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FROM DESPAIR to HOPE LGBT Situation in Ukraine in 2014
FROM DESPAIR TO HOPE LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 LGBT Human Rights Nash Mir Center Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine Kyiv 2015 From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 This publication provides information that reflects the social, legal and political situation of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community in Ukraine in 2014. Here are to be found data and analyses on issues related to the rights and interests of LGBT persons in legislation, public and political life, public opinion, and examples of discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation etc. Authors: Andrii Kravchuk, Oleksandr Zinchenkov Project Manager of Nash Mir Center: Andriy Maymulakhin The authors would like to thank NGOs Association LGBT LIGA, Gay Forum of Ukraine, Lyudy Bukoviny, LGBT Union You Are Not Alone and all active participants in the LGBT Leaders e-mailing list and Facebook groups who collect and exchange relevant information on various aspects of the situation of LGBT people in Ukraine. Very special thanks to J. Stephen Hunt (Chicago, USA) for his proofreading of the English text and long-lasting generous support. The report is supported by Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine. The report “From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014” was prepared by Nash Mir Center as part of the project “Promoting LGBT rights in Ukraine through monitoring, legal protection & raising public awareness”. This project is realised by Nash Mir in cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, within the framework of the program "Promotion of human rights and rule of law for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in Ukraine" which is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2012, No.39
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia’s “soft power with an iron fist” – page 3 l The Ukrainian minority in Poland, 1944-1947 – page 9 l Tennis championships at Soyuzivka – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXX No. 39 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 2012 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign Relations Ukraine’s 2012 parliamentary elections: Committee approves Two parties that might make the cut Tymoshenko resolution by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly WASHINGTON – A resolution intro- duced by U.S. Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), a KYIV – Polls indicate that at least four member of the Senate Foreign Relations political parties will qualify for the 2012 Committee, and co-sponsored by U.S. Verkhovna Rada. Another two parties have Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Senate majori- a chance of surpassing the 5 percent ty whip, on September 19 unanimously threshold on election day, October 28: the passed the Senate Foreign Relations Ukraine – Forward! party launched by Luhansk oligarch Natalia Korolevska and Committee. The resolution, S. Res. 466, the Svoboda nationalist party launched by calls for the unconditional release of Oleh Tiahnybok. political prisoner and former Ukrainian At the moment, however, both parties Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. would fail to qualify. Ukraine – Forward! “Tymoshenko was a key revolution- would earn 4 percent of the votes for ary in Ukraine’s 2004 Orange closed party lists, while Svoboda would get Revolution and is a pro-Western reform- about 3.8 percent, according to a poll er,” said Sen. -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
Ukraine's Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio
Eurasia Daily Monitor -- Volume 10, Issue 22 Ukraine’s Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio More than 20 years after independence, Ukraine’s security forces are over-manned, incompetent and largely remain neo-Soviet in their operating culture. On January 18, the prosecutor’s office accused former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko of being in league with Pavlo Lazarenko (prime minister in 1996–1997) for the murder of Donetsk oligarch Yevhen Shcherban. Allegedly, she paid $2.329 million from her accounts, while Lazarenko paid another half a million dollars in cash for the murder (http://www.gp.gov.ua/ua/news.html?_m=publications&_t=rec&id=115177&fp=40). When asked why the prosecutor’s office had not initiated these criminal charges when he was in power, former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma replied, “The Prosecutor-General [Mykhaylo] Potebenko, in his reports, said at the time there were no grounds for legal action [against Tymoshenko]. And that is it.” “And against Lazarenko, at that time, there were [grounds for opening a case],” Kuchma added (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/01/24/6982168/). Interviewed on Russian television, Kuchma remains adamant that Tymoshenko had nothing to do with the murder of Shcherban (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/02/3/6982753/). Under Presidents Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine’s moribund security forces and prosecutor’s office were unable to find evidence linking Tymoshenko to the Shcherban murder. The new “information” against Tymoshenko is part of a concerted campaign to remove her forever from Ukrainian politics and “prove” to the West her case is allegedly not political. -
Two Years of Operation of the Verkhovna Rada of 8Th Convocation: Legislative Capacity and Law-Making Process
TWO YEARS OF OPERATION OF THE VERKHOVNA RADA OF 8TH CONVOCATION: LEGISLATIVE CAPACITY AND LAW-MAKING PROCESS SUMMARY Judging by two-year law-making efficiency and legislative capacity indices, the Verkhovna Rada of 8th convocation looks somewhat better than the 7th convocation Rada, but is inferior to the parliaments of earlier convocations. The efficiency coefficient of the current parliament (the share of adopted draft laws in the total number of registered drafts) is just 11%. In terms of specific holders of the right to legislative initiative, the President’s efficiency (81%) is much higher than that of the MPs (7%) or the Government (29%). The law-making efficiency coefficient of every single faction is similarly low, ranging from the lowest figure of 3.6% (the Opposition Bloc) to the highest of 13.8% (the Radical Party). During the two-year period, the individual law- making efficiency of 99 MPs was at zero level: they initiated dozens of drafts none of which became a law. On the whole, female MPs displayed a somewhat higher law-making efficiency compared to male MPs: 11% and 7%, respectively. Deputies elected on the basis of political party lists were twice as efficient as those elected in majority districts: 10% vs. 5%. The main reason for the low level of the parliament’s law-making efficiency of the parliament consists in the excessively high number of draft laws registered by the People’s Deputies. During the first two years of operation of the 8th convocation Verkhovna Rada, the MPs registered twice as many draft laws compared to their colleagues who had been working in the faraway parliament of 3rd convocation. -
Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2019 Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis Nicholas Pehlman The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3073 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © Copyright by Nick Pehlman, 2018 All rights reserved ii Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Mark Ungar Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Julie George Jillian Schwedler THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional -
Travel to Ukraine Promoted at New York Times Travel Show
InsIde: • More on Yanukovych in Moscow and Brussels – page 3. • Ukaine’s new Cabinet of Ministers – page 10. • Noted Ukrainian writer Yuri Andrukhovych – page 13. THEPublished U by theKRA Ukrainian NationalIN AssociationIAN Inc., a fraternal Wnon-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVIII No.11 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 14, 2010 $1/$2 in Ukraine Changing the rules, factions Yanukovych travels to Moscow form a new majority coalition after being welcomed in Brussels Mykola Azarov is PM in pro-Moscow Cabinet by Zenon Zawada held view in the Ukrainian political estab- Kyiv Press Bureau lishment that they’ve violated the coun- try’s Constitution. KYIV – Ukraine’s pro-Russian parlia- National deputies of the pro-Russian mentary factions on March 11 formed a forces spent the last two weeks passing coalition government that will work in legislation that allows rogue deputies – tandem with the newly elected president, those expelled from their respective par- Viktor Yanukovych, ignoring the widely liamentary factions – as well as defectors to help form the coalition. Only with their participation was it possible to form a majority of 235 national deputies. Opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko and former President Viktor Yushchenko declared that the parliamentary coalition and the Cabinet of Ministers were illegal Official Website of Ukraine’s President and illegitimate. “It’s very shameful that Ukraine’s newly inaugurated president, Viktor Yanukovych (left), meets with Yanukovych is starting this way,” said Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in Moscow. Ms. Tymoshenko. Their claims were supported by politi- by Zenon Zawada ing Europe first and then offered gener- cal and legal experts, who agreed that the Kyiv Press Bureau ous concessions – demonstrated he’s inef- Constitution of Ukraine only allows par- fective in defending Ukraine’s interests liamentary factions, not individuals, to KYIV – European leaders welcomed before the Russian government. -
The Future of Ukrainian Oligarchsdownload
Ukrainian Institute for the Future is an independent analytical center that: • forecasts changes and models possible scenarios for events in Ukraine; • makes a competent assessment of the Ukrainian events; • makes specific recommendations for actions; • offers effective solutions; • offers a platform for discussions on current topics. It is a project of representatives of Ukrainian business, politics and the public sector. Founded in summer 2016. AUTHORS Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Oleg Ustenko Executive Director of the Bleyzer Foundation, President of Harvard Club of Ukraine alumni association Yurii Romanenko Co-founder of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, head of the International and Domestic Policy programme, editor-in-chief of the portal Hvylya Ihar Tyshkevich Expert of International and Domestic Politics programme of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future (UIF) © Art-direction D!VANDESIGN © Idea and design INCOGNITA INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH DISEASE IN UKRAINE Content 05 THEORY AND STRUCTURE OF THE UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHY 06 INFLUENCE OVER ENERGY INDUSTRY 14 INFLUENCE OVER METALLURGY 26 INFLUENCE OVER TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 38 INFLUENCE OVER MEDIA 50 INFLUENCE OVER POLITICS 62 THREE SCENARIOS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE OLIGARCHS 72 Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Introduction: the British disease in Ukraine After the fall of the Soviet Union, the starting conditions for economic development in Ukraine were advanta- geous. However, after 27 years of independence, we continue to be the most backward country of the post-Sovi- et bloc. -
The Extreme Right in Ukraine
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Ukraine MRIDULA GHOSH October 2012 n The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elec- tions reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology. n The economic crises, unemployment and corruption have enabled Svoboda to add a socioeconomic dimension to its ultra-nationalist agenda as well as to expand its out- reach by communicating with the grassroots rather than via elite lobby politics. This has helped Svoboda to gain power in regional legislative bodies in Western Ukraine. n Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream po- litical parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception. n Civil society has provided some counter-strategies to the Svoboda party. However, in the absence of political consensus, these efforts have proved feeble and futile. To raise awareness of the inadmissibility of right-wing extremism in mainstream poli- tics, it is necessary to turn to the substantive socioeconomic elements of participa- tory governance. MRIDULA GHOSH | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN UKRAINE Contents 1. Introduction: Overview of the Extreme Right and Its Electoral Performance ......3 2. -
FOREIGN POLICY of UKRAINE 2009/2010 STRATEGIC ASSESSMENTS, FORECASTS and PRIORITIES Annual Strategic Review
Yearbook_2010_Engl.qxd 04.11.2011 14:23 Page 1 FOREIGN POLICY OF UKRAINE 2009/2010 STRATEGIC ASSESSMENTS, FORECASTS AND PRIORITIES Annual Strategic Review Edited by Professor G. M. Perepelytsia Kyiv Stylos Publishing House 2011 Yearbook_2010_Engl.qxd 04.11.2011 14:23 Page 2 Assessments presented in this Annual Strategic Review are those of the authors and reflect exclusively authors’ opinion on the events of international life and foreign policy of Ukraine Foreign policy of Ukraine – 2009/2010: Strategic Assessments, Forecasts and Priorities / Edited by G. M. Perepelytsia. – Кyiv: Stylos Publishing House, 2009. – 320 p. ISBN 9789661930703 The Annual Strategic Review of the Foreign Policy Research Institute does not represent the official position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (MFAU). The goal of this publication is to provide comprehensive analysis of Ukraine’s foreign policy, describe key trends inherent to Ukrainian foreign poli cy over the last year and forecast options for their further development, as well as spell out the priority areas for the implementation of the foreignpolicy course of Ukraine. This Annual Strategic Review is aimed at encouraging politicians and the scientific community of Ukraine to engage into discussion and seek the ways to resolve foreign policy problems and refine foreignpolicy course of Ukraine The Annual Strategic Review is intended for a wide range of Ukrainian and foreign experts, scientists, Ukrainian diplomats and Embassies, as well as foreign diplomatic missions and representative offices in Ukraine and readers interested in foreign policy issues and international relations. © Foreing Policy Research Institute, 2011 © Stylos Publishing House, 2011 ISBN 9789661930703 Yearbook_2010_Engl.qxd 04.11.2011 14:23 Page 3 Table of contents Preface....................................................................5 G. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Ukraine Early Presidential Election, 25 May 2014
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Ukraine Early Presidential Election, 25 May 2014 INTERIM REPORT No. 2 14 April–12 May 2014 14 May 2014 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The presidential election is taking place in a complex political, economic and security situation, which affects the legal framework, technical preparations and the election campaign. Continued unrest and violence in the east of Ukraine, where anti-government forces have taken over numerous administrative buildings, self-proclaimed local authorities controlling some cities, and the government’s conducting an anti-terrorist operation, seriously impact the election process there. Self-proclaimed local ‘authorities’ staged so-called local ‘referenda’ on autonomy/independence in some parts of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts (regions) on 11 May. These were not observed by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM to any extent. • The electoral legal framework continued to be amended during the reporting period. Parliament passed a law on temporarily occupied territories on 15 April, which states that voting will not take place on the Crimean peninsula and that citizens from these territories may register to vote in other parts of Ukraine. Given a shortfall of nominations for Precinct Election Commission (PEC) members, parliament on 6 May amended the presidential election law to reduce the minimum number of PEC members from 12 to 9. • The Central Election Commission (CEC) continues to make preparations for the election and has demonstrated an efficient, independent and collegial manner of work. The CEC formed all 213 District Election Commissions (DECs) within the legal deadline. Candidates replaced a high proportion of their nominees, which affected many DECs’ functioning. -
Mapping of Dialogue Initiatives to Resolve the Conflict in Ukraine
Mapping of dialogue initiatives to resolve the conflict in Ukraine January 2015 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION 4 CHAPTER 1. CHARACTERISTICS OF CONFLICT SETTLEMENT IN UKRAINE 6 MULTI-LEVEL NATURE OF THE CONFLICT 6 DIPLOMATIC INSTRUMENTS FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION 9 THE APPLICATION OF OFFICIAL, SEMI-OFFICIAL AND UNOFFICIAL DIPLOMACY INSTRUMENTS TO RESOLVE THE CONFLICT IN UKRAINE 11 NATIONAL DIALOGUE AS A TOOL OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN UKRAINE 13 TRACK TWO DIPLOMACY TOOLS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION 16 CHAPTER 2. DIALOGUE INITIATIVES OF UKRAINIAN NGOS 17 CHRONOLOGY OF DIALOGUE INITIATIVES DEVELOPMENT 17 UKRAINE TODAY: IN SEARCH OF SOCIETY CONCEPTION (FOUNDATIONS FOR FREEDOM) 18 DIALOGUES ON MAIDAN (INITIATIVE OF “CULTURE OF MAIDAN IN UKRAINE”) 18 “ODESSA FOR CONSENT” (ODESSA REGIONAL MEDIATION GROUP) 19 PUBLIC DIALOGUE (CIRCLE OF PEOPLE’S TRUST) 20 P.E.A.C.E SUMMIT (INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS – UKRAINE) 21 LOCAL INITIATIVES (MYKOLAIV, KHARKIV AND SLOVIANSK) 22 THE INITIATIVE OF CHANNEL 17 TO HOLD DIALOGUES WITH REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SO-CALLED DPR/LPR 23 WOMEN’S DIALOGUE INITIATIVE 25 CONCLUSIONS 26 RECOMMENDATIONS 27 CHAPTER 3. DIALOGUE-ORIENTED PROJECTS WITH THE PARTICIPATION OF INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND EXPERTS 28 THE CRIMEAN POLITICAL DIALOGUE (PATRIR: 2009 – 2014) 29 A HIGH-LEVEL PLATFORM TO DISCUSS THE FUTURE (CRISIS MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE) 30 THEATRE FOR DIALOGUE 31 DIALOGUE IN UKRAINE: POSSIBILITIES, PARAMETERS AND INVOCATIONS (MEDIATEUR, INTERPEACE AND ICPS) 31 NANSEN DIALOGUE NETWORK (NORWAY) 32 JAPANESE “PEACE