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Organized Crime and Terrorist Activity in Mexico, 1999-2002
ORGANIZED CRIME AND TERRORIST ACTIVITY IN MEXICO, 1999-2002 A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the United States Government February 2003 Researcher: Ramón J. Miró Project Manager: Glenn E. Curtis Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540−4840 Tel: 202−707−3900 Fax: 202−707−3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://loc.gov/rr/frd/ Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Mexico PREFACE This study is based on open source research into the scope of organized crime and terrorist activity in the Republic of Mexico during the period 1999 to 2002, and the extent of cooperation and possible overlap between criminal and terrorist activity in that country. The analyst examined those organized crime syndicates that direct their criminal activities at the United States, namely Mexican narcotics trafficking and human smuggling networks, as well as a range of smaller organizations that specialize in trans-border crime. The presence in Mexico of transnational criminal organizations, such as Russian and Asian organized crime, was also examined. In order to assess the extent of terrorist activity in Mexico, several of the country’s domestic guerrilla groups, as well as foreign terrorist organizations believed to have a presence in Mexico, are described. The report extensively cites from Spanish-language print media sources that contain coverage of criminal and terrorist organizations and their activities in Mexico. -
War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public. -
Exploring the Relationship Between Militarization in the United States
Exploring the Relationship Between Militarization in the United States and Crime Syndicates in Mexico: A Look at the Legislative Impact on the Pace of Cartel Militarization by Tracy Lynn Maish A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science (Criminology and Criminal Justice) in the University of Michigan-Dearborn 2021 Master Thesis Committee: Assistant Professor Maya P. Barak, Chair Associate Professor Kevin E. Early Associate Professor Donald E. Shelton Tracy Maish [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-8834-4323 © Tracy L. Maish 2021 Acknowledgments The author would like to acknowledge the assistance of their committee and the impact that their guidance had on the process. Without the valuable feedback and enormous patience, this project would not the where it is today. Thank you to Dr. Maya Barak, Dr. Kevin Early, and Dr. Donald Shelton. Your academic mentorship will not be forgotten. ii Table of Contents 1. Acknowledgments ii 2. List of Tables iv 3. List of Figures v 4. Abstract vi 5. Chapter 1 Introduction 1 6. Chapter 2 The Militarization of Law Enforcement Within the United States 8 7. Chapter 3 Cartel Militarization 54 8. Chapter 4 The Look into a Mindset 73 9. Chapter 5 Research Findings 93 10. Chapter 6 Conclusion 108 11. References 112 iii List of Tables Table 1 .......................................................................................................................................... 80 Table 2 ......................................................................................................................................... -
Than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’S Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation
More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’s Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara February 2018 More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional strengthening of Mexico’s armed forces in the context of US-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara “With Mexico, very, very strong, quiet military-to-military relations” … … “This is a relationship that has been many decades in the making. Just go back - just for an example - go back to World War II. It doesn't start with us. It will not end with us.” -U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis1 Strategic Reasoning for Closer U.S. –Mexico Military Ties Despite the deep cultural and economic diversity of North America’s 486+ million inhabitants, the interconnectedness of the three countries means that they all face, to various degrees, the same threats, which range from serious to existential. Existential threats have long been narrowed to a nuclear war with Russia, to a much lesser degree China, and the now aspiring North Korea. The lack of an existential threat from the south has meant that Mexico was not a priority for the U.S. defense community. Mexico’s non-interventionist interior-looking foreign policy, the lack of an external threat, and an extremely complex politico-military relationship also meant that the defense relationship with the United States was cordial, but distant over several decades. Since the 1980’s, the Mexican Navy and Air Force did source their token conventional fighting capacity from the United States: a squadron of tactical jet fighters and a flotilla of second-hand destroyers and frigates; however, this was mainly out of convenience rather than a strategic decision to develop binational defense ties. -
Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 9 Number 1 Volume 9, No. 1, Special Issue Spring 2016: Designing Danger: Complex Article 7 Engineering by Violent Non-State Actors Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development James Halverson START Center, University of Maryland, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss pp. 70-83 Recommended Citation Halverson, James. "Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development." Journal of Strategic Security 9, no. 1 (2016) : 70-83. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.1.1505 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol9/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Los Zetas and Proprietary Radio Network Development Abstract The years from 2006 through 2011 were very active years for a number of Mexican drug trafficking organizations. However, the group that probably saw the most meteoric rise in this period, Los Zetas, had a unique and innovative tool at their disposal. It was during these years that the group constructed and utilized a proprietary encrypted radio network that grew to span from Texas to Guatemala through the Gulf States of Mexico and across much of the rest of the country. This network gave the group an operational edge. It also stood as a symbol of the latitude the group enjoyed across vast areas, as this extensive illicit infrastructure stood, in the face of the government and rival cartels, for six years. -
Mexico's Drug-Related Violence
Mexico’s Drug-Related Violence June S. Beittel Analyst in Latin American Affairs May 15, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40582 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Mexico’s Drug-Related Violence Summary Drug-related violence in Mexico has spiked in recent years as drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) have competed for control of smuggling routes into the United States. Drug trafficking issues are prominent in Mexico because the country has for at least four decades been among the most important producers and suppliers of heroin, marijuana and (later) methamphetamine to the U.S. market. Today it is the leading source of all three drugs and is now the leading transit country for cocaine coming from South America to the United States. Although previous Mexican governments had accommodated some drug trafficking in the country, when President Felipe Calderón came into office in December 2006 he made battling the Mexican drug trafficking organizations a top priority. He has raised spending on security and sent thousands of troops and federal police to combat the DTOs in states along the U.S.-Mexico border and throughout the country. In response to the government’s crackdown, the DTOs have responded with escalating violence. In recent years, drug trafficking violence in Mexico has claimed thousands of lives and reached a level of intensity and ferocity that has exceeded previous periods of drug-related violence. The government’s intensified campaign against the DTOs resulted in changes in the structure of these criminal organizations. The seven major DTOs in Mexico have reconfigured. -
Mexico's Government Begins To
JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY MEXICO’S GOVERNMENT BEGINS TO RETAKE NORTHEASTERN MEXICO BY GARY J. HALE NONRESIDENT FELLOW IN DRUG POLICY JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY DECEMBER 9, 2011 Mexico’s Government Begins to Retake Northeastern Mexico THESE PAPERS WERE WRITTEN BY A RESEARCHER (OR RESEARCHERS) WHO PARTICIPATED IN A BAKER INSTITUTE RESEARCH PROJECT. WHEREVER FEASIBLE, THESE PAPERS ARE REVIEWED BY OUTSIDE EXPERTS BEFORE THEY ARE RELEASED. HOWEVER, THE RESEARCH AND VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THESE PAPERS ARE THOSE OF THE INDIVIDUAL RESEARCHER(S), AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT THE VIEWS OF THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY. © 2011 BY THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY THIS MATERIAL MAY BE QUOTED OR REPRODUCED WITHOUT PRIOR PERMISSION, PROVIDED APPROPRIATE CREDIT IS GIVEN TO THE AUTHOR AND THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY. 2 Mexico’s Government Begins to Retake Northeastern Mexico I. All Enemies Are Equal It is increasingly apparent that the government of Mexico is not playing favorites anywhere in the country, and is attacking any drug cartel it encounters or that government forces have sufficient intelligence to combat. While this has had a significant and disruptive effect on the drug trafficking environment, government pressure on cartels has also affected drug trafficking organizations (DTO),1 causing the latter to savagely kill each other as they desperately attempt to maintain control of geographic turf. Government attacks on the infrastructure of the Gulf cartel and the Zetas (a DTO once part of the Gulf cartel) in recent years are concrete examples of Mexico’s efforts to retake Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, and Veracruz from the hands of the traffickers, regardless of which cartel is wreaking havoc in those northeastern states. -
Mexico: the Presence and Structure of Los Zetas and Their Activities Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa
Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help 5 March 2010 MEX103396.FE Mexico: The presence and structure of Los Zetas and their activities Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa According to an article published by Cable News Network (CNN), Los Zetas have existed since the 1990s (6 Aug. 2009). More specifically, the group was founded by commandos (CNN 6 Aug. 2009; NPR 2 Oct. 2009) or members of the special forces who deserted from the Mexican army (Agencia EFE 30 Jan. 2010; ISN 11 Mar. 2009). According to the United States (US) Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Los Zetas have adopted a business-style structure, which includes holding regular meetings (CNN 6 Aug. 2009). According to a DEA official’s statements that were published in an article by the International Relations and Security Network (ISN), “their willingness to engage in firefights” separates Los Zetas from all other criminal groups in Mexico (ISN 11 Mar. 2009). According to an article published by CNN in August 2009, the US government has stated that Los Zetas is “the most technologically advanced, sophisticated and dangerous cartel operating in Mexico” (6 Aug. 2009). National Public Radio (NPR) of the US indicates that the DEA considers Los Zetas to be “the most dangerous drug-trafficking organization in Mexico” and that its members are “the most feared” criminals in the country (NPR 2 Oct. 2009). An article published in a daily newspaper of Quito (Ecuador), El Comercio, describes Los Zetas as [translation] “the most violent” organization because it executes and kidnaps its enemies (1 Feb. -
Crime, Violence and Economic Development in Brazil: Elements for Effective Public Policy
Report No. 36525 Crime, Violence and Economic Development in Brazil: Elements for Effective Public Policy June 2006 Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Sector Unit Latin America and the Caribbean Region Document of the World Bank ▬▬▬▬▬ CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS US$1.00 = R$2.32 FISCAL YEAR January 1 – December 31 MAIN ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS APAC Associação de Proteção e Assistência Carcerária/aos Condenados BNPP Barisan National Pember-Basan Pattani CEAPA Central de Apoio e Acompanhamento de Penas e Medidas Alternativas CESEC Centro de Estudos de Segurança e Cidadania CEJIL Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional CISALVA Instituto de Investigaciones y Desarrollo en Prevención de Violencia y Promoción de la Convivencia Social CPC Código de Processo Civil CPTED Crime Prevention through Environmental Design CRISP-UFMG Centro de Estudos de Criminalidade e Segurança Publica, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais FEBEM Fundação Estadual do Bem-Estar do Menor FPA Fundação Perseu Abramo FGV Fundação Getúlio Vargas GIS Geographical Information Systems IBGE Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatísticas ILANUD Instituto Latino Americano das Nações Unidas para a Prevenção do Delito eo Tratamento do Delinqüente IMF International Monetary Fund ISER Instituto de Estudos da Religião NESEG Núcleo de Estudos de Sexualidade e Gênero NGO Non Governmental Organization PC Polícia Civil PM Polícia Militar PMMG Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais PPA Plano Plurianual PROERD Programa Educacional de Resistência ás Drogas SENASP Secretaria Nacional -
Policing and Oversight Experience in Brazil
CACOLE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONFERENCE PANEL: INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON OVERSIGHT – A VIEW FROM LATIN AMERICA AND ASIA POLICING AND OVERSIGHT EXPERIENCE FROM BRAZIL MARINA MENEZES SENIOR ANALYST ICPC’s Mandate . Unique International Organisation dedicated to the prevention and reduction of violence and crime in communities . International network - Americas, Europe, Africa, and Oceania . Monitors international trends . Provides technical assistance . Advises on policies, strategies and programs . + 50 members Brazil – an overview Total Population: 190,732,694 (estimated) Area: 8,515,767 km2 26 States + the capital (Federal District) GDP: 2.879 trillion World’s 6th largest economy HDI: 0.699 (84th) 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 60000 Source: Brazilian MinistrySource: Health of Homicides in Brazil: total and rates per 100.000 inhabitants 100.000 per rates Homicides total in Brazil:and 0 1980 13,911 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 21.8 1990 32,015 (1980 to 2010) to (1980 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Violence in Brazil 2000 27.6 2001 48,032 2002 49,816 28.2 2003 51,534 2004 48,909 26.1 2005 48,136 2006 49,704 25.2 2007 48,219 2008 50,113 2009 49,875 26.4 2010 50,431 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 Police forces in Brazil • National level • Federal police • States level • Military police • Civil police • Municipal level • Municipal guards Police forces in Brazil Federal police • Jurisdiction throughout the national territory • Subordinated to the Ministry of Justice • Responsible for investigations of crimes against -
The Choice for Intermediate Forces in Mexico. the Process of Creation Of
Anuario Latinoamericano Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales vol. 10, 2020 pp. 169–186 The Choice for Intermediate Forces in Mexico. DOI:10.17951/al.2020.10.169-186 The Process of Creation of the Mexican Gendarmerie La elección de las fuerzas intermedias en México: el proceso de la creación de la Gendarmería Mexicana Marcos Pablo Moloeznik* DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF GUADALAJARA, MEXICO [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4078-9451 The Gendarmerie Division’s function is to generate conditions of pub- lic safety, through operational deployment in situations where the presence of organized crime or a high crime rate threatens the life, liberty, integrity or heritage of citizens. (Federal Police, 2019) ABSTRACT The process of militarization of public security in Mexico is presented under two modalities: the direct participation of the armed forces in the dimension of internal security and the commitment to the so-called intermediate forces or militarized police. Throughout this contribution, a review of the process of creating the Gendarmerie Division in the federal police is carried out, which responds to this second aspect. KEYWORDS: intermediate forces, Gendarmerie, National Guard, Mexico. RESUMEN El proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en México se presenta bajo dos modalidades: la participación directa de las fuerzas armadas en la dimensión de la seguridad interior y la apuesta por las denominadas fuerzas intermedias o policías * Senior Professor-Researcher at the Department of Political Studies, CUCSH - University of Guadalajara (Mexico). National Researcher Level II, National Researchers System, CONACyT (Mexico). Visiting Professor at the International Institute of Humanitarian Law (Sanremo, Italy) for the last 7 years. -
Breaking the Mexican Cartels: a Key Homeland Security Challenge for the Next Four Years
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Breaking the Mexican Cartels: A Key Homeland Security Challenge for the Next Four Years Carrie F. Cordero Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 13-028 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1202 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2253889 81 UMKC L. Rev. 289-312 (2012) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, and the National Security Law Commons BREAKING THE MEXICAN CARTELS: A KEY HOMELAND SECURITY CHALLENGE FOR THE NEXT FOUR YEARS Carrie F. Cordero* Abstract Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. And this figure does not even include the nearly 40,000 Americans who die each year from using illegal drugs, much of which is trafficked through the U.S.-Mexican border. The death toll is only part of the story. The rest includes the terrorist tactics used by cartels to intimidate the Mexican people and government, an emerging point of view that the cartels resemble an insurgency, the threat—both feared and realized—of danger to Americans, and the understated policy approach currently employed by the U.S.