Wayana Advance About the Project, and This Is Indicated by the Letter ‘P’ (Which Stands for the English Word: Prior)
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Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey
CHAPTER 2 Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey Isabelle Léglise and Bettina Migge 1 Introduction The population of the Guiana plateau is characterised by multilingualism and the Republic of Suriname is no exception to this. Apart from the country’s official language, Dutch, and the national lingua franca, Sranantongo, more than twenty other languages belonging to several distinct language families are spoken by less than half a million people. Some of these languages such as Saamaka and Sarnámi have quite significant speaker communities while others like Mawayana currently have less than ten speakers.1 While many of the languages currently spoken in Suriname have been part of the Surinamese linguistic landscape for a long time, others came to Suriname as part of more recent patterns of mobility. Languages with a long history in Suriname are the Amerindian languages Lokono (Arawak), Kari’na, Trio, and Wayana, the cre- ole languages Saamaka, Ndyuka, Matawai, Pamaka, Kwinti, and Sranantongo, and the Asian-Surinamese languages Sarnámi, Javanese, and Hakka Chinese. In recent years, languages spoken in other countries in the region such as Brazilian Portuguese, Guyanese English, Guyanese Creole, Spanish, French, Haitian Creole (see Laëthier this volume) and from further afield such as varieties of five Chinese dialect groups (Northern Chinese, Wu, Min, Yue, and Kejia, see Tjon Sie Fat this volume) have been added to Suriname’s linguistic landscape due to their speakers’ increasing involvement in Suriname. Suriname’s linguistic diversity is little appreciated locally. Since indepen- dence in 1975, successive governments have pursued a policy of linguistic assimilation to Dutch with the result that nowadays, “[a] large proportion of the population not only speaks Dutch, but speaks it as their first and best language” (St-Hilaire 2001: 1012). -
Gm and Km Allotypes in Wayampi, Wayana and Emerillon Indians from French Guiana
L ANNALS OF HUMAN BIOLOGY, 1994, VOL.'.21, NO. 4, 335-345 Gm and Km allotypes in Wayampi, Wayana and Emerillon Indians from French Guiana J. M. DUGOUJONP,E. GUITARDP,M. T. SENEGAS?,P. GRENANDSand E. BOIS* TCentre de Recherches sur le Polymorphisme Génétique des populations humaines, Toulouse, France $Département Société, Urbanisme, Développement, Paris, France *Unité de Recherches d'Epidémiologie Génétique, Paris, France Received 16 April 1993; revised II November 1993 Summary. We have studied 506 Amerindians from three French Guiana groups: 194 Wayampi, living in Trois-Sauts, and 100 in the Camopi area; 47 Emerillon also living in the Camopi area and 165 Wayana on the Litani and Maroni rivers. All samples were tested for Glm(1,2,3,17), G3m(5,6,10,11,13,14,15,16,21,24,28) and Km(1) by the classical method of hemaglutination inhibition. The phenotype and haplotype distributions are presented and have been subjected to factorial correspondence analysis. Two Gm haplotypes are common: Gm1*37;21,28,and Gm1,2,17;21,28,but with an important variation in frequency. A rare haplotype, probably the result of a genetic anomaly: Gm1,17;21R>28,is frequent in the Emerillon (17%). These populations show no evidence of Black or Caucasian admixtures. 1. Introduction The allotypic markers of human immunoglobulins (Ig) are inherited differences located on the heavy chains of IgG (Gm), IgA (Am), IgE (Em) and light chain Kappa (Km). Each epitope is restricted to one of the IgG (IgGl, IgG2 and IgG3) or IgA (IgA2) subclasses and found on the constant regions (CHI, CH2, or CH3 domains). -
The Use of Amerindian Charm Plants in the Guianas Tinde Van Andel1* , Sofie Ruysschaert2, Karin Boven3 and Lewis Daly4
van Andel et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2015) 11:66 DOI 10.1186/s13002-015-0048-9 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY AND ETHNOMEDICINE RESEARCH Open Access The use of Amerindian charm plants in the Guianas Tinde van Andel1* , Sofie Ruysschaert2, Karin Boven3 and Lewis Daly4 Abstract Background: Magical charm plants to ensure good luck in hunting, fishing, agriculture, love and warfare are known among many Amerindians groups in the Guianas. Documented by anthropologists as social and political markers and exchangeable commodities, these charms have received little attention by ethnobotanists, as they are surrounded by secrecy and are difficult to identify. We compared the use of charm species among indigenous groups in the Guianas to see whether similarity in charm species was related to geographical or cultural proximity. We hypothesized that cultivated plants were more widely shared than wild ones and that charms with underground bulbs were more widely used than those without such organs, as vegetatively propagated plants would facilitate transfer of charm knowledge. Methods: We compiled a list of charm plants from recent fieldwork and supplemented these with information from herbarium collections, historic and recent literature among 11 ethnic groups in the Guianas. To assess similarity in plant use among these groups, we performed a Detrended Component Analysis (DCA) on species level. To see whether cultivated plants or vegetatively propagated species were more widely shared among ethnic groups than wild species or plants without rhizomes, tubers or stem-rooting capacity, we used an independent sample t-test. Results: We recorded 366 charms, representing 145 species. The majority were hunting charms, wild plants, propagated via underground bulbs and grown in villages. -
THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION of SURINAM 1920-1970 to Norine VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE
THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF SURINAM 1920-1970 To Norine VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 65 THE DEMOGRAPHIC EVOLUTION OF SURINAM 1920 - 1970 A socio-demographic analysis H. E. LAMUR THE HAGUE - MAR TINUS NIJHOFF 1973 I.S.B.N. 90.247.1556.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish first and foremost to record my thanks to Professor W. Steigenga for his constant guidance and encouragement. I am also grateful to him for the freedom he allowed me, both as regards the framework of the investigation and the analysis of the data collected. His critical approach contributed in no small degree to the study being brought to a successful conclusion, and my only hope is that I have succeeded in making fuIl use of his commen tso I also wish to express my gratitude to Professor A. J. F. Köbben for his criticism and valuable suggestions. The data for the study were collected and partially processed by H. A. C. Boldewijn, W. J. Doest, D. P. Kaulesar Sukul, R. 1. Korsten, M. R. Kortram, A. R. Lamur and H. C. Limburg. Their enthusiasm, which never faltered even through the trying periods when the data were being gathered, afforded me great support. I owe them my warm est thanks. I am also grateful to Mr. J. Pinas for his assistance. For permis sion to collect the data for this study 1 wish to thank the District Commissioners, the Heads of the Offices for Population Administration and the Head of the Central Office for Population Administration. When subjecting some of the data to statistical analysis I enlisted the aid of Dr. -
Ejisdc (2013) 58, 2, 1-22 1
EJISDC (2013) 58, 2, 1-22 1 PARTICIPATORY MAPPING WITH INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES FOR CONSERVATION: CHALLENGES AND LESSONS FROM SURINAME Sara O. I. Ramirez-Gomez Greg Brown Conservation International Suriname University of Queensland Suriname Australia [email protected] [email protected] www.landscapevalues.org Annette Tjon Sie Fat Independent Consultant Suriname [email protected] ABSTRACT The indigenous peoples of Southern Suriname depend on landscape services provided by intact, functioning ecosystems, but their use and reliance on natural landscapes is not well understood. In 2011, Conservation International Suriname (CIS) engaged in a participatory GIS (PGIS) mapping project to identify ecosystem services with the Trio and Wayana indigenous peoples living in five villages in Southern Suriname. The PGIS project involved a highly remote and inaccessible region, multiple indigenous peoples, villages with different perceptions and experiences with outsiders, and a multitude of regional development pressures. We describe the PGIS project from inception to mapping to communication of the results to the participants with a particular focus on the challenges and lessons learned from PGIS project implementation. Key challenges included decoupling the PGIS process from explicit CIS conservation objectives, engaging reluctant villages in the project, and managing participant expectations about project outcomes. Lessons learned from the challenges included the need to first build trust through effective communication, selecting initial project locations with the greatest likelihood of success, and to manage expectations by disclosing project limitations with the indigenous communities and external parties. Keywords: Participatory GIS, PGIS, Conservation, Indigenous, Trio, Wayana 1. INTRODUCTION Indigenous peoples have long depended on natural environments with the understanding that biological diversity is essential to the ecological services on which they depend. -
Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope
CHAPTER 4 Movement through Time in the Southern Guianas: Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope Eithne B. Carlin and Jimmy Mans The life of a person is the sum of his tracks. The total inscription of his movements, something that can be traced out along the ground. And the life course of a people, the totality of their ways, conventions, and con- ventionally encountered situations, is the sum of its ‘tracks’, the trails over its country along which experience is measured out. (Wagner 1986: 21) 1 Introduction The immense linguistic diversity in Suriname had already existed for thousands of years before the European outthrust to the Americas. Different Amerindian groups had been present and moving around vast areas of Suriname and in and out of the neighbouring countries at a time when the borders of these present- day states did not exist as we know them today.1 After, or despite, colonisation by successive groups of Europeans, the fluidity of the frontiers remained for the Amerindians and led at any given moment in time to shifting constella- tions of population make-up within each of the three modern nation-states Guyana, Suriname, and French Guiana, and the contiguous areas of Venezuela and Brazil. In his influential ‘Individual and Society’ from 1984, Peter Rivière describes how Amerindian settlements in the Guianas seem to disintegrate and re-assemble in another location in like fashion, a process to which he cau- tiously ascribes the metaphor of a kaleidoscope. The key concept behind this Amerindian kaleidoscope appears to be the mechanism of residential mobil- ity. Mobility here is defined as the sum of all movements (see Wagner 1986: 21; Ingold 2009: 36–37) and movement is regarded as any shifting from one location to another, as an interaction with the landscape, whether this be inci- dental, repetitive, or stable. -
Participatory Mapping in Lands of Indigenous Peoples and Maroons in Suriname
SUPPORT FOR THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTERIOR -COLLECTIVE RIGHTS PARTICIPATORY MAPPING IN LANDS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND MAROONS IN SURINAME FINAL SUMMARY REPORT December 2010 THE AMAZON CONSERVATION TEAM Doekhieweg Oost 24, PARAMARIBO , SURINAME , PH: (597) 568606 FAX: (597) 6850169. EMAIL: [email protected] . WEB: WWW.ACT-SURINAME.ORG TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………………………… 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4 1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………………………. 6 2. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………… 9 3. COMMUNITY MAPPING PROCESS IN THE INTERIOR OF SURINAME.………………….. 14 3.1 THE INTERIOR AND ITS TRIBAL COMMUNITIES…………………………………………. 14 3.2 TRIBAL MAPPING PROCESSES…………………………………………………………….. 18 3.3 CHALLENGES IN THE COMMUNITY MAPPING PROCESS.…………………………….. 30 3.4 VERIFICATION OF FIELD DATA…………………………………………………………….. 32 3.5 GIS PROCESSING OF FIELD DATA INTO ONE MAP……………………………………… 33 REFERENCES…………….……………………………………………………………………………………… 35 ANNEX 1: ACT TRAINING MANUAL FOR GPS USE AND DATA TRANSFER….………….. 36 ANNEX 2: EXAMPLE OF COMMUNITY WORKSHOP RESULT…………………… …………. 37 ANNEX 3: ACT VERIFICATION MANUAL FOR COMMUNITY MAPPING………………….. 38 ANNEX 4: MAPPING EXPEDITIONS………………………………………………… …………. 39 ANNEX 5: VERIFICATION ROUNDS IN COMMUNITIES………………………………………. 40 ANNEX 6: COMMUNITY MAPPING PARTICIPANTS……………………………… …………. 41 ANNEX 7: TEAM OF CONSULTANTS…………………………………………………………… 47 ANNEX 8: TERMS OF REFERENCE FOR THE ASSIGNMENT…………………………………. 48 ANNEX 9: MEMORANDUM ACT‐GLIS……………………………………………………… -
Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region
OAS/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 176 29 September 2019 Original: Spanish INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Situation of Human Rights of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region 2019 iachr.org OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Situation of human rights of the indigenous and tribal peoples of the Pan-Amazon region : Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019. p. ; cm. (OAS. Official records ; OEA/Ser.L/V/II) ISBN 978-0-8270-6931-2 1. Indigenous peoples--Civil rights--Amazon River Region. 2. Indigenous peoples-- Legal status, laws, etc.--Amazon River Region. 3. Human rights--Amazon River Region. I. Title. II. Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc.176/19 INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Members Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño Joel Hernández García Antonia Urrejola Margarette May Macaulay Francisco José Eguiguren Praeli Luis Ernesto Vargas Silva Flávia Piovesan Executive Secretary Paulo Abrão Assistant Executive Secretary for Monitoring, Promotion and Technical Cooperation María Claudia Pulido Assistant Executive Secretary for the Case, Petition and Precautionary Measure System Marisol Blanchard a.i. Chief of Staff of the Executive Secretariat of the IACHR Fernanda Dos Anjos In collaboration with: Soledad García Muñoz, Special Rapporteurship on Economic, Social, Cultural, and Environmental Rights (ESCER) Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019 INDEX EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 INTRODUCTION 19 CHAPTER 1 | INTER-AMERICAN STANDARDS ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL PEOPLES APPLICABLE TO THE PAN-AMAZON REGION 27 A. Inter-American Standards Applicable to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in the Pan-Amazon Region 29 1. -
DOCUMENTARY INFORMATION ABOUT the SURINAM WAMA OR AKURIO INDIANS (With 4 Photographs)
D. C. GEIJSKES DOCUMENTARY INFORMATION ABOUT THE SURINAM WAMA OR AKURIO INDIANS (with 4 photographs) INTRODUCTION In 1968 renewed contact was made with a group of primitive nomadic Indians living in the south-eastern corner of Surinam. Their existence was discovered thirty years ago during the Southern Border Expedition of 1937 (VAN LYNDEN, 1939). One year later a special expedition was organized under the leadership of Father W. AHLBRINCK (1956), a linguist and a well-known expert on Carib Indians in Surinam. AHLBRINCK spent more than six months in the field for the purpose of studying these stone age Indians, but contact was made for one day only. For a long time this or a related tribe was known as Wayarekoelé Indians by the other upland Indians and by the Bush Negroes living along the Tapanahoni River, who dreaded them because of their aggressive attitude. As AHLBRINCK has pointed out, the Wayare- koelé tribe became extinct, probably during the fights they had with French gold raiders. The last member, a woman named MALAWNI, died in 1938 on the way back from the Lawa to her native soil. New contacts with these mysterious Indians were made in 1968 by Wayana Indians when paddling down the Waremapan Creek, a tributary of the Litani River in its upper course. After this was reported, ANDRE COGNAT, a French journalist and schoolmaster, and later on IVAN L. SCHOEN and other American members of the West Indies Mission working with the Wayanas and Trios in Surinam, came to that spot to contact the unknown Indians. They succeeded during two different trips. -
Saramaka Maroons on the Brazilian Frontier Richard Price College Of
Saramaka Maroons on the Brazilian Frontier Richard Price College of William and Mary, Virginia, USA, and Anse Chaudière, Martinique Maroons in the Americas have always been champions at seizing the moment, whether in battles against their colonial enemies or in carving out imaginative economic niches in more recent times. This essay focuses on Maroon men from central Suriname who, in the second half of the nineteenth century, migrated to French Guiana where they monopolized the river transport system that supplied thousands of non-Maroon goldminers in that colony and, in the process, created a new of way of life for themselves and their descendants. The Oyapok region of French Guiana, which borders the Brazilian state of Amapá, might best be considered the distant frontier of a distant frontier B many thousands of kilometers from the metropolitan political center of Paris, many hundreds through the forest from the colonial capital of Cayenne, and, from the perspective of the Saramaka Maroons of central Suriname, at the farthest edge of the known geographical universe. In 1900, the mayor of the Commune de l=Oyapok gave the total population as 304. (He did not include members of the Aindigenous tribes of autochthonous or African origin living in the region@ which, according to a 1901 document, lived there Aunder the administrative protection of the customs service.@) Despite plans on the drawing board in 2002 for a bridge between St.- Georges-de-l'Oyapok and the Brazilian town of Oiapoque and for a road between St.- Georges-de-l'Oyapok and Cayenne (which would in theory permit direct road travel between, say, Macapá and Cayenne) the region has long remained a backwater B in 1971, for example, the largest town in the region, St-Georges-de-l'Oyapok, boasted only two cars.1 By 1900, when Saramaka Maroon migrants from Suriname (the main Atribe . -
The Coppename Kwinti: Notes on an Afro-American Tribe in Surinam
DIRK H. VAN DER ELST THE COPPENAME KWINTI: NOTES ON AN AFRO-AMERICAN TRIBE IN SURINAM I History and Development Kwinti origins and settlement—Population size—Language, isolation and obscurity. II Organization and Ideology Foreign affairs — Internal affairs — Clan and lineage — Marital relations — Christianity — Native polytheism III Culture Change and Viability Population and culture — Village economy — Ecology and acculturation — Adaptations — Factors in future viability References The ethnographic data for this report were collected during a ten-weeks' pilot study which my wife Kathleen and I conducted among the Bitagron Kwinti in the summer of 1973. This research was supported by National Science Founda- tion grant No. GS-38142, and by a Faculty Research grant from CSUF. — Address of author: California State University, Fresno. Ir. F.C. Bubberman, The Director of 's Lands Bosbeheer (Surinam's Forestry Service), has been of inestimable importance to my understanding of Kwinti culture. Not only did he physically introduce us to the people of Bitagron, but he freely and enthusiastically shared the fruits of his personal research into the history of Bush Negro migration and settlements. I am indebted to Ir. Bubberman and Drs. P.A. Teunissen, the goverment biologist at Raleigh Falls at the time of our research, for their information about Bush Negro ecology. I. HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT The Kwinti constitute the smallest and least known of the recog- nized Bush Negro societies, although their territory is theoreti- cally subject to the authority of the Matuari paramount chief. The Coppename River branch of the Kwinti achieved the furthest western penetration by an independent Bush Negro tribe. -
Bilby Small Axe.Pdf
Book Discussion: Richard Price, Travels with Tooy: History, Memory, and the African American Imagination; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008; 452 pages; ISBN 978-0-2266-8058-3 (paper). African American Memory at the Crossroads: Grounding the Miraculous with Tooy Kenneth Bilby Travels with Tooy may be both the most readable and the most complex and demanding of Richard Price’s works on the Saramaka people of Suriname.1 Gone are the relatively transpar- ent and somewhat mechanical textual devices—the dialogical juxtapositions of clearly demar- cated alternating passages in differing fonts—that presented readers with a certain narrative consistency and progression (even while carrying challenges of their own) in First-Time and Alabi’s World.2 In their place is a kind of multitextured narrative patchwork, a loosely stitched crazy quilt of time-coded stories and “teachings” that jump across eras and locations, both imagined and literal. The stories and lessons, presented less as chapters than as excursions within and across interlinked timescapes, lead through an ever-thickening evocation of the African American temporal-spiritual worlds inhabited by Price’s partner in this enterprise, a very knowledgeable Saramaka Maroon óbiaman (healer and spiritual practitioner) known as Tooy. Only toward the very end of the book does Price attend to the matter of what his and Tooy’s extended dialogue might tell us about some of the much-debated larger questions that continue to preoccupy students of African American societies and cultures. It is on these 1 Richard Price, Travels with Tooy: History, Memory, and the African American Imagination (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); hereafter cited in text.