The Early History and Geography of the Pamaka Tribe
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Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey
CHAPTER 2 Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey Isabelle Léglise and Bettina Migge 1 Introduction The population of the Guiana plateau is characterised by multilingualism and the Republic of Suriname is no exception to this. Apart from the country’s official language, Dutch, and the national lingua franca, Sranantongo, more than twenty other languages belonging to several distinct language families are spoken by less than half a million people. Some of these languages such as Saamaka and Sarnámi have quite significant speaker communities while others like Mawayana currently have less than ten speakers.1 While many of the languages currently spoken in Suriname have been part of the Surinamese linguistic landscape for a long time, others came to Suriname as part of more recent patterns of mobility. Languages with a long history in Suriname are the Amerindian languages Lokono (Arawak), Kari’na, Trio, and Wayana, the cre- ole languages Saamaka, Ndyuka, Matawai, Pamaka, Kwinti, and Sranantongo, and the Asian-Surinamese languages Sarnámi, Javanese, and Hakka Chinese. In recent years, languages spoken in other countries in the region such as Brazilian Portuguese, Guyanese English, Guyanese Creole, Spanish, French, Haitian Creole (see Laëthier this volume) and from further afield such as varieties of five Chinese dialect groups (Northern Chinese, Wu, Min, Yue, and Kejia, see Tjon Sie Fat this volume) have been added to Suriname’s linguistic landscape due to their speakers’ increasing involvement in Suriname. Suriname’s linguistic diversity is little appreciated locally. Since indepen- dence in 1975, successive governments have pursued a policy of linguistic assimilation to Dutch with the result that nowadays, “[a] large proportion of the population not only speaks Dutch, but speaks it as their first and best language” (St-Hilaire 2001: 1012). -
Maroons and the Communications Revolution in Suriname's Interior
CHAPTER 7 Maroons and the Communications Revolution in Suriname’s Interior Alex van Stipriaan 1 Introduction From the first until the last day of slavery, enslaved people liberated them- selves by escaping from the plantation colony and setting up new, indepen- dent communities. These escapees, who came to be called Maroons, settled in the tropical rain forest of Suriname’s interior, far away from the seat of colonial power in Paramaribo. Yet they stayed tied to the colonial economy in several ways. The general impression people have is that Maroons lived in total isola- tion in Suriname’s interior until quite recently, about one or two generations ago, but this must now be largely discounted as a myth. This is certainly true in the case of Maroon men.1 Women, on the other hand, remained comparatively isolated until quite recently as gender-based labour division and traditional notions of womanhood mostly linked women to the domestic sphere and the village context. This chapter examines the extent to which contact with the outside world formed part of the Maroons’ existence, and how contact has influenced Maroon lifestyles throughout history.2 Crucially, I explore how Maroons’ adoption of new communication technologies is impacting patterns of com- munication with the wider world and among the Maroons themselves. This contribution does not simply deal with how objects are being adopted by sub- jects, rather it focuses on what happens to people and their context when they use new technologies and also how new technologies are transformed due to their use in specific social contexts. -
Structuur Analyse Districten 2009-2013
STRUCTUUR ANALYSE DISTRICTEN 2009-2013 STICHTING PLANBUREAU SURINAME December 2014 Structuuranalyse Districten IV Ruimtelijke ontwikkeling van de districten INHOUDSOPGAVE Ten geleide ................................................................................................................ ii Colofon ..................................................................................................................... iii Afkortingen ............................................................................................................... iv I DEMOGRAFISCHE ANALYSE Demografische analyse ......................................................................................... D-1 II RUIMTELIJKE ONTWIKKELING VAN DE DISTRICTEN 1. Paramaribo .................................................................................................. S-1 2. Wanica ...................................................................................................... S-22 3. Nickerie ..................................................................................................... S-38 4. Coronie ...................................................................................................... S-60 5. Saramacca ................................................................................................ S-72 6. Commewijne .............................................................................................. S-90 7. Marowijne ................................................................................................ S-109 -
THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION of SURINAM 1920-1970 to Norine VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE
THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF SURINAM 1920-1970 To Norine VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 65 THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF SURINAM 1920 - 1970 A socio-demographic analysis H. E. LAMUR THE HAGUE - MAR TINUS NIJHOFF 1973 I.S.B.N. 90.247.1556.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish first and foremost to record my thanks to Professor W. Steigenga for his constant guidance and encouragement. I am also grateful to him for the freedom he allowed me, both as regards the framework of the investigation and the analysis of the data collected. His critical approach contributed in no small degree to the study being brought to a successful conclusion, and my only hope is that I have succeeded in making fuIl use of his commen tso I also wish to express my gratitude to Professor A. J. F. Köbben for his criticism and valuable suggestions. The data for the study were collected and partially processed by H. A. C. Boldewijn, W. J. Doest, D. P. Kaulesar Sukul, R. 1. Korsten, M. R. Kortram, A. R. Lamur and H. C. Limburg. Their enthusiasm, which never faltered even through the trying periods when the data were being gathered, afforded me great support. I owe them my warm est thanks. I am also grateful to Mr. J. Pinas for his assistance. For permis sion to collect the data for this study 1 wish to thank the District Commissioners, the Heads of the Offices for Population Administration and the Head of the Central Office for Population Administration. When subjecting some of the data to statistical analysis I enlisted the aid of Dr. -
Ethnic Diversity and Social Stratification in Suriname in 2012
ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN SURINAME IN 2012 Tamira Sno, Harry BG Ganzeboom and John Schuster No matter how we came together here, we are pledged to this ground (National Anthem Suriname) Abstract This paper examines the relative socio-economic positions of ethnic groups in Suriname. Our results are based on data from the nationally representative survey Status attainment and Social Mobility in Suriname 2011-2013 (N=3929). The respondents are divided into eight groups on the basis of self-identification: Natives, Maroons, Hindustanis, Javanese, Creoles, Chinese, Mixed and Others (mainly immigrants). We measure the socio-economic positions of the ethnic groups based on education and occupation and assess historical changes using cohort, intergenerational and lifecycle comparisons. The data allow us to create an ethnic hierarchy based on the social-economic criteria that we have used. We show that Hindustanis, Javanese and Creoles are ranked in the middle of the social stratification system of Suriname, but that Creoles have rather more favourable positions than the other two groups. Natives and Maroons are positioned at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder, and together – with almost 20% of the population - they form a sizeable lower class, also, and in increasing numbers in urban areas. At the top of the Surinamese social ladder, we find a large group of Mixed, together with the small groups of Chinese and Others. The rank order in the stratification system is historically stable. Still, there are also clear signs of convergence between the ethnic groups, in particular, when we compare the generations of respondents with their parents. -
Participatory Mapping in Lands of Indigenous Peoples and Maroons in Suriname
SUPPORT FOR THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTERIOR -COLLECTIVE RIGHTS PARTICIPATORY MAPPING IN LANDS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND MAROONS IN SURINAME FINAL SUMMARY REPORT December 2010 THE AMAZON CONSERVATION TEAM Doekhieweg Oost 24, PARAMARIBO , SURINAME , PH: (597) 568606 FAX: (597) 6850169. EMAIL: [email protected] . WEB: WWW.ACT-SURINAME.ORG TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………………………… 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4 1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………………………. 6 2. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………… 9 3. COMMUNITY MAPPING PROCESS IN THE INTERIOR OF SURINAME.………………….. 14 3.1 THE INTERIOR AND ITS TRIBAL COMMUNITIES…………………………………………. 14 3.2 TRIBAL MAPPING PROCESSES…………………………………………………………….. 18 3.3 CHALLENGES IN THE COMMUNITY MAPPING PROCESS.…………………………….. 30 3.4 VERIFICATION OF FIELD DATA…………………………………………………………….. 32 3.5 GIS PROCESSING OF FIELD DATA INTO ONE MAP……………………………………… 33 REFERENCES…………….……………………………………………………………………………………… 35 ANNEX 1: ACT TRAINING MANUAL FOR GPS USE AND DATA TRANSFER….………….. 36 ANNEX 2: EXAMPLE OF COMMUNITY WORKSHOP RESULT…………………… …………. 37 ANNEX 3: ACT VERIFICATION MANUAL FOR COMMUNITY MAPPING………………….. 38 ANNEX 4: MAPPING EXPEDITIONS………………………………………………… …………. 39 ANNEX 5: VERIFICATION ROUNDS IN COMMUNITIES………………………………………. 40 ANNEX 6: COMMUNITY MAPPING PARTICIPANTS……………………………… …………. 41 ANNEX 7: TEAM OF CONSULTANTS…………………………………………………………… 47 ANNEX 8: TERMS OF REFERENCE FOR THE ASSIGNMENT…………………………………. 48 ANNEX 9: MEMORANDUM ACT‐GLIS……………………………………………………… -
Saramaka Maroons on the Brazilian Frontier Richard Price College Of
Saramaka Maroons on the Brazilian Frontier Richard Price College of William and Mary, Virginia, USA, and Anse Chaudière, Martinique Maroons in the Americas have always been champions at seizing the moment, whether in battles against their colonial enemies or in carving out imaginative economic niches in more recent times. This essay focuses on Maroon men from central Suriname who, in the second half of the nineteenth century, migrated to French Guiana where they monopolized the river transport system that supplied thousands of non-Maroon goldminers in that colony and, in the process, created a new of way of life for themselves and their descendants. The Oyapok region of French Guiana, which borders the Brazilian state of Amapá, might best be considered the distant frontier of a distant frontier B many thousands of kilometers from the metropolitan political center of Paris, many hundreds through the forest from the colonial capital of Cayenne, and, from the perspective of the Saramaka Maroons of central Suriname, at the farthest edge of the known geographical universe. In 1900, the mayor of the Commune de l=Oyapok gave the total population as 304. (He did not include members of the Aindigenous tribes of autochthonous or African origin living in the region@ which, according to a 1901 document, lived there Aunder the administrative protection of the customs service.@) Despite plans on the drawing board in 2002 for a bridge between St.- Georges-de-l'Oyapok and the Brazilian town of Oiapoque and for a road between St.- Georges-de-l'Oyapok and Cayenne (which would in theory permit direct road travel between, say, Macapá and Cayenne) the region has long remained a backwater B in 1971, for example, the largest town in the region, St-Georges-de-l'Oyapok, boasted only two cars.1 By 1900, when Saramaka Maroon migrants from Suriname (the main Atribe . -
Newmont Suriname Looks Back with Satisfaction to Social Involvement in 2018
Newmont Suriname, LLC Paramaribo Office Van ’t Hogerhuysstraat 15, 4th floor Paramaribo, Suriname S.A. T +597.42.7707 F +597.40.2893 www.newmont.com PRESS RELEASE Newmont Suriname looks back with satisfaction to social involvement in 2018 Albert Ramdin, Senior Director External Relations, looks back with great satisfaction at the social involvement of Newmont Suriname in the past year. "Investing in the welfare of the Surinamese population is an important part of our mission as a sustainable and responsible mining company," says Albert Ramdin. "We are of course already contributing directly to the Surinamese economic development by offering employment to more than 1200 Surinamese, besides entering into contracts with suppliers as well as the financial payments to the Government of Suriname and our partner Staatsolie." Investments have been made in various development projects in the area around Merian, where the Pamakan community is living and working. Newmont has also endeavored in 2018 to implement targeted projects in the field of education, sustainable development aimed at entrepreneurship and job creation, infrastructure in general on the islands in the Marowijne river, as well as projects in the field of well-being. Due to the poor state of maintenance and the danger to the local community and other road users, Newmont Suriname has decided to renovate and rehabilitate the Merian-, Toematoe- and Gonikiki bridges as part of the Langatabiki road. This involves an amount of almost USD 400,000 and will be completed in the first quarter of 2019. Under the mineral agreement with the government, the Langatbiki road is also maintained by Newmont Suriname. -
The Coppename Kwinti: Notes on an Afro-American Tribe in Surinam
DIRK H. VAN DER ELST THE COPPENAME KWINTI: NOTES ON AN AFRO-AMERICAN TRIBE IN SURINAM I History and Development Kwinti origins and settlement—Population size—Language, isolation and obscurity. II Organization and Ideology Foreign affairs — Internal affairs — Clan and lineage — Marital relations — Christianity — Native polytheism III Culture Change and Viability Population and culture — Village economy — Ecology and acculturation — Adaptations — Factors in future viability References The ethnographic data for this report were collected during a ten-weeks' pilot study which my wife Kathleen and I conducted among the Bitagron Kwinti in the summer of 1973. This research was supported by National Science Founda- tion grant No. GS-38142, and by a Faculty Research grant from CSUF. — Address of author: California State University, Fresno. Ir. F.C. Bubberman, The Director of 's Lands Bosbeheer (Surinam's Forestry Service), has been of inestimable importance to my understanding of Kwinti culture. Not only did he physically introduce us to the people of Bitagron, but he freely and enthusiastically shared the fruits of his personal research into the history of Bush Negro migration and settlements. I am indebted to Ir. Bubberman and Drs. P.A. Teunissen, the goverment biologist at Raleigh Falls at the time of our research, for their information about Bush Negro ecology. I. HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT The Kwinti constitute the smallest and least known of the recog- nized Bush Negro societies, although their territory is theoreti- cally subject to the authority of the Matuari paramount chief. The Coppename River branch of the Kwinti achieved the furthest western penetration by an independent Bush Negro tribe. -
Bilby Small Axe.Pdf
Book Discussion: Richard Price, Travels with Tooy: History, Memory, and the African American Imagination; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008; 452 pages; ISBN 978-0-2266-8058-3 (paper). African American Memory at the Crossroads: Grounding the Miraculous with Tooy Kenneth Bilby Travels with Tooy may be both the most readable and the most complex and demanding of Richard Price’s works on the Saramaka people of Suriname.1 Gone are the relatively transpar- ent and somewhat mechanical textual devices—the dialogical juxtapositions of clearly demar- cated alternating passages in differing fonts—that presented readers with a certain narrative consistency and progression (even while carrying challenges of their own) in First-Time and Alabi’s World.2 In their place is a kind of multitextured narrative patchwork, a loosely stitched crazy quilt of time-coded stories and “teachings” that jump across eras and locations, both imagined and literal. The stories and lessons, presented less as chapters than as excursions within and across interlinked timescapes, lead through an ever-thickening evocation of the African American temporal-spiritual worlds inhabited by Price’s partner in this enterprise, a very knowledgeable Saramaka Maroon óbiaman (healer and spiritual practitioner) known as Tooy. Only toward the very end of the book does Price attend to the matter of what his and Tooy’s extended dialogue might tell us about some of the much-debated larger questions that continue to preoccupy students of African American societies and cultures. It is on these 1 Richard Price, Travels with Tooy: History, Memory, and the African American Imagination (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); hereafter cited in text. -
Life at Maripaston
LIFE AT MARIPASTON JOHANNES KING and NOAH AD RAl VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 64 JOHANNES KING LIFE AT MARIPASTON edited hy H. F. DE ZIEL THE HAGUE - MARTINUS NIJHOFF 1973 Published trom a manuscript by the Matuari Bush Negro Johannes King, edited by H. F. de Ziel under the super vision ot J. Voorhoeve. The translation ot the Introduction and Summary trom Dutch into English was made by Miss M. J. L. van Yperen. Grants trom the Suriname Government and Sticusa made the edition and translation possible. J.S.B.N.90.247.1527X PREFACE The Matuari Bush Negro Johannes King (ca. 1830-1898) taught himself to read and write at an advanced age. Throughout his life he was fascinated by the possibilities of bridging with the written word the gap with later generations. He particularly wanted to see two of his works published: his 'Book of Horrors' (containing accounts of his dreams and visions, among other subjects), and the present book, which we have given the title 'Life at Maripaston'. King wanted to explain to later generations what was at the root of the problems between him and his elder brother, chief Noah Adrai, representatives respectively of the church and the state at the village level. King wanted to justify his life in the eyes of the church and of his own tribesmen. The book constitutes, therefore, an important contribution to the church history of Surinam, but at the same time offers interesting insights into the life of the Bush Negro communities in Surinam. -
African Names and Naming Practices: the Impact Slavery and European
African Names and Naming Practices: The Impact Slavery and European Domination had on the African Psyche, Identity and Protest THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Liseli A. Fitzpatrick, B.A. Graduate Program in African American and African Studies The Ohio State University 2012 Thesis Committee: Lupenga Mphande, Advisor Leslie Alexander Judson Jeffries Copyrighted by Liseli Anne Maria-Teresa Fitzpatrick 2012 Abstract This study on African naming practices during slavery and its aftermath examines the centrality of names and naming in creating, suppressing, retaining and reclaiming African identity and memory. Based on recent scholarly studies, it is clear that several elements of African cultural practices have survived the oppressive onslaught of slavery and European domination. However, most historical inquiries that explore African culture in the Americas have tended to focus largely on retentions that pertain to cultural forms such as religion, dance, dress, music, food, and language leaving out, perhaps, equally important aspects of cultural retentions in the African Diaspora, such as naming practices and their psychological significance. In this study, I investigate African names and naming practices on the African continent, the United States and the Caribbean, not merely as elements of cultural retention, but also as forms of resistance – and their importance to the construction of identity and memory for persons of African descent. As such, this study examines how European colonizers attacked and defiled African names and naming systems to suppress and erase African identity – since names not only aid in the construction of identity, but also concretize a people’s collective memory by recording the circumstances of their experiences.