Stamp Collecting in the Soviet Union It Could Get You a Train Trip To
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Voennaia Mysl' Digital Archive
Voennaia mysl’ Digital Archive The most authoritative military-theoretical journal in the USSR and post-Soviet Russia The year 2018 marked the 100th-year anniversary of Voennaia mysl’ (Military Thought), generally regarded as the most authoritative military-theoretical journal in the USSR and subsequently post-Soviet Russia. Established in 1918, a year after the October Revolution, as Voennoe delo, it underwent several name changes before the editors of the journal settled with its present name Voennaia mysl’ in 1937. Published under the auspices of Ministry of Defense, and directly subordinate to the General Staff, Voennaia mysl’ throughout its history has attracted military strategists and theoreticians from the top echelons of the Soviet and Russian military and its various branches, having become the topmost vehicle for the articulation of various Soviet and Russian military doctrines. Some of the most famous Soviet and Russian military strategists and generals whose works have appeared in the journal are Alexander Svechin, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Ivan Bagramyan, Konstantin Rokossovsky, and others. Being a publication of highest importance, however, carried with it certain risks, especially in the early years of its existence. During the height of Stalin’s purges of the military in mid to late 1930s some of the military strategists whose works had appeared in the journal as well as several of its editors would be arrested and executed, having been accused of working for Nazi Germany and part of a purported “military-fascist plot.” With the beginning of the Cold War access to Voennaia mysl’ became severely restricted with the covers carrying the classification stamp “For Generals, Admirals, and Officers Only.” The journal would remain classified until 1989. -
State Composers and the Red Courtiers: Music, Ideology, and Politics in the Soviet 1930S
JYVÄSKYLÄ STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 78 Simo Mikkonen State Composers and the Red Courtiers Music, Ideology, and Politics in the Soviet 1930s JYVÄSKYLÄN YLIOPISTO JYVÄSKYLÄ STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 78 Simo Mikkonen State Composers and the Red Courtiers Music, Ideology, and Politics in the Soviet 1930s Esitetään Jyväskylän yliopiston humanistisen tiedekunnan suostumuksella julkisesti tarkastettavaksi yliopiston Villa Ranan Blomstedtin salissa marraskuun 24. päivänä 2007 kello 12. Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by permission of the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Jyväskylä, in the Building Villa Rana, Blomstedt Hall, on November 24, 2007 at 12 o'clock noon. UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ JYVÄSKYLÄ 2007 State Composers and the Red Courtiers Music, Ideology, and Politics in the Soviet 1930s JYVÄSKYLÄ STUDIES IN HUMANITIES 78 Simo Mikkonen State Composers and the Red Courtiers Music, Ideology, and Politics in the Soviet 1930s UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ JYVÄSKYLÄ 2007 Editors Seppo Zetterberg Department of History and Ethnology, University of Jyväskylä Irene Ylönen, Marja-Leena Tynkkynen Publishing Unit, University Library of Jyväskylä Jyväskylä Studies in Humanities Editorial Board Editor in Chief Heikki Hanka, Department of Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyväskylä Petri Karonen, Department of History and Ethnology, University of Jyväskylä Matti Rahkonen, Department of Languages, University of Jyväskylä Petri Toiviainen, Department of Music, University of Jyväskylä Minna-Riitta Luukka, Centre for Applied Language Studies, University of Jyväskylä Raimo Salokangas, Department of Communication, University of Jyväskylä URN:ISBN:9789513930158 ISBN 978-951-39-3015-8 (PDF) ISBN 978-951-39-2990-9 (nid.) ISSN 1459-4331 Copyright ©2007 , by University of Jyväskylä Jyväskylä University Printing House, Jyväskylä 2007 ABSTRACT Mikkonen, Simo State composers and the red courtiers. -
Soviet Censorship Policy from a Musician's Perspective
The View from an Open Window: Soviet Censorship Policy from a Musician’s Perspective By Danica Wong David Brodbeck, Ph.D. Departments of Music and European Studies Jayne Lewis, Ph.D. Department of English A Thesis Submitted in Partial Completion of the Certification Requirements for the Honors Program of the School of Humanities University of California, Irvine 24 May 2019 i Table of Contents Acknowledgments ii Abstract iii Introduction 1 The Music of Dmitri Shostakovich 9 Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk District 10 The Fifth Symphony 17 The Music of Sergei Prokofiev 23 Alexander Nevsky 24 Zdravitsa 30 Shostakovich, Prokofiev, and The Crisis of 1948 35 Vano Muradeli and The Great Fellowship 35 The Zhdanov Affair 38 Conclusion 41 Bibliography 44 ii Acknowledgements While this world has been marked across time by the silenced and the silencers, there have always been and continue to be the supporters who work to help others achieve their dreams and communicate what they believe to be vital in their own lives. I am fortunate enough have a background and live in a place where my voice can be heard without much opposition, but this thesis could not have been completed without the immeasurable support I received from a variety of individuals and groups. First, I must extend my utmost gratitude to my primary advisor, Dr. David Brodbeck. I did not think that I would be able to find a humanities faculty member so in tune with both history and music, but to my great surprise and delight, I found the perfect advisor for my project. -
Where-The-East-Meets-The-West-1.Pdf
ICIT Contributor Series Where the East Meets the West: How Western Internet and Modern Communications Technology Helped Soviet-style Propaganda in Donbass October 2018 By: Ms Jamila Mammadova, Research Assistant at the Henry Jackson Society A publication is supported by the Institute’s CCIOS initiative: 1 The ICIT Contributor Series publishes original content from national security and cybersecurity contributors around the world in support of ICIT’s mission. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent that of the Institute or its Fellows, members, donors or other contributors. The author(s) have confirmed to ICIT the originality of this body of work and have provided all citations where appropriate. Copyright © 2018 Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology 2 Where the East Meets the West: How Western Internet and Modern Communications Technology Helped Soviet-style Propaganda in Donbass “We must spread our priciples, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, and the most irresistible form of propaganda”1 - Mikhail Bakunin (1870) Perhaps nowhere has information warfare been as pronounced and aggressive in the last couple of years as in Ukraine. Since 2014, the Ukrainian government in Kyiv has been battling against separatists in Donbass on both the military and informational fronts. There should be no surprise therefore, that the country has turned into a “cyber safe haven”, with the ongoing political, economic and military crises providing little hope that Ukraine will climb down in the world's top cyber crime list in the foreseeable future.2 The separatists have not only managed to disrupt the central government's infrastructure and its presence in the digital space. -
The Socialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia
Ajalooline Ajakiri, 2015, 3 (153), 287–326 The Socialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia Ainur Elmgren ABSTRACT Nationalist and regionalist geopolitical concepts were appropriated in the ser- vice of Communist world revolution by Finnish activists in Sweden, Finland, and Soviet Karelia. The influence of Social Democratic statesman and scholar of geopolitics, Väinö Voionmaa, can be traced in the negotiations that led to the foundation of an autonomous Karelian Labour Commune in 1921. Exiled Finnish revolutionaries persuaded the Bolsheviks that Karelia could become a stepping-stone towards revolution in Finland and Scandinavia. A greater So- cialist Soviet Republic of Scandinavia, united by cultural, geographical and eco- nomical factors, would monopolize the timber market and exercise economic power over Western Europe. The idea of a Scandinavian revolution was aban- doned along with the idea of world revolution in the mid-1920s. The last men- tions of a Soviet Scandinavia can be found in anti-Soviet propaganda long after the demise of its promoters in the Great Terror. Keywords: geopolitics, revolution, regionalism, nationalism, Scandinavia, So- viet Union, Karelian Labour Commune The pursuit of a “Greater Finland” is a well-known chapter in the history of Finnish nationalism. The Greater Finland project uniting the “tribal brothers” of Finland and Karelia, sometimes also the national irredenta of the border regions in Northern Sweden and Norway, the Kola Penin- sula and the Finno-Ugric minorities of Russia, was practically monopo- lized by right-wing intellectual movements after Finland’s independence in 1917 and the subsequent civil war.1 However, it had inspired politicians and scholars identifying as Socialist before, and it would continue to do so. -
On Stalin's Team
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION When Stalin wanted to temporize in dealing with foreigners, he sometimes indicated that the problem would be getting it past his Polit- buro. This was taken as a fiction, since the diplomats assumed, correctly, that the final decision was his. But that doesn’t mean that there wasn’t a Polit buro that he consulted or a team of colleagues he worked with. That team—about a dozen persons at any given time, all men—came into ex- istence in the 1920s, fought the Opposition teams headed by Lev Trotsky and Grigory Zinoviev after Lenin’s death, and stayed together, remark- ably, for three decades, showing a phoenixlike capacity to survive team- threatening situations like the Great Purges, the paranoia of Stalin’s last years, and the perils of the post- Stalin transition. Thirty years is a long time to stay together in politics, even in a less lethal political climate than that of the Soviet Union under Stalin. The team finally disbanded in 1957, when one member (Nikita Khrushchev) made himself the new top boss and got rid of the rest of them. I’ve used the term “team” (in Russian, komanda) for the leadership group around Stalin. At least one other scholar has also used this term, but alternatives are available. You could call it a “gang” (shaika) if you wanted to claim that its activities—ruling the country—had an illegiti- mate quality that made them essentially criminal rather than govern- mental. -
Iuliia Kysla
Rethinking the Postwar Era: Soviet Ukrainian Writers Under Late Stalinism, 1945-1949 by Iuliia Kysla A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Iuliia Kysla, 2018 Abstract This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its prewar precursor. I analyze the reintegration of Ukrainian writers into the postwar Soviet polity and their adaptation to the new realities following the dramatic upheavals of war. Focusing on two parallel case studies, Lviv and Kyiv, this study explores how the Soviet regime worked with members of the intelligentsia in these two cities after 1945, at a time when both sides were engaged in “identification games.” This dissertation demonstrates that, despite the regime’s obsession with control, there was some room for independent action on the part of Ukrainian writers and other intellectuals. Authors exploited gaps in Soviet discourse to reclaim agency, which they used as a vehicle to promote their own cultural agendas. Unlike the 1930s, when all official writers had to internalize the tropes of Soviet culture, in the postwar years there was some flexibility in an author’s ability to accept or reject the Soviet system. Moreover, this dissertation suggests that Stalin’s postwar cultural policy—unlike the strategies of the 1930s, which relied predominantly on coercive tactics—was defined mainly by discipline by humiliation, which often involved bullying and threatening members of the creative intelligentsia. -
The Great Famine in Soviet Ukraine: Toward New Avenues Of
THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the North Dakota State University of Agriculture and Applied Science By Troy Philip Reisenauer In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major Department: History, Philosophy, and Religious Studies June 2014 Fargo, North Dakota North Dakota State University Graduate School Title THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR By Troy Philip Reisenauer The Supervisory Committee certifies that this disquisition complies with North Dakota State University’s regulations and meets the accepted standards for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: Dr. John K. Cox Chair Dr. Tracy Barrett Dr. Dragan Miljkovic Approved: July 10, 2014 Dr. John K. Cox Date Department Chair ABSTRACT Famine spread across the Union of Social Soviet Republics in 1932 and 1933, a deadly though unanticipated consequence of Joseph Stalin’s attempt in 1928 to build socialism in one country through massive industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture known as the first Five-Year Plan. This study uses published documents, collections, correspondence, memoirs, secondary sources and new insight to analyze the famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine and other Soviet republics. It presents the major scholarly works on the famine, research that often mirrors the diverse views and bitter public disagreement over the issue of intentionality and the ultimate culpability of Soviet leadership. The original contribution of this study is in the analysis of newly published primary documents of the 1920s and 1930s from the Russian Presidential Archives, especially vis-à-vis the role of Stalin and his chief lieutenants at the center of power and the various representatives at the republic-level periphery. -
What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II
A Thesis entitled “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Masters of Liberal Studies ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Michael Jakobson ______________________________ College of Graduate Studies University of Toledo May 2009 1 2 An Abstract of “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Master of Liberal Studies University of Toledo May 2009 A thesis presented on the American public opinion of Josef Stalin before and after World War II beginning with how Russia and Stalin was portrayed in the media before the war began, covering how opinions shifted with major events such as the famine, collectivization, the Great Terror, wartime conferences, the Cold War and McCarthyism. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ................................................................................................................ii Table of Contents................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements .............................................................................................v List of Figures……………………………………………………………….vii List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………… .viii Introduction......................................................................................................... -
Counterinsurgency in a Non-Democratic State: the Russian Example
Counterinsurgency in a Non-Democratic State: the Russian Example YURI M. ZHUKOV v. 31 August 2010 Chapter in Rich, P. and Duyvesteyn I. (eds.) (2011) The Routledge Companion to Insur- gency and Counter Insurgency, London: Routledge. The influence of regime type on the outbreak, conduct and resolution of low inten- sity conflict has been the subject of considerable debate. Democracies and non- democracies face different levels of conflict risk and confront different types of challenges from non-state opponents. They employ different instruments and strategies in fighting their enemies and may have different track records of victory and defeat. Democratic skeptics argue that these differences favor closed regimes, which face fewer constraints on the use of coercion and have a higher tolerance for sustaining the human and material costs of war.1 Democratic optimists maintain that democracies are less likely to provoke violent opposition in the first place and, by emphasizing legitimacy over intimidation, are better able to secure the peace.2 Both sides have drawn on evidence from a limited number of well-documented West European and American cases. The optimistic argument is derived largely from the best practices of the British in Malaya, and the less spectacular perform- ance of the French in Algeria and the U.S. in Vietnam.3 The skeptical argument cites the British and U.S. experiences in Kenya and the Philippines as examples in which harsher methods – like mass relocation and pseudo-gangs – helped achieve mission goals.4 The bulk of modern counterinsurgency expertise, however, resides in countries with less democratic political systems. -
1 Life Between Two Panels Soviet Nonconformism in the Cold War Era
Life Between Two Panels Soviet Nonconformism in the Cold War Era DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Clinton J. Buhler, M.A. Graduate Program in History of Art * * * * * The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Myroslava M. Mudrak, Advisor Dr. Kris Paulsen Dr. Jessie Labov Dr. Aron Vinegar 1 Copyright by Clinton J. Buhler 2013 2 Abstract Beneath the façade of total conformity in the Soviet Union, a dynamic underground community of artists and intellectuals worked in forced isolation. Rejecting the mandates of state-sanctioned Socialist Realist art, these dissident artists pursued diverse creative directions in their private practice. When they attempted to display their work publicly in 1974, the carefully crafted façade of Soviet society cracked, and the West became aware of a politically subversive undercurrent in Soviet cultural life. Responding to the international condemnation of the censorship, Soviet officials allowed and encouraged the emigration of the nonconformist artists to the West. This dissertation analyzes the foundation and growth of the nonconformist artistic movement in the Soviet Union, focusing on a key group of artists who reached artistic maturity in the Brezhnev era and began forging connections in the West. The first two chapters of the dissertation center on works that were, by and large, produced before emigration to the West. In particular, I explore the growing awareness of artists like Oleg Vassiliev of their native artistic heritage, especially the work of Russian avant-garde artists like Kazimir Malevich. I look at how Vassiliev, in a search for an alternative form of expression to the mandated form of art, took up the legacy of nineteenth-century Realism, avant-garde abstraction, and Socialist Realism. -
On 10 March 1952, the Soviet Leader Iosif Stalin Proposed—Or
RuggentThe 1952ha Stalerlin Note on German Unification The 1952 Stalin Note on German Uniªcation The Ongoing Debate ✣ Peter Ruggenthaler On 10 March 1952, the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin proposed—or seemed to propose—a peace treaty that made the reuniªcation of Germany contingent on establishing a neutral status for the country, an offer that sur- prised much of the world and seemed appealing on the surface. In Moscow, Soviet Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Gromyko handed identi- cally worded notes containing a draft version of a German peace treaty to dip- lomatic representatives of the Western powers (the United States, Great Brit- ain, and France). Politicians, diplomats, and, above all, historians have long debated whether Stalin was sincere about the goals he laid out in the so-called Stalin Note.1 In the ensuing “Battle of Notes” that dragged on well into the autumn of 1952, the U.S., British, and French governments declined to engage with Sta- lin’s offer and demanded instead binding guarantees that free elections be held everywhere in Germany. After years in which the Soviet Union had shown it- self averse to holding free elections in Germany, Western leaders considered Stalin’s “offer” a propaganda coup at best and a proposal fraught with dangers at worst. Washington in particular was unwilling to abandon the integration of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) with the West. The treaties that were to make West Germany part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) via the European Defense Community (EDC) were ready for sign- ing.2 Relationships between Western governments and the USSR had been 1.