the current research project at the site. There can be no doubt, however, that the fortified tetrarchic complex that dominates the valley studied here was created under the direct influence of the imperial house in the late 3rd – early 4th century. The survey results conducted in the last two years in the vicinity of the palace are showing interesting data in terms of density of occupation. In comparison with prehistoric periods, which have yielded the clearest data and the largest quantity of material, the period from 1st – 3rd century has practically no material, while the late Roman and early Byzantine material is less diagnostic (Fig. 7). The results of new Fig. 6. Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. Porphyry sculpture excavations and geophysical prospection clearly representing the emperor Galerius (National Museum in contrast with these survey results. An explanation Zaječar). for this lack of surface material or the depopulation of the palace’s immediate hinterland may be the very nature of the site, the rapid growth of its ideological value, and dependency on a large-scale regional or empire-wide supply network. a significant body of data suggesting the presence, or at least the direct influence, of the imperial house. Among political and ideological concepts, the Post-palatial period tetrarchic period produced new iconography, fully developed to support the grand ideas of renewed Following the death of Galerius, the grandiose power, unity of the empire and the ideal of harmony building activity stopped and there is no clear evi- (concordia). The emperors were proclaimed to have dence that the palace was actually finished. With a divine origin, having Jupiter and Hercules as the the changing political system former rulers were to patrons of tetrarchic families. In this, Galerius be- be forgotten, as well as their legacy. However, the came associated especially with Hercules and Dio- site saw several phases of re-use from the end of the nysus, both having mortal mothers and the supreme 4th century, throughout the late Roman and early god as a father (Seston 1950). After their quests and Byzantine periods, here termed “post-palatial”. Ge- trials around the world, they were finally accepted ophysical prospection, excavation and surveys have into Olympus – and this is seen as a further allusion identified activity at several sites inside and imme- to the stages in Galerius’ life (Srejović 1995, 303). diately outside the main palace complex. The main These scholars argue that the monumentality of the evidence for post-palatial occupation comes from a fortifications, with well decorated substantial walls late Roman necropolis situated south of the fortified and impressive gates, was used to convey a mes- complex and from an ecclesiastical complex of three sage about the strong and divine power of the ruler basilicas to its west (Fig. 8). Inside the main complex, and his regime, to impress and bring comfort in un- post-palatial re-use is shown by the construction of favourable social conditions. It has been suggested two basilicas, one of which is currently dated to the J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 253

Fig. 7. Gamzigrad. Distribution of the sites around Felix Romuliana in different periods (base maps: J. Tóth, Institute of Geographical Sciences, FU Berlin).

Fig. 8. Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. Gold-plated cruci- Fig. 9. Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana. The palace com- form fibula from the grave of a military commander, late plex, seen from the southwest. In the foreground are the 4th – early 5th century (after Petković 2007, 271 fig. 46). remains of two early Byzantine basilicas (photo J. Tóth).

6th century, although this is somewhat speculative and around the palace over an extended period of (Fig. 9). A gravestone of an administrative officer or time, but especially in the late 5th and during the first a person of a high church rank called Gaudiencius half of the 6th century (Petković / Živić 2006). was also recovered during the excavations, dating to the late 4th – early 5th century. All this implies that Felix Romuliana had an important role as an ad- Modern times ministrative and religious centre, well beyond the tetrarchic period. This is not an isolated example of Today, the region of Gamzigrad plays a minor eco- this trend; there are many Roman villas that were re- nomic role. The focus has always been on the reused as religious centres, especially in the 5th century gions further to the north, mainly around Bor and (Percival 1976, ch. 9). Majdanpek, rich in ore deposits. As the palace was Of particular interest for this later use and occu- never rebuilt, it was preserved to a large extent in pation of the site are remarkably high concentra- the shape we see it today. The continental climate of tions of iron slag and blooms recovered during the the Crna Reka does not support any large-scale agri- archaeological survey as well as during excavations cultural production but rather smaller garden plots, in recent years. These indicate industrial activity in pastoralism and scattered farming of family units 254 Romanised Europe on a personal subsistence level. However, land-use tory of extensive research, current interpretations in the surrounding area as well as its nature as a regarding the site of Romuliana remain theoretical popular tourist location recently began to threaten at best. One of the difficulties is that the landscape the preservation of the palace surroundings. In 2007, sample is relatively small and as such is likely to Felix Romuliana was added to the UNESCO World present any spheres of influence only in part. As Heritage List. Amongst other innovations, this gave such, it remains to be clarified how Romuliana as a rise to new interdisciplinary efforts with regard to site affected its wider surroundings in former times. its research and protection. Besides the interest of This necessitates long-term studies including analy- publicists, historical scientists and conservators, a ses of macro-scale data that have already been col- key area of attention has been the local community, lected and have yet to be treated and re-evaluated. especially the Vlachs, the largest minority in east- The value of the research area is that it presents an ern Serbia, and their perception of the site of Felix opportunity to explore new ideas and perhaps chal- Romuliana. The Vlachs are descendants of Roman- lenge established ones, and to contribute to the spe- ized people from the Balkans, who today are scat- cific interpretation of archaeological problems relat- tered and mixed with the modern population of ing to landscapes. One of those certainly is viewing mainly eastern and southeastern Europe. Among the problem through a prism of central-place theory. their folklore and customs, preserved until the mod- On a larger scale, detailed studies of the Timok val- ern day, the cult of the dead and a unique belief in ley in general and the region around Gamzigrad in the afterlife are the most important. These deeply particular can give important insights into the devel- permeate their everyday life (Antonić 1995). As opment of the Roman territories in the Balkans and such, it is interesting to note that their perception maybe will direct movements towards what such a of Romuliana as a holy place is very strong indeed. place like Romuliana will become in the future. Many structures within the palace are believed to possess extraordinary and healing powers, while the site of Magura is seen as a sacral place. Even today, villagers from the surrounding area tend their reli- Summary gious needs by burning candles there. Their customs give a special role to crossroads or meeting points of The long history of research at the late antique com- pathways, which are believed to be a meeting point plex of Gamzigrad-Felix Romuliana has produced a of two worlds, earthly and heavenly. In this sense, significant amount of data on the site’s dynamic his- the tetrarchic tetrapylon is seen as an important land- tory. Ranging from prehistoric until modern times, mark. All this shows that the relationship of the cur- different settlement and use patterns can be observed rent inhabitants of the valley with their immediate in the vicinity of the key site. These reflect changes physical landscape is still strong and bears in mem- in the ideological and political systems, habits and ory some elements of the intended ancient meanings perceptions of its inhabitants. In the late 3rd / early and ceremonies. 4th century ad, major input in the site development over a period of 30 years, generally believed to have been the result of direct involvement of the imperial family, resulted in the creation of a fortified palatial Conclusion complex that continues to dominate the landscape to this day. The monumental characteristics of the This project compares the periods presented above, complex and specific political circumstances have which span over 3,000 years of occupation at the site. led to suggestions that the landscape was used to Analysis of data for human activity across the val- demonstrate the social prowess of the new tetrarchic ley has shown different densities of human devel- rulers. Within such a process, both the reception as opment and highlighted areas which were a main well as the control of nature and social space would focus of continuous or repeated occupation. A key have played an important part. The whole complex site which was a focus of human activity throughout of monumental ramparts surrounding the richly many periods is the Magura hill. It is not clear, how- decorated buildings and major temples is closely ever, whether this phenomenon is due to a combina- connected with the nearby sacred hill Magura with tion of necessary geographic factors or whether it is mausolea associated with the emperor Galerius and due to the spiritual or intellectual conceptualizations his mother Romula, tumuli commemorating their of people choosing places previously occupied, re- consecration as well as the remains of a monumental gardless of the site environment. Despite a long his- tetrapylon. It is an important landmark, but in terms J. Škundrić, The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland 255 of use and meaning, this ensemble was evidently century the site was never resettled permanently, subject to drastic change over time. but such conditions probably preserved it in the Bronze Age activity at the site in the form of a shape we see it today. In ethnographical terms, the large necropolis remained undisturbed by later, site kept its monumentality as the local Vlach popu- and particularly Roman, settlement activity. In the lation of the region still see it as a sacred site with post-tetrarchic period, changing cultural and politi- magic properties. As such, Felix Romuliana offers a cal systems meant that the site initially lost its high- unique opportunity to identify dynamic changes in status character and ceased to be of empire-wide the perception and use of monumental structures importance. However, it grew into an ecclesiastical and their landscape over time. centre possibly for the whole region. After the 11th

References

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Cristodoulou 2002 Lazić 2004 D. N. Cristodoulou, Galerius, Gamzigrad and the fifth M. Lazić, The Bor area in the Bronze Age. In: M. Lazić Macedonian legion. Journal Roman Arch. 15, 2002, (ed.),The Bor area in Prehistory, Antiquity and the Mid- 275 – 281. dle Ages (Bor, Belgrade 2004) 101 – 125. Lazić 2010 Janković 2010 M. Lazić, Praistorijska naselja i nekropole u Gamzigra- Đ. Janković, Gamzigrad u srednjem veku. In: I. Popović du i njegovoj okolini. In: I. Popović (ed.), Felix Romuli- (ed.), Felix Romuliana – Гамзиград (Beograd 2010) ana – Гамзиград (Beograd 2010) 21 – 27. 201 – 212. Jeremić 2006 Millar 1977 G. Jeremić, Die Mosaiken von Gamzigrad, mit beson- F. Millar, Emperor in the Roman world, 31 BC – AD 337 derem Rückblick auf die Darstellung des Dionysos. In: (Cornell University Press1977). M. Vasić (ed.), Felix Romvliana, 50 years of archaeo- Mirković 1997 logical excavations-International Conference Zaječar, M. Mirković, Romuliana: The Roman army and sol- 27th – 29th October 2003 (Belgrade 2006) 47 – 53. diers. In: M. Lazić (ed.), Antidoron Dragoslavо Srejović Jovanović 1995 completis annis LXV ab amicis, collegis, discipulis obla- B. Jovanović, Continuity of the prehistoric mining in the Central Balkans. In: P. Petrović / S. Đurđekanović (eds.), tum (Beograd 1997) 429 – 433. Ancient mining and metallurgy in Southeast Europe. Mulvin 2005 International Symposium, May 20st – 25th 1990, Donji L. Mulvin, Tor Marancia and Centocelle: a comparative Milanovac, Serbia. Posebna izdanja 27 (Bor, Belgrade context in Roman villas around the urbs interaction with 1995) 29 – 35. landscape and environment. In: Proceedings of a confer- Jovanović 2006 ence at the Swedish Institute in Rome, September 17 – 18, A. Jovanović, Tlo Srbije – zavičaj rimskih careva (Beo- 2004 (Rome, 2005). Online publication (http://www.isv- grad 2006). roma.it/public/NEW/English/index.php) 256 Romanised Europe

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Jana Škundrić MA Topoi Excellence Cluster / DAI Berlin Topoi Building Dahlem Hittorfstraße 18 D-14195 Berlin [email protected] “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

Offprint

Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time

Kiel archaeology 2

Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie

Band 206

Aus der Graduiertenschule “Human Development in Landscapes” der Universität Kiel

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 3 “As time goes by ? ” Monumentality, Landscapes and the Temporal Perspective

Proceedings of the International Workshop “Socio-Environmental Dynamics over the Last 12,000 Years: The Creation of Landscapes II (14th –18th March 2011)” in Kiel Volume 2

edited by Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka

2012

Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 4

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Redaktion: Joachim von Freeden, Frankfurt a. M. Englisches Korrektorat: Giles Shephard, Berlin

ISBN 978-3-7749-3764-2

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Umschlagbild: Karin Winter, Kiel Umschlaggestaltung: Holger Dieterich, Kiel Layout und Satz: www.wisa-print.de 2012 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 7

Contents

9 Preface 10 The Kiel Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes” 12 Foreword

13 Martin Furholt, Martin Hinz and Doris Mischka “As time goes by” – Meanings, Memories and Monuments

Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments ON the Northern European Plain 115 Martin Furholt Monuments and Durable Landscapes in the Neolithic of Southern Scandi- navia and Northern Central Europe 8 Contents

Romanised Europe 233 Carsten Mischka A Monument, Lasting Forever ? Big Roman Villae in the Western Vulkan eifel as Monumental Complexes through the Times 245 Jana Škundrić The Palace of Felix Romuliana and its Hinterland, a Changing Landscape from the Bronze Age until the Modern Period 257 Janine Lehmann Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time J. Lehmann, Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time 257

Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time

Janine Lehmann1

abstract The main subject of this paper are the loca sacra intra et extra muros of the Iberian Peninsula, and the impact of historical upheavals on the monumental design of these loca and their sacred character as well as their connotations from the beginning of the Roman occupation to the early modern period. The so called “La Encarnación” and “Cerro de los Santos” constitute examples of such sacred sites extra muros. Considering the lack of former Iberian monumental sacred architecture, the new dimension defines a sharp contrast. Thus, the monumental alteration can be interpreted as a symbol of the political change initiated by the Roman conquest. The mosque of Córdoba as a further famous sacred site intra muros perfectly demonstrates the altered architectural structures within time which correlate with different claims to power on the Iberian Peninsula: probably first a Roman temple, later a chapel of the Visigothic period, the first building of the mosque under the Arab rulers and finally the conversion into a Christian building.

This paper deals with monumentality and its defini- The main subject is the loca sacra intra et extra tion and evaluation, focusing on the Iberian Penin- muros of the Iberian Peninsula, and the impact of sula from the beginning of the Roman occupation to historical upheavals on the monumental design of the early modern period. these loca and their sacred character as well as con- The chronological perspective constitutes the notations over a long period. The use of the term loca main aspect in order to define and understand mon- sacra seems appropriate to describe the various monumentality as a differentiation between previous and umental statuses of those sites as well as to demon- following centuries; thus the intrinsic characteristics strate the clear sacred connotation. may be disclosed. Processes of monumentalisation mainly emerge and become evident during periods of alternating political structures and by communi- Loca sacra extra muros cating with different cultures since they effect modifications in the architectural design of landscapes, The sites to be considered of loca sacra extra muros towns or extant buildings. dated to the Iberian period (c. 4th – 3rd century bc) are In light of this, the Iberian Peninsula with its con- the so-called La Encarnación and Cerro de los San- tinuity of settlement and several conquests by differ- tos. Both gained the first monumental shape after ent cultures like the Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, the Roman occupation. Given the fact that former Visigoths and Arabs affords appropriate premises to monumental stone architecture is lacking, the sacred investigate the processes of monumentalisation and character in Iberian times can be defined only by vo- to define its specific appearance within the cultural tive offerings. The first monumentalisation of the space. Apart from the chronological perspective also loca sacra under discussion was contemporaneous the geographical and cultural aspects are relevant with the Roman occupation of the Iberian Peninsula for the conception of monumentality. after the Punic Wars at the end of the 3rd century bc.

1 I thank Semra Mägele (Cologne) for correcting the translation and the participants at the conference in Kiel for their discussions and helpful comments.

of Murcia, is the largest monumental example of a former Iberian sacred site. At the beginning of the Roman occupation two temples (temple A and B) were built (Fig. 2). Tem- ple A can be reconstructed as a little temple in antis whose cella basement was decorated in opus signi- num. In contrast to this building temple B was of different forms, whose chronology and character are also difficult to assign. However, it documented a progressive process of Roman monumentalisation. A last phase of the building in the Augustan period is very likely when it was rebuilt in a large octastyle pseudodipteros2. Based on the vast quantity of architectural terra- cotta findings around the temple it is assumed that they belong to the roof and entablature of a predecessor of temple B (Jaeggi 1999, 160 note 209), but also Fig. 1. “Cerro de los Santos”, Montealegre de Castillo. temple A might have been decorated in this manner Drawing after Ramallo 2003, fig. 20. according to its type. The style and analysis of the architectural terracottas indicate a provenance from Latium or Etruria and can be dated from the end of the 3rd century bc till the first half of the 1st century bc (Ramallo 1993, 126 – 132; Ramallo 1999, 160 – 166; Due to the diverse anthropomorphic sculpture Jaeggi 1999, 160 – 161). The import of Italic mate- findings “Cerro de los Santos“ belongs to the most rial suggests that Italic craftsmen participated in the famous Iberian loca sacra. It is situated near the mod- construction process of the first buildings as their ern village of Montealegre de Castillo (Albacete design also follows basically Italic prototypes (see province) and close to the Via Heraklea constituting below). It is noteworthy that the erection of monu- the republican main road of communication as well mental buildings with a particular design took place as the predecessor of the Via Augusta installed in in the Iberian sacred landscape at this early stage. It the Augustan period. Up to now no Iberian urban defines in any case a striking contrast to the extant settlement in close proximity to “Cerro de los San- sacred sites on the peninsula. tos” has been identified; thus a rural loca sacra can A pre-Roman religious monumental architecture be supposed. Almost all information obtained from of the Greek and Phoenician pantheon existed on the the first excavations in the 19th century is lost. The Iberian Peninsula; nevertheless the written sources reconstruction of a monumental stone building, of Strabo or Pliny about former sanctuaries are con- probably a sanctuary, is based on the observations tradictory to the archaeological evidence. Architec- and drawings of some scientists who saw it in situ tural references are limited to Greek antifixae from (Fig. 1). The preserved structure points to a little tem- ancient Emporion (Ampurias) and the find spot ple in antis. The investigation of the findings under Hospitalet de l’Infant (Tarragona province). There the direction of Sánchez sorts out the chronology of is still a lack of traces of pre-Roman Iberian monu- the loca sacra: before the arrival of the Romans there mental sanctuaries. However, that culture exhibited was an open air place or ephemeral architecture, monumental grave constructions, fortifications and which was modified in the outlined stone building house buildings, but the knowledge of their sacred probably in the 2nd century bc. The first building un- sites is associated only with the votive deposits and derwent different phases of modifications (Sánchez offerings (Ramallo 1993, 116 – 117 cit. 2; Moneo 2002; Noguera 1998; Moneo 2003, 154 – 158 fig. IV. 2003, 340 – 342; Ruiz de Arbulo 2009, 259 – 263). 54; Ramallo 1998). In addition, the design of architectural terracot- “La Encarnación”, located close to the modern tas was unknown in Carthago Nova, a Hellenistic town of Caravaca de la Cruz and 60 kilometres west foundation of the Barcids in the vicinity of “La En-

2 Jaeggi 1999, 160 – 162; Ramallo 2004, 169; 170 fig. 15 distinguishes at least two phases on the basis of the entablatures of the building. J. Lehmann, Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time 259

Fig. 2. “La Encarnación”, Caravaca de la Cruz. Temple A and B with later superstructures (Navarro et al. 2006, fig. 1).

carnación”. Thus these new buildings reflect a break pothesis that the sanctuaries were commissioned by with the traditions of that region. The monumental the Iberian aristocracy maintaining good relations transformation can be interpreted as a concession to with the Roman conquerors and inspired by the new the new political situation initiated by the Roman Italic architecture which was implemented in com- conquest. In both cases the hillside situation points bination with their own conception (Sánchez 2002, to the new monumental appearance with its new 81). connotation. The Romans supported such local sites to take Not only the Romans played a role in this process: control of them as “Cerro de los Santos” and “La En- also the Iberians adopted those new forms for cult carnación” were of strategic, economic and prestige purposes, as is known from the architecture of “La importance. Both sanctuaries were connected with Encarnación” and “Cerro de los Santos”. Some di- important former Iberian and later Roman roads. vergences occurred at both sanctuaries compared to “La Encarnación” also bordered on the provinces of their Italic prototypes which can be interpreted as lo- Baetica and Tarraconense. cal peculiarities: the podia as a common element are Due to the lack of later civil, funerary and domes- absent and the ornamentation of the capitals differs tic constructions the sacred character of “La Encar- from the Italic prototypes (Ramallo 1993, 135 – 136; nación” was retained. However, despite preserving Ramallo 2003, 126). This evidence supports the hy- its sacred character the connotation changed during 260 Romanised Europe the ages. The transformation or disappearance of Loca sacra intra muros: the Roman / Iberian cult started in “La Encarnación” the mosque of Córdoba (Brótons / Ramallo 1990, 165) during the 2nd and in “Cerro de los Santos” during the 1st century ad This example underwent its first monumental modi- (Sánchez 2002, 86; 261; 264). fication in Roman times, but the contemporary be- In the 5th and 6th century ad the hillside “La Encar- holder relates it mainly to the Islamic period when nación” was occupied by the Christians and proba- the building was affected by the major change lead- bly by a hermit, as is indicated by numismatic finds. ing to the present appearance: the mosque of Cór- After an Islamic discontinuity the site acquired a doba. monumental dimension from the Christians during From the Augustan period the Roman city ex- the 16th century with the construction of a chapel panded southwards so that the area was surround- (Ermita de Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación) and ed with a new fortification reaching the river Betis, the domicile of the hermit. The chapel was richly today Guadalquivir (Murillo 2004, 45). As the later frequented until the 17th century, but was in use till mosque was built in this district, former Roman 1954 (Ramallo 1993, 121 – 122; Navarro et al. 2006, buildings can be supposed. Compared to the mosque 383 – 386). of Damascus which was erected on top of a Roman Striking features are the location and the construc- temple (Freyberger 1989), in Córdoba no sacred Ro- tion since the chapel follows exactly the orientation man building could be detected. However, some evi- of temple B. The chancel of the chapel is more or less dence suggests the existence of a Roman temple as a erected over the cella of the Roman temple, and the predecessor of the mosque in Córdoba: first, the very housing of the hermit was built as an annex in the selective areas of excavation which do not exclude area of the old entrance. Thus the sacred character of the hypothesis of a former temple building; second this site was preserved into modern times. the above mentioned example of the mosque at Da- The other loca sacra under discussion, “Cerro de mascus and third, the importance of the area around los Santos”, does not show a similar continuity of sa- the mosque in Roman times. In relation to the Ro- cred use as it was dismantled after the Roman era. man bridge one of the main entrances to the city was In fact, the sanctuary was used as a quarry but was situated here as well as the representative river front not overbuilt. In 1929 the excavator Zuazo y Palacios of the city. Based on recent research it seems likely erected here an obelisk as a memorial for the Roman that there was also a river port with a forum on both temple building of which no traces remained. sides, intra and extra muros (Murillo / Vaquerizo The scientific research of the monumental char- 2010, 474 – 475 fig. 10), which may have exhibited acter or architecture of these sites started in the one or more sacred buildings. Considering the fact 19th century. Significant are the observations of Juan that this area was affected by the religious power of Augustin Cean-Bermudez of the understanding and different cultures in the following centuries, a sanc- the importance of Roman monumental buildings in tuary erected in Roman times could have been the his dissertation “Sumario de las Antigüedades Ro- initial monument. manas que hay en España” published in 1832. He The first clearly attested sacred building is the refers to the different cultures which have occupied Christian Visigoth church of San Vicente. Accord- Spain and concludes that most was bequeathed by ing to Arabic sources after the Islamic conquest of the Romans because of their solid and powerful the Visigothic kingdom in 711, with the capitula- constructions, considered to be a perfect building tion of the Christians the division of the church be- technique (Cean-Bermudez 1832, 2). That point of tween Muslims and Christians was established. The view seems logical for sites or landscapes that wit- required rebuilding was undertaken in the Islamic nessed the first monumental face under the reign of part of the building and resulted in the construction the Romans and maintained an important shape and of an oratory (Al-Maqqari 1840, 217). scarcely changed during the ages. Early excavations in the 19th century yielded several remains which can be related to the Christian building of San Vicente: two main structures were discovered in the oratory with a north – south and northwest – southeast orientation as well as findings of mosaics and Christians signs. According to the archaeologist Marfil these findings belong to the Visigothic period and can be dated in the 5th century, a period in which different transformations occurred J. Lehmann, Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time 261

Fig. 5. Córdoba, mosque of Abad al-Rahman I. Visigothic capital with destroyed cross (Peña 2010, plat. 45 fig. 179).

(Marfil 2000, 127 – 129 fig. 3 – 5). The interpretation of these structures remains problematic but the excavations confirm the Arabic sources in terms of the Christian character and the chronology in Visi gothic times. With regard to the different structures it can be supposed that San Vicente was an episcopal primitive entity. In 785, due to the lack of space, the Umayyad ruler Abd al-Rahman I (756 – 788) decided to build a new mosque after buying the other Christian part of San Vicente. This building consisted of eleven naves, with a wider one in the middle. The successor Abd al-Rahman II (822 – 852) enforced two alterations: while the external naves were reconstructed and restored, the biggest change affected the enlargement Fig. 3. Córdoba. Modifications of the mosque of the oratory in a southerly direction. (Peña 2010, plat. 1). The caliphate of al-Hakam II (961 – 976) caused further modifications which can be dated between 962 and 966: the mosque was again enlarged to the south. The last alterations were carried out by Al- Fig. 4. Córdoba. Aerial view of the mosque. Mansur Ibn Abi Aamir (976 – 1009) in 987. He was Google Earth (8/16/2007). forced to expand the mosque eastwards due to lack of space in the south. The Great Mosque of Córdoba retained its significance amongst the Islamic community of al-Andalus for three centuries (Fig. 3). After the Christian conquest of Córdoba under Fernando III in 1236, the mosque was consecrated as a Christian church and dedicated to Santa Maria. During the 13th century the reconquistadors initiated the “architectural Christianisation” of the building by integration of oratories / chapels. The first important modifications were initiated in the 14th century by removing columns of the amplification of al-Hakam II to reconstruct new oratories / chapels in that area; different places within the mosque were dismantled, but the most radical change came with the construction of a cathedral at the behest of the bishop of Córdoba, Alonso Manrique, in the centre of the mosque. The choice of this place as well as the 262 Romanised Europe floor plan in the form of a Latin cross reveal the ruth- site once elected as a loca sacra always retains this less occupation of the previous building (Fig. 4)3. function. In this respect “Cerro de los Santos”, “La The mosque of Córdoba constitutes a good exam- Encarnación” and the mosque in Córdoba reflect ple of the preservation of the sacred identity of one the different type of use of such local sites very monument over the centuries. The visitor today is well. “Cerro de los Santos” is a good example of a still able to distinguish the different phases of mon- Roman sacred site without religious continuity in umental design and association of monumentality. later times; but also a profane remodelling is absent All the different populations (Romans, Visigoths, perhaps because later cultures respected the former Arabs and Christian reconquistadors) honoured the sacred character. “La Encarnación” was still aban- memory of their culture or religion by the erection doned in Roman times and later reused by the Arabs of such monuments. In this context, it is worth not- and Christians. They discovered the sacred charac- ing how the predecessor monuments were handled. ter of the site and occupied it for religious purposes. Either they occupy the loca sacra or they destroy or In contrast, the mosque of Córdoba stayed in good integrate the old structures. Another phenomenon is condition and was ruthlessly remodelled by the the reuse of architectural elements, known as spolia. christian conquerors. Another use could have been A lot of spolia of the Roman and Visigothic period a religious reinterpretation without destroying the were used for the first mosque of Abd al Rahman I building complex as is demonstrated by the Hagia such as a Visigothic impost capital (Fig. 5) with a de- Sophia in Istanbul, whose architectural structure stroyed ornamental cross in the middle (Peña 2010). was not changed (Koenigs 2004). To sum up, the connotations and associations of the sacred sites are subject to changes which are related to the monumental character and design of the Conclusions newly constructed or remodelled building. The be- holder was and is most probably able to understand The above points to the symbolic articulation of the the different meanings and associations. The partic- new claim to power and its continuity, considering ular architecture of different cultures and the indis- to the amplifications of the Islamic rulers who le- pensable comparison with previous and following gitimise their reign through the care of the former periods are distinctive features to specify and define established traditions. Another conclusion is that a monumentality.

Janine Lehmann Archäologisches Institut der Universität zu Köln Kerpener Straße 30 50931 Köln [email protected]

3 Given the large bibliography of the Mezquita-Catedral only a few standard works are cited: Ewert / Wisshak 1981; Nieto 1998; Peña 2010). J. Lehmann, Loca sacra of the Iberian Peninsula and the Meaning of Monumentality in Time 263

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