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The Campaigns of Servilius Isauricus against the Pirates Author(s): H. A. Ormerod Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 12 (1922), pp. 35-56, 288 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/296170 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 19:31

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This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES

By H. A. ORMEROD.

One of the effectsof the defeatof kingAntiochus, followed by a treatyof peace whose termslimited his fleet to ten vesselsof war and preventedhim fromsending an armed vessel to the west of the Calycadnus,had been that the slightamount of control,which the kingsof Syriahad formerlyexercised on the coast of Tracheia, could no longer be maintained. As yet the Romans themselveshad no interestin the districtsoutside the Taurus. Of the southern coast ofAsia Minor, was handedover to theRhodians, aftersome delay to Eumenes,and althoughwestern Cilicia remaineda part of the Syrian kingdom,the terms of the treaty effectually prevented the nominal rulers from exercisingany sort of control. It is scarcelysurprising that the wild tribes which inhabited both sides of the Taurus once more betook themselvesto occupations which had been natural to them from the earliest times. The piracywhich, accordingto ,1 now began in these waters,was moreoverencouraged by the Rhodiansand the kingsof Egypt,in so far as it crippledthe Syrianpower, while Rome, if we may except a tour of inspection by Scipio Aemilianus without armed force, took no cognisanceof its existence. Rather the operationsof the pirates,as the purveyorsof slaves, were regarded, togetherwith the similar activities of the tax-farmers,as an integral part of the economic basis of life. The firstrecorded action of any importanceon the part of the Romangovernment was not takenuntil the years I03-IO2, whenthe praetorMarcus Antoniuswas sentagainst them. The literaryevidence regardingthe expeditionis small and gives no hint of its immediate cause. But the beginningmade at this time had an importantresult in the creation of a permanentcommand in Cilician waters, from which the later provinceof Cilicia grew. Two yearslater the expedi- tion of Antoniuswas followedby a law passed in tlhesixth consulship of Marius,2 having for its object permanentprecautions against the pirates,and invitingthe freestates and clientkings to join in excluding themfrom their ports. Thus in no uncertainterms the Roman people had declared that the tolerationhitherto extended to piracywould no longer be enjoyed; but the disturbanceswhich followedthe fall of the Marian governmentprevented the completionof the move-

I xiv, p 668. an article by E. Cuq (C.R.A.I. 1923, pp. 129 seqq). Cuq shows, I think conclusively,that the 2 See Foucart, Yournaldes Savants, I906, p. 369. accepted date forthe inscriptionmust be abandoned, The text of the law has now been published in btut his proposed identificationwith the Lex Klio, xvii, p. 17z. Since the above was in type my Gabinia of 67 B.c. requiresfurther evidence. (See attention has been drawn by Mr. M. N. Tod to also Suppl. Epigr. Graec. vol. i, p. 33, no. 161).

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 36 THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. mentagainst the pirates,who, recognising that Rome was now their declaredenemy, sought and founda new protectorin Mithradates. It is unnecessaryhere to enterinto the rapiddevelopment of the piratestates during the firstMithradatic war; myobject at present is to discussone episodeof thelong war with the pirates, which may be heldto havecontinued from the expedition of Antonius in 103 B.C. to theirfinal extermination by Pompeius. There can be no doubtthat Sulla was fullyalive to the necessity of a rapidsettlement with the Cilicians. He had himselfheld the Ciliciancommand in 92 B.c., and the campaignagainst Mithradates had taughthim the value of theirsupport to hisenemy. Securityin southernAsia Minordepended not onlyon the suppressionof at sea,but on thereduction of the kindred tribes on bothsides of the Taurus range,from whom the sea roversdrew reinforcements, and witlhwhom a refugecould be foundin the eventof troubleon thecoast. The problemto be facedwas twofold: the policing of the southerncoast of Minor, and a vigorouspenetration of the Taurusand reductionof the Highlanders. The area occupiedby the piratesat this time was as follows In CiliciaTracheia it is clearthat they held the wholeof the coast and theinterior on bothsides of theTaurus. The Pamphyliancoast, if not entirelyoccupied by them,was deeplyimplicated in their malpractices. had longprovided a market,second in importance onlyto Delos, forthe disposalof theircaptives, and thepirate vessels werebuilt in its dockyards.2 Serviliusfound it necessaryto chastise the people of Attaleia. On the westernshores of the Pamphylian gulfa robberchieftain had madehimself master of , and . In the Hinterlandof Lycia, in spite of Strabo's encomiumof the ruleof Moagetes,3 it is probablethat the Cibyratis wasdisturbed, perhaps as a resultof the Mithradatic war. Disturbances in this districtconstituted a threatto the inhabitantsof Lycia, whose loyaltyto Rome had been demonstratedin the late war. Moreover,a disturbedpopulation in the Cibyratisoffered the same supportto Zenicetesand his brigandsin Mount Solymaas did the Isauriansand Homanadeisto the Cilicianpirates. The plan of campaignfor the pacificationof thisdistrict, which as I havesuggested was evolvedby Sulla, comprised an attackby sea on the southerncoasts of Asia Minor,together with a simultaneous advanceby land alongthe northern face of the Taurus, so as to attack the pirate countryfrom the northand south. For this purpose Murena,the successor of Sulla,whose share in thepirate war has been largelyforgotten," gathered a fleetfrom the subject states to be used

1 With the exception, perhaps,of Seleticeia ad XporptKhP ep-yLP, o&&& TOi's 6M6pOus &(wo L-aO' Calycadlium(Strabo, xiv, p. 670, 7roX d4e-rwso-u iqo-uXiavNv. Tro KtstKiols KaL llaouXiov rp6w7rov.) 3} .xiii p. 6, I . 4 Appian, Bell. ifitbr.,93: Iovp,7vas Te 2 Strabo xiv, p. 664. For the Pamphyliansin EyXetpLP as air'oZs oMev et4lpyacro ptya. aXX' generalsee xii, p. 570: ou reXews d.peZvraL TWsV of'& Zepou6tos IoaL'pLKo's bri r3 MlotIpivqz.

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againstthe pirates,1 and by land proceeded to the occupation of the Cibyratis. Of the kingdomof Moagetes, a part,, and, as it would appear, , was assignedto the Lycians, the re- mainder,comprising the laterconventus of Cibyra,annexed by Rome. Murena's unfortunateadventure against Mithradates,while inter- rupting any concentratedaction against southernAsia Minor, led to his own recall in 8I B.C. Of his successor,Nero, we know little except that he weaklyabetted the depredationsof Verres,who was legatus to the governorof Cilicia in 8o and 79. That governor, Dolabella, was himselfimpeached, and it is highlyprobable that the misconduct of him and his legatus created furtherdisturbances, 2 whichnecessitated the vigorousaction of the new proconsulin Cilicia, Servilius. During the years of Servilius'command a forwardpolicy was once moreadopted by the Romans,and a beginningmade towards the cormpletereduction of the whole district. A firstexamination of the scattered notices which we possess regardingServilius' campaigns gives the impressionthat he achieved completesuccess in the reductionof the whole of the southerncoast of Asia Minor, overrunningCilicia and penetratingthe Taurus; but that the effectof his workwas undone only by the failureof the Romans to maintaina proper police of the seas as a whole, so that the Cilician pirates,driven from their native haunts,found a refuge elsewhere,particularly in Cretan waters. The laterwriters in general state that Serviliuscompletely reduced Cilicia, one going so far as to say that it was made tributary.3 Neverthelessin the statements of earlierwriters there is nothing,with the exceptionof one doubtful passage in Sallust,4 to show that Servilius ever succeeded in even enteringCilicia Tracheia, the principalheadquarters of the pirates. I proposeto examinethese statementsand see what ground Servilius can be reasonablyheld to have covered. Firstas to the chronology:Servilius was consulin 79 B.C. 5 Accord- ing to ,6 he held the Cilician command for a quinquennium, that is to say,during the years78 to 74, being succeededin the course of the last year by Octavius, the consul of 75.7 There is no real inconsistencybetween the statementof Cicero and that of two later writersto the effectthat the war was of three years' duration.8 In all our accounts Servilius'share of the campaign against the pirates

I Cic. Verr. ii, I, 90. (Classis) quae contra Referencesin Clinton, iii, p. 156. piratas aedificatasit. See also ? 89. 6 Verr. ii, 3, 211. P. Servilius quinquennium 2 This at any rate was the inference Cicero exercituicum praeesset. intended should be drawn from the statementin 7 Groebe-Drumnann, iv, 408. Verr. ii, 1, 56. 8Eutrop. vi, 3: Intra trienniumbello finem 3 Ammian.,xiv, 8, 4. Hae duae provinciae(Cilicia dedit. Orosius,v, 23: Triennioemenso quo bellum and ) factae sunt vectigales. Eutrop. vi, 3. gestumnest. The reconciliationwhich Maurenbrecher Is Ciliciam subegit. Orosius, V. 23. (Prolegomizena, p. 68) proposes between the two 4 See below, p. 43. Strabo aftermentioning the statementscan hardly be accepted. According to capture of Isaura by Servilius (xii, p. 569) adds his view the reduction of Eastern Lycia and Kat 7a 7r0XXa 7TV EtpaTav ep6)ua7Tac eeLXe 7a Pamphylia was completed in 78 and was followed r -rj OaXcirr-. He tells us, however,of none by a ' terrestrebellum ' against the Cilicians and outside Lycia and Pamphylia. Isaurians,extending over the years 77, 76, 75.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 38 THIE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. concluded with the fall of Isaura, to reach which the penetrationof the Taurus must have been effectednot later than the summerof 75, but would have been impossiblein the early monthsof the year in whichhe was succeededby Octavius,the consulof 75. The reductionof the Isaurians,moreover, was recordedby in the 93rd book,that is to say among the eventsof 75.1 The earlier eventsof the war, which as will be seen constituteda distinctsection of the campaign,had alreadybeen narratedin the goth book,covering the eventsof 78, the year in which Serviliustook up his command.2 It would seem fromSallust that operationsconnected with what we may call the Lycio-Pamphyliansection of the campaign were still proceedingin the year 76, if I am rightin the view that the Corycus of fragment8i of the 2nd book3 (which covered the years76, 75 and beginningof 74) was not the Cilician Corycus, as Sallust's words imply,but the Lycian. If I may anticipatethe conclusionsreached below, I would suggest the followingchronology for the campaign: The Lycio-Pamphyliansection extended over the years 77 and part of 76, and was narrated by Livy in book 90, by Sallust partly in book i of the Histories(covering the years 78 and 77), partlyin book 2, the reductionof Eastern Lycia not being completed until 76. The second section of the campaign, that against the Isaurians and the Orondeis,begun possiblyin 76 and completedin 75, was narratedby Livy in book 93, and by Sallust in book 2. That Serviliusleft Italy in 78 is certain; also thathe did so before the death of Sulla. We know from Suetonius that Caesar accom- panied him on the expedition,his motivesbeing hostility to the Sullan regimeand the general desirabilityof his absence fromItaly. The quinquennium,of which Cicero speaks,began thereforein this year. Unless, however, we are to reject altogether the statements of Orosius and Eutropius,it is improbablethat active operationsagainst the piratesbegan until the springof the followingyear, the summner and winterof Servilius'first year of command being devoted to the preparationswhich were a necessarypreliminary to such a campaign as was contemplated,in particularto the gatheringof a fleet.5 The

' Ep. 93: P. Serviliusprocos. in Cilicia Isauros by Groebe-Drumann (ii, p. 159, note 1z), founded domuit et aliquot urbes piratarumexpugnavit. The on Sallust, i, fr. 127: Itaque Servilius aegrotum campaigntherefore preceded the death ofNicomedes Tarenti collegam (i.e. Appius Claudius, the (early in 74). consul of 79, who was bound for Macedonia) 2 Ep. 90: Praeterea res a P. Servilio pro cos. prior transgressus,that Appius Claudius' illness at adversus Cilicas gestas continet. Ep. 9 [ opens with Tarenttin followed his appointment as interrex. the appointment of Pompeius to the Spanish If this was the case it would mean that Servilius' command in 77 B.C. departure for Cilicia did not take place until after 3 The fragments of Salltist are throughout the Lepidan revolt. It is more natural to suppose quoted fromMaurenbrecher's edition of 1893. that both proconsulswere preparingto depart for 4 Suet., Ju'lilus, 3: Meruit et stub Servilio theirprovinces in the springof 78, but that Appius Isaurico in Cilicia, sed brevi tempore. Nam Sullae was delayed firstby illness,and later by the Lepidan morte comperta . . . Romam propere rediit. His revolt. motive is still more definitelyexpressed by a frag- 5 That a powerfulfleet was employedis expressly ment of Sallust (i, 57), if Maurenbrecheris rightin recorded by Florus, iii, 6: P. Servilius quamvis referringthe wordsto this incident. The Suetonius leves et fugaces myoparonas gravi et Martia passage effectuallydisposes of the view put forward classe turbaret et non incruenta victoria superat.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. 39 quinquenniummav thereforebe regardedas the total durationof Servilius'command, extending over the years 78 to 74, the trienni?lm of later writersas the yearsof activeoperations, the campaigning seasonsof 77, 76 and 75.

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The source fromwhich Serviliusobtained his ships It was as an officerof the governorof Cilicia that was doubtless the states previouslywarned for the Verres was able to requisition the nsyoparofrom (iutyof providingthem by Murena (v. above, p. 36). (Verr. ii, I, 86).

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Apartfrom the reductionof Isauriaand the allegedoverrunning of Cilicia, we have the followingdefinite statements regarding Servilius'movements: That he capturedPhaselis, Olympus and Corycusin LyciaI; that his operationswere extendedinto Pam- phylia,2 wherehe tookterritory from the peopleof Attaleia.3 In connexionprobably with the campaignagainst Isauria, he annexed territoryfrom the Orondeis, gaining also for the Romans the otherwise unknownAger Aperensis and AgerGedusanus.4 Cicerogives us a furtherdetail, to the effectthat a piratechief, Nico, about whom nothingotherwise is known,was capturedby Servilius,contrived to make his escape but was recaptured.5 It is noticeablethat the informationregarding the Lycian cities6 is commonto almostall writers,the campaignon the easterncoast of Lycia beingobviously an importantpart of thewhole, in anycase the bestrecorded. The people of Lycia receivehigh praise from Strabo7 for their good behaviourat thistime. Thoughtheir country offered facilities not lessthan those enjoyed by the Cilicians,under the good govern- mentof the Lycianleague they refrained from the piraciespractised by the Pamphyliansand Cilicians,and wereseduced by no motives of base gain. In a laterpassage, however, he explainsthe situation whichprevailed on theeastern coast and necessitatedthe interference of the Romans. In thisdistrict a chieftain,Zenicetes, whose chief strongholdwas the mountainOlympus and townof the samename, had madehimself master also of Phaselis and Corycusand manyplaces of the Pamphylians.On the captureof the mountainby Servilius, Zenicetesburnt himself and hishousehold. 8 It is obviousthat the piracy which had brokenout in thisdistrict was a thingof fairlyrecent growth. Cicero tellsus that formerly Phaselishad not been implicated,but that the Cilician pirates had joined the townto themselves' primo commercio, deinde etiam societate,'owing to the convenienceof its situation.9 The evidence is stillclearer with regard to Olympus. Artemidorus,quoted directly

I See below. description of Cilicia (where from no mountain 2 Eutropius, vi, 3: Ad Ciliciam et Pamphvliam could a view over Lycia, Pamphylia, and missus. the be obtained), there is a topographical 3 Cicero, de leg. agr. i, 5: Iubent venire agros errorregarding Mount Olympus: 0'"`OXvkeros 6pos Attalensium atque Olympenorum. Hos populo 7e KCai ppo6ptoV O,UW$vU,UoVdP' ov KaTo7rTEoeTLt Romano P. Servilii,fortissimi viri, victoria adiunxit. wrxa AVuKa Kcai Ha,uNAfa Kcal HIoL6sa scat 4 De leg. agr. ii, 50, discussedbelow. Mstas. This in no way suits Mount Olympus, 5 Verr. ii, 5, 79. Ille nobilissimuspirata. usually identifiedwith the Musa Dagh (i,ooo m.), 6 Cic. de leg. agr. ii, 50 (Olympus and Phaselis) the view fromwhich is completelyshut out to the Verr.ii, I, 2I (Olympus); Verr.ii, 4, 22 (Phaselis) northby the greatmass of Mount Solyma(Tachtaly Strabo, xiv, 671 (Olympus, Phaselis, Corycus) Dagh, 2,400 mi.) Florus, iii, 6 (Phaselis and Olympus); Orosius, 9 Cicero's statement regarding Phaselis is V, 23 (Phaselis, Corycus, ' Olympum montem illuminatedby a note of Leake's, who had fallen ill pervagatus') ; Eutropius, vi, 3 (Phaselis, Olympus, at Alaya (Coracesium)and was compelled to return Corycus). Sallust, fragg. i, I27-I32 (Olympus, by sea. 7ournal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 133 Phaselis, Corycus); Pseudo-Asconius,in Verr. ii, 'In passing by sea from Alaya to Castel Rosso p. 173 (Orelli) (Corycus, Olympus,Phaselis). [Casteloryzo],I was compelled to follow the coast 7 xiv, p. 664- of the Gulf of Adalia, the sailors being afraid in 8 xiv, p. 67I. Apart from the curious mis- this season [March] of crossing directly to Cape placement of this passage, which occurs in the Khelidoni.'

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. 41 by Strabo,1 speaksof it as belonging to the Lycian league, and being one of the six cities which controlledthree votes. The statement was obviouslymade beforeit fellinto the hands of Zenicetes. The district, which Zenicetes controlled, formed a compact principality,cut offfrom the restof Lycia by the mass of the Solyma mountains, and ethnically perhaps distinct from it.2 Zenicetes himselfmay have been a Cilician pirate,who invaded Lycia fromthe sea and establishedhimself at Olympus, extendinghis sovereignty along the coast to Phaselis and into Pamphylia. The description, however,which Strabo gives of his principal stronghold,called by him Mount Olympus, with its wide view over Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia and the Milyas, makes it certain, as we have seen, that the mountainin question is not the Olympusalready described by him,3 but the modern Tachtaly Dagh. Zenicetes is probablythen to be regardedas a native chieftainof the Solyma mountains,whose power had grown during the disturbancesof the firstMithradatic war, when Lycia was invade(dby Mithradates,and as we have seen, the Hinterlandlwas disturbed. Commandingthe Solynia mountains,he

1 xiv, p. 665. Artemidorus'floruiit is given as The track between the Tachtaly Dagh and 01. 169 (IO4-IOO). Mount would, however,present few diffi- 2 The approaches by land to this part of the culties to marauding mountaineersdescending on Lycian coast are difficultand few. Arrian'saccount Phaselis and the coast from the Solyma uplands, of Alexander's march from Phaselis to the Pam- while the 'Robber's tomb' (Benndorf-Niemann, phylian plain shows the difficultyof the road by Reisen,ii, pp. 151-3, figs.7I-2), as Mommsenpoints the coast. At the presenttime the inhabitantsof out (Provinces,i, 337), throwsan interestingsidelight Eski Keui at Cape Avova to the north of Phaselis on the characterof the inhabitantsof this districtat preferthe voyage by sea to Adalia to the difficulties a later date. of the Climax route, caiques running frequently From the south the only practicable road to between the two places. From the edge of the Phaselis is by way of Olympus,seven hours distant Pamphylianplain to Phaselis it is a march of not and reached from Phaselis by an inland route less than eleven hours; although the road round entailing a stiffclimb. Access to Olympus from the Climax was found by Mr. Robinson and myself the west is less difficult,there being two different to be easy enough in calm weather,our horseswere roadsfrom the Limyraplain, both of which, however, frequentlyup to their fetlocksin water, and the must cross the ridge which connects the lower road would be impossible with any sea running. slopes of Mount Solyma with the Chelidonian (It is perhaps worth recordingthat remains of an promontory.The rangeof mountainswhich extends old road, knownas Ghiaour Yolu, with an embank- northwards from this point, viewed from the ment of large blocks were to be seen above us on Pamphyliangulf, presents an almostunbroken mass, the cliffs.) its appearance being well summed up by the state- So far as I know, there is only one road to the ment of Strabo (p. 666), that many consideredthe west over the hills above this coast, the one taken Taurus to begin with the Chelidonianpromontory by Hoskyn in 1842, by way of the pass between and islands, &ta re riv 'adpav u+X'v oi0av PKai Mount Climaxand theTachtalyDagh, and described KaO 'KOVTacV ahro rCoV HWLLKCVV o'pWCv TWV also by Spratt and Forbes (Travels in Lycia, i, ubrepKeL/uvcovv T77S IIta,?'L7'cL. p. I99 seqq.) At the top of the pass it is joined byan It will thereforebe readilyunderstood that the alternative route from the Pamphylian plain by whole of the eastern coast is severed from Lhe rest way of the Tchandyr valley,by which an aggressive of Lycia; none of the characteristicLycian rock- mountain people could threatenPamphylia. As a tombs and inscriptionsare to be found in this means of communicationbetween Phaselis and the district,and thoughOlympus, to which access from restof Lycia the road takenby Hoskynis practically the west is less difficult,was drawn into the Lycian negligible,as it debouches on to the upper valley league, this was at no time the case with Phaselis of the Alaghyr Tchai near Seraidjik, from which (Strabo, p. 667). Quite apart from the Greek the descent into the plain is an extremely settlement at Phaselis, the ethnical distinction difficultmarch of not less than ten hours. A route between the inhabitantsof Lycia proper and those to the north from Seraidjik to the Cibyratisand of the Solyma mountains goes back, as Strabo Milyas reaching the Elmali plain at Imedjik is points out, to the earliesttimes (p. 667, cf. p. 573). impassable during the winter months. (We had difficultyin crossingthe snow-driftsat the Imedjik 3p. 666: 'OXvA7rov 7r6Xg ALEycaLX' Katc 6pos Yaila in the middle of May.) /hC(WVVAOVO6Kal IOWVLKOVSKacX6ELT-CL.

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could controlthe easterncoast of Lycia, and reach Pamphyliaby wayof the Tchandyrvallev. Whilehe held Mount Solymaand the passes,he was securefrom attack by land; by sea an alliancewith the Cilicianswould ensurehis safetyon that side. The securitvof the masterof Phaselis was a matterof the first importance to theCilicians, so thatthe great naval battle of which we hearin thiscampaign 1 had probablyto be foughtby Serviliusagainst the Cilician allies of Zenicetes,before he coulddeliver his attack on theLycian coast. Beforepassing from this section of the campaign,of the extentof whichthe notices in Ciceroand Strabogive us a fairidea, it is perhaps worthwhile, in viewof the statementsto be foundregarding Cilicia, to observethat Servilius'reduction of the coastof EasternLycia is madeby later writers to includethe whole country. 2 The campaignagainst Cilicia Tracheia3iS generallyheld by modern writers4to have followedthe reductionof Lycia and Pamphylia.Maurenbrecher, as already stated, believed the campaign to havebeen conducted by land, presumably from a basein Pamphylia, sinceneither the countryof the Isaurianswas yetin Servilius'hands, nor Cilicia Pedias,occupied nominally by the Seleucids,actually by Tigranes5. An advanceinto Cilicia fromthe westwas practicable onlyby the coastroad, a line of approacheffectually barred by the fortressof Coracesium,the chiefstronghold of the pirates'power. None ofour authoritiesprovides -any hint of an attackby Serviliuson Coracesium,and it is impossibleto believethat the captureof a fortress,whose fall was the climaxof the campaignconducted by Pompeius,could have been effected by Servilius without leaving a trace in our records. An attackby sea on the piratestrongholds of the coastis to be tracedonly in the reportedvisit to the CilicianCorycus. The nameCorycus is not an uncommonone on the coastof Asia Minor. Strabomentions four, three of whichwere on the southern coast. In Lycia he speaksof a Corycuscaptured by Serviliuswhich, withOlympus and Phaselis,had falleninto thehands of Zenicetes. 6 It is noticeablethat a distinctionis made herebetween the Lycian possessionsof Zenicetesand thosein Pamphylia.I This makesit certainthat by Corycushe does not mean Attaleia,although as he himselftells us the name of the spot on which Attaleia stood had been Corycusbefore its enlargementand resettlement

Florus, iii, 6 (quoted above, p. 38). 3 The passages quoted in favour of a reduction 2 Eutrop. vi, 3 Lyciae urbes clarissimasoppug- of Cilicia are: Velleius, ii, 39, Ciliciam perdomuit navit, in his Phaselidem,Olympum; Orosius, v, 23: Isauricus; Eutropius, vi, 3, Is Ciliciam subegit; Lyciam et urbes eius obsessas oppressasque cepit. Festus, Brev. I2, 3, Ciliciamet Isauros . . . subegit. Praeterea Olympum montempervagatus, Phaselim 4 e.g. Groebe-Drumann, iv, p. 409; Mauren- evertit, Corycum diruit. A similarexaggeration is brecher, Prolegomena,p. 68. to be found already in Cicero (de lega.agr. i, fr. 3): addicetur omnis ora Lyciorum atque Cilicum, on 5 Appian, Syr. 48, Mithr. I05; Plut. Lucullus,z6. which passage Treuber (Geschichte der Lykier, 6 p. 671 (v. above). p. I89) quotes the view of Jungethat Phaselis and Olympus were joined by Serviliusto the province 7Which for Strabo begins with , T77S of Cilicia, which, I think,is correct. llaupvXtas dpXpy(p. 667)-

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. 43 by Attalus Philadelphus.1 The view taken by Maurenbrecher that the Corycuswhich belongedto Zeniceteswas the same as Attaleiais thereforeimprobable. 2 Withthe exception of thepassage fromDionysius there is no evidencethat, except to the antiquarians, Attaleiawas ever known by the name of Corycus after its resettlement, and Strabohimself elsewhere tells us of the localitynamed Corycus between OlxTmpusand Phaselis.3 A thirdCorvcus is describedby Strabo in Cilicia, witlhthe famous Coryciancave near by,one of the most strikingfeatures of which was the saffrongrowing wild in the cave.4 The saffronof Corycus was also mentioned by Sallust in a fragmentof the second book: ' iter vertit ad Corycum, urbem inclytam portu atque nemore in quo crocumgignitur.'5 Maurenbrecher'sfragments of Sallust contain two other allusions to Corycus,one of which is quoted fromthe firstbook.6 It would appear, therefore,that Sallust knew both of the Lycian Corycus,7 mentionedin the firstbook in connexionwith the operationsagainst Phaselis and Olympus,and of the Cilician, mentionedin the second book in connexionwith the operationsof the year 76. Here then it may be urged that we have a localityin Cilicia Tracheia which was visitedby Serviliusor one of his officersin the courseof operationsin that district. If, however,we turnonce more to Strabo's account of Zenicetes' principality, it will be seen that the whole passage is curiouslymis- placed. It occursnot in his descriptionof easternLycia, to whichthe places mentioned obviously belong, but followshis account of the Coryciancave and Elaeussa. He has describedCorycus with its cave and Elaeussa, and goes on to mention the auvot%Lap.06'of Archelaus, to whom Cilicia Tracheia as well as had been entrusted, in order to bring both sides of Taurus under a singlecontrol, owing to the prevalenceof piracyand brigandagein the . Then followsthe account of Zenicetes and his Lycian principality,8

'p. 667. The same informationis given bv 5 ii, 8i, from Nonius, iii, p. 202 (ed. Lindsay) Steph. Byz. s.v. AT-raXELca,but transferredto the Crocum generis neutri. Sallustius Historiarum Cilician Corycus. In Photius s.v. KWPVKauos Lib. ii: iter vertit ad Corycum urbem inclytam Corycusis called a promontoryof Pamphylia, erap' Pastusquienemore in quo crocum gignitur. Sto- 7roXts 'ArXraeaX. A Corycus in Pamphylia is wasser,portu atque; Havercamp, specu atque. cf mentioned also by Dion. Periegetes (Geogr. Gr. Servius,ad Georg.i, 56 (nam et crocumin Ci>licia Min. ii, p. I56), where,if Attaleia is intended, it is apud Corycum nasci Sallustius . badly misplaced. 6 J. fragmentI3 I. 'Ad Corycum' fromPriscian I Note to Sallust, i, frag. 131. xv: Sallustius in I historiarum 'ad Olympum 3 p. 666: "OXvu/eroswro6s / .Eyd.X?7 elra atque Phaselida [= fr.129]. In eodem' ad Corycum' ' KcbpVKOSo aleaVs6eTa 44do-qXs.Corycus obviously [=fr. 131I I could not findfragment 132 Apud was of no importancein Strabo's time. Its existence, Corycum,' which Maurenbrecherquotes from the however, is confirmedby the Stadiasmus,227, 228. same passage of Priscian. Phaselis, Corycus, -Olympus. lb. 215: I Not the Pamphylian Attaleia, as Mausen- 'air6 2;13s CIS 'A-raXeqav o--rdciot v'- d7ro brecherasserts in his note ad loc. 'ArraXeLas et's7O [KWpVKLOV] eutw6ptov oara6Ol T', 8 p. 67I : KatTaL TC Ta7S aKpWpeicas rO Tda'pov ro ciro [7LoO]K&PUKiOU (KopaKeovcodex) [4krwopovu] Z7qVLKe'Tou vetpaT?7ptov eoTtv 6 "OXvp7ros 6pos re CIS 2;L3?V 0ra&LOL V' Kact4/po6pov oii.$bPvgov, dab' oP Ka7-oarreerat 7r0aa 4 p.670. Full referencesin Hicks, J.H.S. xii, 2I3. AvKfaKaL JIaqovt&a cai t&ia KaL MRrsS K.r.X.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 44 THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. the insertionof the passagebeing the more remarkablesince he has alreadydescribed Olympus, Corycus and Phaselisin theircorrect place. Moreover,the languagein whichStrabo describes the view fromthe so-calledOlympus has a resemblance,which cannot be accidental,to a fragmentof Sallust: Lyciae Pisidiaeque agros despectantem. There can be littledoubt that Straboin 67I, and Sallustin fragmentsii, 8i and i, I30 werefollowing a sourcewhich ascribedto theless known Corycus of Lvcia featureswhich belonged to the famousCilician cave.2 The errorof Strabocan onlybe ex- plainedby the suppositionthat he foundthe accountof Zenicetes in a passagewhich confused the Lycianand CilicianCorycus. He realisedthat the descriptionof the cave mustapply to the Cilician Corycus,but carelessly went on to transcribethe further details which he foundabout Zenicetes. If Nonius is rightin his citationof Sallustfrag. ii, I3I fromthe secondbook of the Histories,it follows thatoperations in Lyciawere still proceeding in theyear 76. With the saffron-growingCorycus disappears the only place in Cilicia Tracheia of whichwe have the faintestrecord in ancient referencesto Servilius'campaign. The contrastwith the recordof the Lyciantowns captured, common to almostall authorities,3 iS So remarkablethat the only warrantableconclusion is that Servilius neverpenetrated into Cilicia Tracheia. There remainsthe concludingphase of the campaign,the operationsagainst the Isaurians,and the difficultquestion of the routeby whichServilius may be held to have reachedtheir country. There is fortunatelyno doubt as to the locationof the two towns IsauraVetus and Nova. 4 The formerhas long been identified with the modernZengibar Kalesi, the latter,which was previouslyplaced by Sterrettat Dinorna,has now been located with certaintyby Sir WilliamRamsay at Dorla, sometwenty miles to the north-east of IsauraVetus. In additionto thesetwo towns,the territory occupiedby the Isaurianscomprised several other villages, Xs-av Mo=oCuXo(-'oLxVocU. The districtlay on the northernslopes of Taurus, withinthe boundariesof Lycaonia,marching on the north-west with the territoryof the turbulentHomanadeis, with whom,in commonwith other tribes occupying the northernface of Taurus,

I Assigned by Maurenbrecherto the firstbook see, however,Strabo, p. 667 and 676 (otherreferences (no. 130), but quoted by Servius, ad Aen. i, 42Zo in Geogr.Gr. Alliin.ii, p. I56). ObviouslyQuiintus withoutmention of the book in which it occurred. Cturtiushas falleninto the Corycuspitfall, giving, as 2 orrt lLvLXos7rpo HAXoto. Hopeless confusion neighboursto the Cilician, places which belonged prevailsamong anci-nt writerswhenever Corycus to its Lycian or Pamphyliannamesake. is mentioned. Steph. Byz. (quoted above) confuses 3 See above, p. note 6. the PamphylianCorycus (Attaleia) with the Cilician. 4o, Photius, s.V. KcopKatsO, ascribes the ' Corycian 4 Strabo, xii, p. 568: Kw/eas 3Uo 6jejvs4couS Tnj1 trick' of Stribo's Ionian Corycus (p. 644) to helPv 7raXat&v KaXov)eE'v-7v, e)epKKj, [r7Vj P& P]. Corycus-Attaleia. Quinitus Curtitis iii, I0, in a 6 For a description of the fastness of Isauira descriptionof Cilicia, has MonstrabanturLyrnessi Vetus see Davies, Life in Asiatic Tuirkev,pp. 408 et Thebae, Typhonis quoque spectis et Corycium seqq, and forthe topographyof the whole district, nemus, ubi crocum gignitur. For the position of Sterrett,Wolfe Expedition, pp. I05 seqq.,pp. 149-51 Lyrnessusanid Thebe (betweenPhaselis and Attaleia) Ramsay,J.H.S. 1905, pp. 162 seqq.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILITJSISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. 45 the Isaurians offereda strenuousresistance to the Roman advance. The police of the northernface of the Taurus, as Ramsayhas shown, necessitatedunder the earlyempire the establishmentof the line of militarycolonies, based on Pisidian , and extending from in the west to Lystrain the East. When order had been restoredon the Lycian and Pamphylian coast, it was the task of Serviliusto attempt the pacificationof the tribesinhabiting the northernslopes of the Taurus range. A beginning had already been made in the west by Murena's occupation of the Cibyratis. Two problems,mutually interdependent, present them- selves with regard to the operations of Servilius: first,the extent of ground which he covered; secondly,the base from which he operatedand the routeby which he penetratedthe mountainbarrier. It will be convenientto discussfirst the reductionof the Isaurians, that being the best attestedsection of the campaign. Apart fromthe fact that it was reckonedby contemporariesas the most brilliantof Servilius' achievements,winning for him the title of Isauricus, we have the definitestatement of Strabo that both of the towns named Isaura were captured,while a considerableamount of detail is supplied by the long Aurelian fragmentof Sallust.1 The latter passage, however, raises a topographical difficulty,which has a definite bearingon the second of the two problemsmentioned, and must,as Sir William Ramsay has shown, be taken into considerationin any discussionof Servilius'march. The fragmentdeals with the reductionof two cities,one of which is unnamed,the otherbeing definitelycalled Isaura Nova. The first was reduced by thirst(egestate aquae coacta deditio est) ; afterthe surrenderan embassyarrived from Isaura Nova to arrangefor the capitulationof that town. A passage in Frontinus2also alludes to the reductionof ' Isaura ' by thirst: P. ServiliusIsauram oppidum, flumineex quo hostesaquabantur averso, ad deditionemsibi compulit. But, as was firstpointed out by Sterrett,the details here given in no way correspond to topographical conditions at Isaura Vetus. Isaura Vetus (Zengibar Kalesi), situated on the top of the Assar Dagh, was not dependentfor its water supply on a river,but partlyon cisterns,largely on a springoutside the city walls, now called Bel Punar. Moreover, the nearestriver, Gok Su, flowsin a cafnon,the cliffsof which are several hundred feet high, so that the operation describedby Frontinuswould have been impossible. Sterrettthere- forerefers the diversionof the riverto Isaura Nova, placed by him at Dinorna, by Ramsayat Dorla, the latterpointing out that the ground at Dorla is exactlyof the kind to rendersuch an operationeasy and successful. If Sterrett and Ramsay are right, it is remarkablethat both

2 1 Maurenbrecher,ii, 87. ii s1

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 46 THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. IsauraNova and the firsttown captured by Servilius(which perhaps it willbe convenientto call 'A') shouldboth have been reducedby thirst. The coincidencehas alreadybeen remarkedby Mauren- brecherin his commentaryon the Aurelianfragment, but in itself is not an impossibility.I feel,however, that thereis a verygreat difficultyin referringthe Frontinuspassage to IsauraNova, since the

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FIG. 6. MAP OF THE TERRITORY OF THE ORONDEIS AND THE HOMANADEIS.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. 47 account which Sallust gives of the operationsat the lattertown makesit plainthat the diversionof the stream,however feasible, was unnecessary.According to Sallust,after the reception of the embassy fromI,,aura Nova, 1 Serviliusadvanced from 'A' to thewalls of Isaura Nova, therereceiving provisions and ioo hostagesfrom the city. On his presentinga furtherdemand for the surrenderof all weapons of war and deserters,a riottook place in the city,organised by the youngermen.2 Serviliusat once occupieda hill outsidethe walls, commandinga part of the town.3 The fragmentcomes to an end withoutfurther details, but withthis commanding point in hishands it is difficultto imaginethat Servilius was compelledto proceedto a formalinvestment of the town, and to the diversionof theriver. It may well be doubted whetherSallust, as Maurenbrecher assumes,was guiltyof the statementthat IsauraVetus was reduced aversoflumine. The probabilitiesare thatthe inaccuratedetail was insertedby Frontinusin hisbrief mention of the capture of the town, the diversionof a riverbeing a well-knownStrategema, wrongly appliedto the case of a town,which was knownto have surrendered owingto the failureof itswater supply. The finalsortie in Sallust's accountof the reductionof ' A' readsvery much like a desperate attempton thepart of the besieged to regainpossession of the water- supply(i.e. the springat Bel Punar outsidethe walls),which had been seizedby the Romans. Dein post paucos dies egestateaquae coacta deditioest. Furtherlight is thrownon thiscampaign by thepassage in Cicero alreadyquoted, where in additionto theLycio-Pamphylian conquests of Serviliusthree other districts are mentioned.4 Of theseager Orondicus(or Oroandicus)may be regardedas a certaincorrection of Orindicus,the Orondeisoccupying the hills, whichform the easternboundary of thevalley of Lake Caralis,their principaltowns being Pappa, fixed definitely at Yonuslar,and Misthia, in all probabilityat Fassiler. Withregard to theotherwise unknown agerAgerensis and Gedusanus,Professor Calder, to whomI am much indebtedfor assistance in thissection of mypaper, suggests that the agerAgerensis of the MSS. mayrepresent Ateniensis, Atenia being placed by Ramsavat or near Kirili Kassaba, close to the north- easternshore of Lake Caralis.6 ProfessorCalder furtherregards

I OppidtImincensum et cultoresvenumdati, eoque Agerensem et Orindicum et Gedusanum. Ilaec terrore mox Isaura Nova legati pacem orantes P. Serviliivictoria . . . vestra facta sunt. venere, obsidesque et iussa facturospromittebant. 6 Full references in Ramsay, H.G. p. 398, 2 luniores primumex consilio,deinde ut quisque B.S.A. ix, pp. 243 seqq., J.H.S. I905, p. I65, acciderat,per totamurbem maximoclamore tumul- where the view taken in the text is expressed. tum faciunt. 6 B.S.A. iX, pp. 247, 253-. The suggestionin : De improvisomontem ex quo in tiuga oppidi Groebe-Drumann,iv, p. 409, n. 7, thatthe reference teli coniectuserat occupavit,sacruim Matri Magnae. is to is scarcely tenable. We have no Fugam A., corr. Mommsen; fonim, coni. Hauler. reason to rcgard Aperlae on the Lycian coast The hill is identifiedby Ramsay,op. cit. p. i64. between Kasteloryzo and as falling within 4 De leg. agr. ii, 50. lubet venire agrumque Servilius' sphere of operations.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 48 THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES.

Gedusanumas a probablecorruption of Sedasanum,1Sedasa which is located on the east of Lake Trogitis being a town of the Homanadeis,whose territoryaccording to Sir William Ramsay lay around three sides of Lake Trogitis,and extendedfrom the neighbourhoodof Isaurato the confinesof Selgeand Katenna.2 If thesesuggestions are accepted,the operationsof Serviliuswere directedagainst the threepeoples of the Isauri,Homanadeis and Orondeis,and extendedover a districtreaching from Isauria in a north-westerlydirection along the easternshore of the lakesTrogitis and Caralis. The route by which Serviliusreached these uplandswas first discussedwith referenceto geographicaland militaryprobabilities by Sir WilliamRamsay, who suggeststhree alternatives as a way of approachto the Isauriancountry. 3 i. Fromthe coastof CiliciaTracheia by wayof Laranda. This he setsaside as improbableon militarygrounds owing to thedifficulty ofthe country. Without a basein CiliciaTracheia it wouldhave been impossible. 2. From the CilicianGates, by way of ,Laranda and , whichhe suggestsmay have been the town whichI have calledSallust 'A,' capturedbefore Isaura Nova. 4 3. Froma basein theRoman province of Asia by way of Apameia, Apolloniaand PisidianAntioch. Of the lasttwo routesthe latter seems the lessprobable. There is no recordof Servilius'presence at any timein Asia,5and Antioch itselfat thistime was autonomous.6 Althoughsuch a consideration neednot have prevented Servilius from marching through its territory, it is difficult,if suchwas his route,to realisethe groundson which lhe is stated,to have been the firstto penetratethe Taurus barrier.

I Zumpt's conjecture,Eleusanum, has a certain autonomous coins of first century B.C.). The plausibility,if the view expressedabove regarding coinage of Elaeussa itselfin the firstcentury B.C. Cilicia Tracheia is incorrect. It is difficult,however, (v. Hill, BAI. Cat. Cilicia, pl. xl, 14, with legend to see what can have been intended by Ager 'EXatovoTfw T7S iEpa. KaO. a67ov6i6ou) is an Eleusanus. The island of Elacussa on the Cilician additionalargument against the reductionof Elaeussa coast in which the town of was fouindedby by Servilius. Archelaos in or after 25 B.C. (Strabo xiv, p. 671), 2 B.S.A. ix, p. z68 7.R.S. vii, 247 if. before this date had none of the territoryon the 37aH.S. i905, p. I65- mainland wvhichit afterwardspossessed. The small 4 J find the identificationof Derbe wviththis town of Kanytelideisbeside the Olban cave a few town difficult,if only for the reason that Strabo miles to the east, which is proved bv inscriptionsof (p. 569), who has considerable informationabout imperialdate to have belonged to Elaeussa-Sebaste the capture of Derbe and Isaura Vetus by Amyntas, (e.g. 7.I.S. xii, no. 4; Heberdey-Wilhelm, has nothingto say about any capture of Derbe by nos. IzS, 129), at an earlier date can be shown to Serviliusin a paragraphwhich followshis mention have been dependenton (Heberdey-Wilhelm, of Servilitis'reduction of IsauraVetus and Nova. no. 133 from the pre-Roman cemetery,and the 5 Certainty, however, is impossible. The two. still earlier inscriptionsof c. zoo B.C. in 7.H.S. Phrygian of and Apameia are xii, nos. I and z). The territoryof Olba clearly knownto have been included in Asia from6z to 56, came down to the coast at this point. Corycuson as the restultof a reorganisationwhich Marquardt the coast to the xvestwas independentof Elaeussa (ii, p. Z39) would ascribe to Sulla or Murena. at this time, whatever may have been the case 6 So Ramsay, op. cit. p. i66, quoting Strabo xii, afterthe foundationof Sebaste (Head, H.N. p. 720, P. 577.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST TIJE PIRATES. 49 The routeby way of the CilicianGates impliesfirst that Cilicia Pediaswas in Romanhands, which can hardlybe said to have been the case,1 secondlythat Isaura Nova fellbefore Isaura Vetus, if the line of marchwas fromeast to west. If,however, Sallust 'A ' is to be identifiedwith Isaura Vetus, it is clearthat Servilius was advancing fromthe west.2 Serviliuscan be shownto have operatedin two districts.First a sectionof the Lycianand Pamphyliancoast, secondly a stretchof countryreaching from Lake Caralisto Isauria. Thereis no evidence as to anyother district that he penetrated.The Lycio-Pamphylian sectionof the campaign was completed by 76, possibly in thepreceding year. He was thendefinitely established in Pamphylia,which could be used as a base forfurther operations. I wouldtherefore suggest that the marchthrough Taurus was made fromPamphylia, by a routewhich would bringServilius directly into the countryof the Orondeis. Two routesare possible,both of whichare difficultand wouldnecessitate hard fighting with the hillmen. 3 Servilius,however, had by thistime an armytrained by the campaignin Mount Solyma to all conditionsof mountainwarfare. The firstroute is one by whichI myselftravelled in 9 iI fromthe mouth of the river Melas by wayof Akseki-Marulato Seidi-shehir,a road which is used to a con- siderableextent at the presenttime. 4 The second,which is perhaps the moreprobable of the two, was traversedin I907 by the late ColonelDoughty-Wylie, V.C., by whoma briefitinerary was given to ProfessorCalder in I909. I haveto thankthe latter for permission to reproduceit. 5 Both of these routeswould bringthe Roman armyinto the

I See above, p. 42. bcen theline followed by Serviliuswhen thc northern base used by Quiriniuswas not available. 2 ProfessorCalder tells me that there is a direct 4 See Appendix. route, passable by wheeled traffic,from Derbe to Zengibar Kalessi, by whichan invadercoming from 5The route followedwas from Konia to Adalia the east could reach Isaura Vetus without ap- by way of Beishehir. Previously a chaussie had proaching Isaura Nova. But could an invader been projectedby the Turkishgovernment, parts of thus leave Isaura Nova unmasked? which had beeni constructed. The distances are given in English miles from Beishehir: 3 It is probable that the fragmentof Sallust To Derekeui (28) by way of Bademli (2), Iskelez

i, 128, Fcssus in Pamphyliamse receperat (Servius (io), Tchetme (201) road passable by wheeled ad Aeni.viii, 232, quoted also in the Liber Glossarumn traffic. withvariant ' recepit'), has referenceto this march, From Derekeui to the sotuthend of Kambos ova and may indicatethat the firstattempts to penetrate (41), thence by a track fit for pack animals only, 'Paurus (? in 76) were unsuccessful. It is assigned between the mountains Loyka and Melik Dagh. by Mauirenbrecherto the firstbook on the ground From Subujaor-Ilzunly (521), the track is easy that it concerned the Lycian operations, but in to the Enif ova, a small plain c. 8 nmileslong by neitherof the authoritiesis the numberof the book 3 broad, with a small khan at the SW. corner (64). mentioned. (I have to thankMiss F. M. Rees for A steep climb to the Kessik Bel pass, the sea being verifyinigthe quiotationin the Lib. Gloss.) visible at Demir Kapu (66kJ. From the foot of the Mr. Anderson suggests in J.R.S. vii, Kessik Bel pass (73) to Karghyl Khan (92), of p. 235, that the presence of Calpurnius Piso in Seljuk construction,a section of the projected Pamphyliain 13 B.C. iS to be explained on the sup- chausseehad been btuilt. From Karghyl Khan to position that the attack on the Homanadeis, Kopru Khan (I12) by way of Karamandalar (107) actually carriedout by Quirinius,Nvas first planned where the cbaussee recommences. The Koprii Su to be deliveredfrom Pamphylia. ' A bad line,' as (Eurym-2don)is crossed by the Roman bridge. Rarnsaysays, buit suggested by the fact that it had Thence to Adalia 27 miles.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 THE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THE PIRATES. rolling plain between Lakes Caralis and Trogitis, fromwhich the hill countryof the Orondeis could be assaulted. How far the attacks penetrated cannot be said. If the correctionof Cicero's Agerensis proposed above is right,they were extended along the whole length of the eastern shores of Lake Caralis; but operations among the Orondeisand Homanadeis mayhave been confinedto the occupation of the valleyformed by the two lakes,and to securinga line of retreat, whetherinto Pamphyliaor into Roman Asia,in the event of a reverse at the hands of the Isaurians. If Gedusanus is to be corrected to Sedasanus,the advance fromthe Orondeis took place along the shore of Lake Trogitis, through the eastern portion of the Homanadeis tribe, who adjoined the Isaurians.1 By Servilius' conquests on the northernface of Taurus, the necessarypreliminaries had been accomplishedfor a combined attack on Cilicia Tracheia by land and sea. The followingyear, 74 B.C., thereforesaw the creation of a new command,the maius imperium infinitum,conferred on M. Antoniusfor three years,with ordersto clear the whole Mediterraneancoast of pirates, a command which anticipated that which was entrusted to Pompeius in 67. Land operations, however, at first delayed by the death of Servilius' successor,Octavius,2 were indefinitelypostponed by the outbreak of the third Mithradatic war. By sea, the Roman plans were stultifiedby the incompetence of the admiral, before their fleets could even approach the Cilician coast. Some explanationis needed of the groundsfor the belief,held by later writers,that Serviliusconquered Cilicia, since it mightbe urged that the later conquest of Tracheia by Pompeius overshadowed Servilius' exploitsto such an extent as to obliterateall record of its formerconquest, except the bare fact. The explanationlies, I think, in the ancient use of the name Cilices and the technical application of the word Cilicia by the Romans in the firstcentury B.C. In days when piracy had its headquarters in Cilicia Tracheia, the name Cilician was largelyapplied to all pirates,whatever their origin, much as ' Algerian' frequentlyincluded at a later date all Mediterranean corsairswho were not Christian. A successful campaign against brigands and pirates in southern Asia Minor would be naturally spokenof by contemporariesas a reductionof Cilicians. In an ethnic sense the name Cilices compriseda numberof tribes occupyinga much wider extent of countrythan the actual Tracheia and Pedias on the southernside of Taurus, so that Herodotuswas not guiltyof an errorin ,when he said that the Halys in part of its course flowed 8ta KLXtIKCOV. 3 A survival of this extended

I On the characterof this countrv,which I have 2 Plutarch,Licullus, 6. not seen beyond(Ithe sotithern shore of Lake Trogitis, see Rainsay,7.R.S. vii, p. 247. 3 i, 72.

This content downloaded from 195.34.78.245 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 19:31:56 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THIE CAMPAIGNS OF SERVILIUS ISAURICUS AGAINST THIE PIRATES. 51 applicationof Cilicia is to be foundin the Cilician strategiaof Cappadocia.1 Ethnologicallythe difference between the peoples on thenorthern and southernsides of Taurus can onlyhave been slight. We have on theone hand the Homanadeis spoken of by Strabo under the general name of KL'XLKE'. 2 Conversely,the name Isauria,which is limitedby Strabo to the districtlying round the townsof Isaura Vetus and Nova and politicallywithin the boundariesof Lycaonia, had also, as would appear, a widerextension over the whole of Tracheia, the name of the later province Isauria bringing into officialuse the pre-Roman nomenclatureof the district.3 Historically,therefore, there was justificationfor the name Cilicia given to the wide district of Asia Minor, which we know from Cicero's correspondence,at the time of the reorganisationby Pompeius. The name at any rate was applicable to the easternpart of the province. Cilicia, however,had been the name of the province since its firstoccupation, when it comprisednone of the Cilician country,in any sense of the term,either on the north or south of Taurus. The northernside was firstreduced by Servilius; on the southPedias had been in the hands of Tigranes and, when he annexed it in 83, it was at the expenseof the Seleucids,not ofthe Romans,who would otherwisehave regardedsuch an occupation as an act of war. With regardto Tracheia there is no justificationfor the view which Marquardt4 bases on Appian, Mithr., 75, to the effectthat part at anVrate of Cilicia Tracheia was alreadyin Roman hands as a resultof Servilius' conquests. This is not the place for a discussionof the extentof the Roman provinceof Cilicia duringthe firstdecades of its existence. From its firstfoundation, as a base of operationsagainst the pirates,it can have consistedof little more than the formerAttalid possessions in southern Asia Minor, but it was materiallyincreased by the conquests of Servilius. A generalwho was governorof ' Cilicia,' operatedagainst the brigandtribes of his provinceknown generally as 'Cilices,' annexed the brigands'stronghold of easternLycia to the province of Cilicia, restoredorder on the Pamphyliancoast, a part of which (e.g. Side) is knownto have maintainedclose relationswith the Ciliciansproper, and reduced Cilician tribesto the northof Taurus, could well have I Strabo xii, p. 534, cf. Justin.xxxvii, I. Full /ueT& Wcat&)V KatcyUvatKWjV iLG Ta7Te Kat Ioa upous infortmatiotnin Ramsay, H.G. p. 33-5. It is 67rlyETO Kat' KLXLKL'aV, /tXPL TWV TLs FaXaTcKwV noticeable that Strabo in his definitionof Tracheia TETpapXwv Aq7L6T6rapos irLWroX\dovra aVTov and Pedias limiitsthem to that part of Cilicia which ouveaLw'E. In view of the wider tise of Cilicia, it lies to the south of Taurus (T'S- KLXLKL'ag T?7C Yw wvould be extremely hazardous to assert that TOUTa6povu). Eumachus penetrated the Tauirus into Tracheia. Xii, p. 569. See Ramsay, B.S.A. ix, p. 269 The same considerationsapply equally to the Sallust Cilices and Ilomanades are interchangeableon fragment(v. 14) quoted by Marquiardt: Lucullus p. 569.' audito Q.MlarciumRegem pro consuleperLycaoniam 3 See on this point, IJ.G. p. 361 seqq. cum tribuslegionibus in Ciliciamtendere. In both 4ii, p. 315 (French translationof i8qz): TSp 0' these passages, as in Dio. Cass. xv. I, by Cilicia is a UTq Xpovo puaytcv E6'/cXos MtOpt6arou meant the of that name, more sTTpacT'I7yOs e7rtTpeXcov gKTeLJ,e Pw1.achwv aroXXo6S particularlythe parts north of the Taurus.

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been spoken of by his contemporariesas having gained his victories over the Cilicians without having penetrated the districtknown in the narrowersense as Cilicia Tracheia and Pedias. There is no doubt that Livy in the 93rd book used Cilicia in the wider sense when he spoke of the Isauriansin Cilicia. Similarlyin the goth book, which, as we saw, contained the firstsection of the campaign, Servilius' achievementsare spoken of as performed' adversus Cilicas.' This would be the natural language to employ of the governorof Cilicia operatingagainst the brigandsof the district. But neitherLivy nor Sallust,from whom later writersdrew such informationas they give about the campaign, appears to have known of any operations in Cilicia Tracheia, with the exceptionof the marchto Corycus,wvhich, in fact, was the Lycian.

APPENDIX. An alternativeroute from the Pamphylianplain to the countryof the Orondeisis one which I followedin Junei9ii, fromSide to Akseki-Marulaand Seidi-shehir. TI'hough shorterin point of distance,it would appear to be the moredifficult of the two roads, particularlyin the part betweenAkseki and Seidi-shehir.At the presenttime thereis a considerableamount of trafficas faras Akseki,a pleasantlittle town in the hillswhich is the residenceof a Caimakam. To the northof that point the road divides,one track going to Beishehir, the other to Seidi-shehir. The former was followed by Von Richterand Sch6nborn.1 To the southof Aksekithe countryis an elevatedplateau, extending from the gorge of the ManavgatTchai (Melas) to the loftyrange known, during a partof its length,as the Haidar Dagh, whichruns parallelwith the westernshore of Lake Trogitisand is pro- longedin a south-easterlydirection. The southernedge of the plateau is fringedby a steepparapet, crossed by the IshakSeidi Bel pass. In spiteof reportsreceived in Adalia, the countrywas foundto be singularlydestitute of ancientremains. Ruins had been reportedto me at Byrgos(=Piklos in Kiepert'smap) and theneighbourhood, which led me to makea slightd6tour from the main road; theyproved, however, to consistonly of the ruinsof modernhouses. The countryin ancienttimes, as now, can onlyhave been thinlypopulated. Kiepert'smap is accuratein mostrespects, being based presumably on informationcompiled by S^honborn. As, however,the countrydoes not appear to have been traversedin recentyears, a shortitinerary may be useful: Side to Manavgat,iI hours. The khanis on the rightbank of the stream,which is crossedby a ferryto Bazardjikon the leftbank. Below the khanare the remainsof Manavgat Kale, on the rightbank of the stream,which is said to be navigableto this point. There is someamount of tradewith Cyprus. Bazardjikto Kara Udja 4 hours(the pace was a slowone, hardlymore than 2 m.p.h., the pace of a caravanwith which I travelledas faras Kepes). Two hoursfrom Bazardjik are the remainsof a small mediaevalfort on a table-likehill above the river. From Kara Udja to thetop of the IshakSeidi Bel is a twohours' climb which is extremelysteep. Owing to the heat the caravanwas movingby night. Aftera steepdescent and another shortclimb the going becomeseasier. The road passes to the east of and above the villageof Kepes (3 hours)to the khanor smallrest house (4 hours)marked on Kiepert's map. A springwhich rises here flows for a shortdistance to the SW. beforedisappearing. From Jendever(=Kiepert's Djendere, 2 hours) the main road runs directto llvat and Sary Hadjilar (-=Kiepert's SaryHanlar, the namesof thisvillage and of Ilvat being I Ritter, Erdkunde,xix, p. 6io seqq.

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transposedon his map). I turnedaside at Jendeverto Allah Kisle (Q hour) and Byrgos. Tshereare a fewworked blocks in the cemeteriesof thisneighbourhood (e.g. threeunin- scribedbases at Jendever),but no other ancientremains. The trackfrom Allah Kisle runsdown a valleyNW. to Ilvat (i o hours)where it rejoinsthe main road. Thence by way of Sari Hadjilar (3 hour) to Akseki(ij hours),a townof fairlymodern appearance, consistingof 500 to 6oo houses. To the northof Aksekithe countrybecomes more difficultand brokenas far as Ghyaras1 (5 hours),which lies at thenorth end of a smallplain in the hills.The village and cemeteryare fullof architecturalfragments, one housebeing built largely of remains of a smallCorinthian building. By the door of anotherstood two Ionic capitals. The site fromwhich these came lies immediatelyabove the villageon a smallhill with three peaks,all of whichare strewnwith ancient blocks. The centrepeak has been artificially levelled,the platformthus formed being increased by a bastionon the SW. side of very solid masonry. On it and at the footlies a massof fallenfragments from at least two buildings. A Corinthiancapital and severalfallen columns and epistylefragments were to be seen togetherwith the inscriptionsnos. I-3, 5-6. i. Large square basis,fallen from above, at foot of centrepeak. Ht. *69, B. *87, deeplycut letters04. 1-1 OVYA 1-11

2. Basis,in formof an architrave.Ht. -40,B. I-32, Letters*035. Brokenabove. < A rA -A C A4 QI CA CAY TrOIC J y1Tl 1 i- C CE/A rEbJNTrOA eLW CT'MC TAT AS TOYC AE AIAPJANTACANe rH CA N Po 4 LJ WA t ot1A WLN K AI MOYCAIOC TrtI A E C xocTt&T0cq 8oOCL6oc o9T0Z TCL[0&4 u7roTGq ZeXye'(0 7roXeCOqTG ------TOU 8? &v4a9G [- -cr,~ocv'Po6av xod"OOXXWv xoc\ MOUaCO&LO OL TcocZae['Ep,uoy&vouq CPoa6 voq.

I Von Richtercalls it Karas; Schonborn,jaras (Yaras). See theirreports in Ritter,I.C.

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3. Large rectangularbasis broken on the left. Ht. I5o, B. I8, Letters o3. '- G M 0 rE N o C P oa W;I Cs o K A I CP r"I E P M OrE NOYCKAI P O AWN NK/ %I IE N A/ QCCO1AIOYCA O0YEPo1 C C rT N. 41 /AC -f trr'1 C l1 46 1 w N

MouaocZoq]'E[p][ioyevou; 'PO68wvoq xodl 'Ep,o- yev; MouaocLou?] 'Eptoysvouqxoca Po,c )v XOCL OTcO&]vx[o]l [M]]v[e]X[oc]o; oL [M]ouaocLou'Ep[?o- - yvoud] r ? NAIA auv n (r)[&la[s]rE[&v- ?at%a~v'ex -rWVU L&V

4. Circularbase, built upside down into the village mosque, brokenat the top. PresentHt. iroo, Letters 04. E M 01N AA O C E ^AiT rCM ro CkA

Mev'ZXocoq xoct Ta?6Oe- o0 xodtNkaTCop TPo6a(woc MeVw- ' tAOy 17r0ce-- po ocuYr(&v.

The four inscriptionsall deal with the membersof two closelyconnected families the relationshipof whichwould appear to be as follows: A. B. Rhodon(no. 3) Hermogenes(no. 3) 1 1 Hermogenes(nos. I and 3) (MousaiosI ro. 3)

Rhodon(no. 2) Hoplon (no. 2) Mousaios(nos. I, 2, 3) Hermogenes(nos. I, 3)

_ __ ~~~~~~~I ~~ I' Rhodon(no. 3) Menelaos(nos 3, 4) Hoplon = Kassia (no. i) I (nos. I, 3) 1 Rhodon(no. 4) Konis (no. i)

Menelaos(no. 4) Teimotheos(no. 4) Nestor(no. 4)

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No. 3 was copied by Von Richter and republishedin C.I.G. iii, 4379. In line 4 the editorconjectured T &yoc?X[]ocauv rI[i]oca?, which, as ProfessorCalder points out to me, is certainlycorrect, although both von Richterand I read K. As I have restoredthe names in no. 3, the dedicationis made jointlyby Mousaioswith his threesons Rhodon,Hoplon, Menelaos, and byHermogenes of familyB, whose daughter was marriedto Hoplon, son of Mousaios (no. i), the MVlousaiosof no 2 being held to be identicalwith Mousaios of nos. i and 3. The restoredname Mouaoc'ou whichI have introducedinto familyB in no. 3, line 2, exactlyfillsthe space and is probableon the groundthat just as the nameHermogenes is introducedfor one generationinto familyA by intermarriagewith the otherfamily, so the Mousaiosof nos. I, 2, and 3 was named aftermembers of familyB, althoughthe name is not otherwiserecorded. From the recurrenceof the familyname Rhodon in no. 4, it is probablethat T\'Ienelaosof nos. 3 and 4 are identical. The interestof theseinscriptions lies in the closerelations maintained by the family, as recordedfor two generations,with the people of . Althoughit was a common practicefor a decreepassed in honourof a foreignerto be engravedin his own town,the site at Ghyarasmay neverthelesshave been withinthe territoryof Selge. The latter must have includeda considerabletract of country,if, as Strabo says,1 the population was 20,000. If this is the case, the boundarybetween the Selgiansand Homanadeis mustbe looked forto the east of thispoint, which would have the effectof confining the Homanadeison thisside to the mountainrange which forms the watershed between thePisidian country and the Trogitisvalley. 2 5. Basisin formof an architrave,ornamented above withegg and dart patternand leaves. Slightlybroken below, but theinscription is completeand wellpreserved. Ht. 54, B. I-05, Letterso035.

N EC TAW P

OYAA e P I A Te I J CoE -QrE y Ii eEO NNQN 0 YEJE WCCcTON TrArr E PA\

O?uBp'LocTeLlioOeou Tet,u- Oeov Nou0'wq O\v7CTpa

6. The ruinson the platformcontained inscribed epistyle fragments from two build- ings at least,the two largestfragments, each fromdifferent buildings, being engraved: (a) . .' T~ [c RXCo)[v 'aLOWI) . . . (b) .**G] XTtVC6VvGT2 From Ghyarasthe road runsnorthwards by way of the Tchai Boghaz to Tachtaly Kuyu(i - hours),where it divides,the road followedby Sch6nbornand VonRichter going NNW. to Budamiaand Beishehir,the otherrunning slightly east of northby way of the Tekke Beli to Simiun, a smallvillage lying at the footof the Zinda Dagh (Zindan in Kiepert),41 hoursfrom Ghyaras. A findof gold coinsin the neighbourhoodhad recently been reportedto the Caimakamof Akseki,but he had failedto get holdof them,nor did

1 Strabo, xii, p. 570. 7roVT-wP 171 6peIsELd, KaTeVEZs, 61.LOpOtMeX'YeiXr- xKa' '0tto'a&iOt, la-yaXaoTeFt d' ?7ri Tr& &7Tos rA 2 id. p. 56o. 'Suva/eZS s'aEI TOUTOLS (the 7rp6s Tr MtXvud. i.e. the western frontier of the Homanadeis) ol re XxotHLotl'at Kai o05 'eyers Homanadeistouched that of the Selgiansin itsnorth- in its southernpart that of the Katenncis, o07rep icrv acoL0Xny(bTaTT llwvHtoftUvv. *r TO v oiY ern part, ,rVoov auTWv (i.e. the Pisidians),ukpos Tra adKPCOPisXS who, if Polybius (v. 73) is rightin sayingthat they -TOU Tau'pou KaTr'Xct, rives & Kai u-7rip 2;is7, could put 8,ooo hoplites into the field,must also Kaes 'Aoirevaov Ha/ePqVXiKWPv7rIXEWV KaeTrXOJoLt have occupied a considerable tract (? from the -yeaAorXo Xcbpta Xat6ovra 7ra'wvra, r& d' 67r-p middle waters of the Mlelasto the Haidar Dagh).

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I see any in the handsof the villagers. From Simiunit is a fourhours' climb over a shoulderof the Zinda Dagh, the pass beingknown as the Yelidje Beli. Near the top is a small green plain,the IrmassynYaila. Aftera two hours' descent,the last partof whichis extremelysteep, the level is reached,and Seidi-shehiris 31 hoursfrom the top. Seidi-shehirhad hithertoyielded no ancientremains, and the whole of the townis modern. I saw, however,the two followinginscriptions: 7. Square basis upside down and brokenbelow and on the right,used as the well- head of a privatehouse. Measurementswere unfortunatelynot recorded.

0 Ai H fv\ O E o Y A /\ Afl N E TE m\H 4J,-c) TE T v PToI' AI A 8lo OEQ Z)l4E AZ?TO

o' 8n[Loq 6?0nwo 86 0 tqcr[Ev TO'] re,,[0]Pr0[\V

Oe'v asexatcyro[v

Althoughthe face of the stonewas much worn, the spacein line4 seemedto have been caused by an intentionalerasure. Domitian is called cTL1Yrvq -?? (censor perpetuus)at Phaselis(I.G. Rout.iii, 755),and T]stvr' 8L&yok , as restoredin an inscriptionof Myra(7.H.S. xxxiv,p. 27). has been locatedat the Kestel Dagh, some Io milesto the NE. of Seidishehir acrossthe Kizil Irmak.1 8. The secondinscription from Seidi-shehir was above a rude banquetingscene of fourfigures, two of whomwere reclining. The stonewas partlyburied in a gardenin frontof the barracks.Very rude lettering -o4, and muchworn.

kAoAcO c Troi roc c TON,j Y I 0 Nj N\ N II

In thefirst line perhaps - - - (p]L&Xo8[S]QaY76< - - - therelief in thatcase beinga dedicationby a slaveor freedmanto his son.

I B.S.A. ix, p. 266. I have not seen the report by Junther,whose discoveriesare cited.

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In my notes on Inscriptionno. 3, published on page 54 of this volume of the Journal,I inadvertentlyquoted ProfessorCalder as approving the restoration To `yaXp]oc auv -r ( )&a[c] adopted by the firsteditor in C.I.G. iii, 4379. ProfessorCalder's approval extended only to the reading (p)a'a[z]t. The restorationwhich he proposes: A [AM]ouaocLouCEpLo- Ye'VOuq]7[aZt8Zq T']V 'La lgU'VTn )[;a X.T is clearlythe correctone.

He writesregarding no. 2 ' Perhaps read - - - - (accusative) - - - - xaoct&ctIra 80OZLacq &utoXq tr?3[taq (leaf) u70 TTq EZY'COys@ 7ro'XEC TTq [XaFVpo-

toct(nG [;;A;[5v] oU' ac ocVApLaV'ocq cX.X.'

He furtherpoints out that no. 8 (from Seidi-shehir)was copied by Sterrett,Wolfe Expedition, no. 2I8, at Orta Kara Viran, some hours distant. This makes it certain that no. 7 (also from Seidi- Shehir)is a migrant,as was to be expected. H. A. O.

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