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The EU Must Change Vocabulary on Israel-Palestine
The EU Must Change Vocabulary on Israel-Palestine © 2021 IAI by Michelle Pace As hundreds of Palestinians began Gazans as human beings – in spite of cleaning the debris left behind by Israel’s the “hell on earth”3 that Israel’s settler- ISSN 2532-6570 latest 11-day assault on the Gaza Strip – colonial violence has imposed upon which caused at least 256 Palestinian them.4 deaths, including 66 children, and a further 13 deaths within Israel1 –, a The campaign’s quest to humanise degree of humanity was restored to the everyday suffering of 2 million Gaza’s besieged population. inhabitants of Gaza stands in sharp contrast to Israel’s representation of the The Gaza City municipality – which Gaza Strip as a hotbed of terrorists: the initiated the volunteering campaign campaign overrides such depictions – named it Han’amarha (“we will build with the spirit of hope, love, solidarity it”).2 A strong statement that contributes and community. to undermine the “us” versus “them” binary, providing a window into the What happened across occupied individual and collective struggle of Palestinian territory (oPt) during May 2021 serves as a reminder that we are 1 The Norwegian Refugee Council confirmed again witnessing Israel’s sustained that 11 of the over 60 children killed by Israeli air strikes in Gaza were participating in its psycho- social programme aimed at helping them deal 3 UN Secretary General, António Guterres, with trauma. See, Norwegian Refugee Council, described the lives of children in Gaza as “hell Eleven Children Receiving NRC Trauma Care on earth” on 20 May 2021. -
ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 8 Hata’Asiya St., Talpiot P.O
B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Tel. (972) 2-6735599 | Fax (972) 2-6749111 Barrier in the West Bank www.btselem.org | [email protected] October 2012 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Arrested Development The Long Term Impact of Israel's Separation Barrier in the West Bank October 2012 Research and writing: Eyal Hareuveni Editing: Yael Stein Data coordination: 'Abd al‐Karim Sa'adi, Iyad Hadad, Atef Abu a‐Rub, Salma a‐Deb’i, ‘Amer ‘Aruri & Kareem Jubran. Translation: Deb Reich B’Tselem would like to thank Jann Böddeling for his help in gathering material and analyzing the economic impact of the Separation Barrier; Nir Shalev and Alon Cohen‐ Lifshitz from Bimkom; Stefan Ziegler and Nicole Harari from UNRWA; and B’Tselem Reports Committee member Prof. Oren Yiftachel. 1 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Table of Contents Introduction Part 1: The Separation Barrier – A Temporary Security Measure? Part 2: The Data Part 3: The Seam Zone and the Permit Regime Maps and Pictures Part 4: Case Studies Part 5: Violations of Palestinians’ Human Rights Due to the Separation Barrier Conclusions Appendix 2 ‐ DRAFT ‐ Introduction This report deals with the Separation Barrier—the largest and costliest infrastructure project Israel has undertaken since the construction of the national water carrier during the 1950s and ‘60s. In June 2002, when Palestinian attacks against Israeli citizens were at their peak, the Israeli government decided to build the barrier and termed it a temporary security measure intended to protect Israel from terrorist attacks from the West Bank. -
West Bank Settlement Homes and Real Estate Occupation
Neoliberal Settlement as Violent State Project: West Bank Settlement Homes and Real Estate Occupation Yael Allweil Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion and Israel Institute for Advanced Studies [email protected] Abstract Intense ideological debates over the legal status of West Bank settlements and political campaigns objecting to or demanding their removal largely neglect the underlying capitalist processes that construct these settlements. Building upon the rich scholarship on the interrelations of militarism and capitalism, this study explores the relationship between capitalist and militarist occupation through housing development. Pointing to neoliberalism as central to the ways in which militarism and capitalism have played out in Israeli settlement dynamics since 1967, this paper unpacks the mutual dependency of the Israeli settlement project on real estate capitalism and neoliberal governance. Through historical study of the planning, financing, construction, and architecture of settlement dwellings as real estate, as well as interviews and analysis of settler-produced historiographies, this paper identifies the Occupied Territories (OT) as Israel’s testing ground for neoliberal governance and political economy. It presents a complementary historiography for the settlement project, identifying three distinct periods of settlement as the product of housing real estate: neoliberal experimentation (1967-1994), housing militarization (1994-2005), and “real-estate-ization” (2005-present). Drawing on Maron and Shalev -
Ground to a Halt, Denial of Palestinians' Freedom Of
Since the beginning of the second intifada, in September 2000, Israel has imposed restrictions on the movement of Palestinians in the West Bank that are unprecedented in scope and duration. As a result, Palestinian freedom of movement, which was limited in any event, has turned from a fundamental human right to a privilege that Israel grants or withholds as it deems fit. The restrictions have made traveling from one section to another an exceptional occurrence, subject to various conditions and a showing of justification for the journey. Almost every trip in the West Bank entails a great loss of time, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial additional expense. The restrictions on movement that Israel has imposed on Palestinians in the West Bank have split the West Bank into six major geographical units: North, Central, South, the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea, the enclaves resulting from the Separation Barrier, and East Jerusalem. In addition to the restrictions on movement from area to area, Israel also severely restricts movement within each area by splitting them up into subsections, and by controlling and limiting movement between them. This geographic division of the West Bank greatly affects every aspect of Palestinian life. B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Ground to a Halt 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom Tel. (972) 2-6735599 Fax. (972) 2-6749111 of Movement in the West Bank www.btselem.org • [email protected] August 2007 Ground to a Halt Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank August 2007 Stolen land is concrete, so here and there calls are heard to stop the building in settlements and not to expropriate land. -
A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution ................................................................................. -
Security First
SECURITY FIRST Changing the Rules of the Game A Plan to Improve Israel’s Security and International Standing SECURITY FIRST Security Measures Civil- Political Economic Clarity Measures 2 A Plan of action to extricate Israel from the current dead end and to improve its security situation“ and international standing. Only an integrated effort combining security, civil-economic and political measures, applied to the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza Strip can bring about significant, sustainable improvement in Israeli security. The Plan, therefore, must be implemented in its entirety. The Plan addresses the need to increase personal and national security, the imperative of separating from the Palestinians to the extent possible, and the current necessity for continued security control over the West Bank - all “ while preserving the conditions for a future 'two states for two peoples' agreement with the Palestinians while improving Israel’s regional and international standing. 3 SECURITY FIRST Table of Contents Executive Summary_______________________________________6 Foreword________________________________________________10 Israel’s National Objectives________________________________12 A Clear Policy, an Independent Initiative_____________________14 Security First: Changing the Rules of the Game________________16 The West Bank____________________________________________18 Jerusalem_______________________________________________30 The Gaza Strip___________________________________________40 Maps____________________________________________________49 -
Extrajudicial Killing with Near Impunity: Excessive Force by Israeli Law Enforcement Against Palestinians
\\jciprod01\productn\B\BIN\35-1\BIN104.txt unknown Seq: 1 7-FEB-17 13:24 EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLING WITH NEAR IMPUNITY: EXCESSIVE FORCE BY ISRAELI LAW ENFORCEMENT AGAINST PALESTINIANS Emily Schaeffer Omer-Man* I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 116 R II. RECENT ALLEGED EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS IN ISRAEL- PALESTINE ................................................ 119 R III. A PATTERN OF EXCESSIVE FORCE AGAINST PALESTINIANS ............................................. 135 R A. Arenas of Excessive Violence against Palestinians ...... 136 R B. The Disparity in Law Enforcement Responses to Palestinians versus Jews ............................... 140 R * The author holds a JD from the University of California, Berkeley School of Law (Boalt), and is an American-Israeli human rights attorney at the Michael Sfard Law Office in Tel Aviv, where she currently serves as senior counsel and acting director. She has been a member of the legal team of Israeli human rights NGO, Yesh Din, for over a decade, and for the last eight years has served as Legal Director of the organization’s Accountability of Security Personnel project. In that capacity, she has represented over 500 Palestinian victims of alleged crimes committed against them or their property by Israeli police, soldiers, and other security personnel. The author is also a legal advisor to Israeli NGOs Breaking the Silence and Peace Now, among others, and represents individuals and communities in bringing human rights claims before the Israeli courts, specializing in International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law and their application to the territories occupied by Israel in 1967. The author wishes to express her gratitude to Shelley Cavalieri, Miri Sharon and Michael Schaeffer Omer-Man for their excellent comments and feedback on previous drafts of this Article, as well as to the remarkable editors of the Boston University International Law Journal for their collaboration on this project and their dedication to bringing this important issue to light. -
Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements
Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Academic supervision: Dr. Avner Inbar and Dr. Assaf Sharon Research and writing: Avishay Ben-Sasson Gordis Additional writing and editing: Yonatan Levi Additional research: Shai Agmon © All rights reserved to Molad - Center for the Translation: Michelle Bubis Renewal of Democracy Ltd. Contents Introduction and key findings 4 Chapter 1: From strategy to excuse: The history of the security argument 7 Chapter 2: The settlements as security burden 14 Chapter 3: National security without settlements 26 Summary: The battle over security 36 4 Introduction and key findings The single greatest challenge to Israel’s national security is the conflict with the Palestinians. While it would be mistaken to reduce the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict to a single factor, the territorial question is arguably the determinative cause underlying the intractability of the conflict. The territorial question, in turn, is inextricably tied to Israel’s establishment of settlements – i.e., civilian communities - beyond the Green Line. Yet despite the conflict’s influence on Israel’s security, and even though the settlements will play a crucial role in determining the future of the conflict, public debate has sorely lacked serious discussion of the settlements’ impact on Israel’s national security. This paper attempts to fill the void by providing a comprehensive, fact-based analysis of the implications of the settlement enterprise on Israeli security. The analysis is backed by data and by input from Israel’s leading security professionals. The goal of this paper is not to end the debate but rather to spark it – in the hope that, even in the current muddy political climate, it will be possible to responsibly discuss a matter vital to the future of all Israelis. -
Tailwind Construction on Their Land Or on Public Land
Yesh Din Illegal construction in the settlements and outposts in the West Bank has been compounded in recent years Tailwind by a pattern of violating judicial orders issued by the Non-enforcement of judicial orders, foot dragging and the retroactive Supreme Court to stop it. The orders were issued as part legalization of illegal construction in the occupied Palestinian territories of petitions submitted by Palestinians following illegal construction on their land or on public land. Despite the gravity of the acts and the depth of the contempt they show for the law enforcement system, they are not met with an adequate enforcement response by the enforcement authorities. בבית המשפט העליון Besides ignoring judicial orders, the State repeatedly בג"ץ 2759/09 evades presenting its position on the petitions. These Tailwind בפני: כבוד השופט ח' מלצר delays, along with the failure to enforce interim orders, העותר: עבד אל נאצר חמד לבום - ראש מועצת הכפר are often exploited to establish new facts on the ground קריות with the intention of preventing the requested remedy נ ג ד from being delivered in the petitions. Furthermore, the State does everything it can to avoid demolishing the המשיבים: 1. שר הבטחון,אהוד ברק 2. מפקד כוחות צה"ל בגדה המערבית ,האלוף גד שמני buildings and tries to legalize the illegal construction 3. ראש המינהל האזרחי , תא"ל יואב מרדכי 4. מפקד משטרת מטה בנימין retroactively by declaring it to be public land (state 5. המועצה האזורית מטה בנימין 6. עלי- אגודה שיתופית חקלאית להתיישבות .land) or by approving plans קהילתית בע"מ עתירה למתן -
De Facto and De Jure Annexation: a Relevant Distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a Case Study
FREE UNIVERSITY OF BRUSSELS European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation A.Y. 2018/2019 De facto and de jure annexation: a relevant distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a case study Author: Eugenia de Lacalle Supervisor: François Dubuisson ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, our warmest thanks go to our thesis supervisor, François Dubuisson. A big part of this piece of work is the fruit of his advice and vast knowledge on both the conflict and International Law, and we certainly would not have been able to carry it out without his help. It has been an amazing experience to work with him, and we have learned more through having conversations with him than by spending hours doing research. We would like to deeply thank as well all those experts and professors that received an e-mail from a stranger and accepted to share their time, knowledge and opinions on such a controversial topic. They have provided a big part of the foundation of this research, all the while contributing to shape our perspectives and deepen our insight of the conflict. A list of these outstanding professionals can be found in Annex 1. Finally, we would also like to thank the Spanish NGO “Youth, Wake-Up!” for opening our eyes to the Israeli-Palestinian reality and sparkling our passion on the subject. At a more technical level, the necessary field research for this dissertation would have not been possible without its provision of accommodation during the whole month of June 2019. 1 ABSTRACT Since the occupation of the Arab territories in 1967, Israel has been carrying out policies of de facto annexation, notably through the establishment of settlements and the construction of the Separation Wall. -
The Disengagement: an Ideological Crisis – Cont
JAFFEE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY Volume 7, No. 4 March 2005 The Disengagement: Also in this Issue An Ideological Crisis The Election of Abu Mazen Yehuda Ben Meir and the Next Stage in Israeli–Palestinian Relations Mark A. Heller n he idea of the Greater Land of Israel has been central to the ideological, public, and in many cases personal lives of a large number of Israelis for more than thirty years. For them, Israel’s disengagement plan repre- Israel and NATO: Tsents a moment of truth and a point of no return. This plan has unquestionably Opportunities and Risks triggered a profound crisis, challenging and destabilizing many of the truths underlying their world view. An important aspect of this crisis stems from the Zaki Shalom fact that the architect and leader of the disengagement is none other than Ariel Sharon, who until recently served as the community’s chief patron. The crisis n is likely to have far-reaching repercussions. This article will assess the scope of the crisis and its implications, primarily The Recent American for this community but also with an eye to Israeli society as a whole. The threat of civil war has been mentioned more than once, and government ministers, Intelligence Failures Knesset members, and public leaders from various circles regularly discuss the Ephraim Kam need to forestall this possibility. It is therefore important to emphasize from the outset that there is no danger of civil war. In some cases, use of the term n "civil war" reflects attempts to frighten and threaten the general public in order to reduce support for the disengagement. -
Israeli Population in the West Bank and East Jerusalem
Name Population East Jerusalem Afula Ramot Allon 46,140 Pisgat Ze'ev 41,930 Gillo 30,900 Israeli Population in the West Bank Neve Ya'akov 22,350 Har Homa 20,660 East Talpiyyot 17,202 and East Jerusalem Ramat Shlomo 14,770 Um French Hill 8,620 el-Fahm Giv'at Ha-Mivtar 6,744 Maalot Dafna 4,000 Beit She'an Jewish Quarter 3,020 Total (East Jerusalem) 216,336 Hinanit Jenin West Bank Modi'in Illit 70,081 Beitar Illit 54,557 Ma'ale Adumim 37,817 Ariel 19,626 Giv'at Ze'ev 17,323 Efrata 9,116 Oranit 8,655 Alfei Menashe 7,801 Kochav Ya'akov 7,687 Karnei Shomron 7,369 Kiryat Arba 7,339 Beit El 6,101 Sha'arei Tikva 5,921 Geva Binyamin 5,409 Mediterranean Netanya Tulkarm Beit Arie 4,955 Kedumim 4,481 Kfar Adumim 4,381 Sea Avnei Hefetz West Bank Eli 4,281 Talmon 4,058 Har Adar 4,058 Shilo 3,988 Sal'it Elkana 3,884 Nablus Elon More Tko'a 3,750 Ofra 3,607 Kedumim Immanuel 3,440 Tzofim Alon Shvut 3,213 Bracha Hashmonaim 2,820 Herzliya Kfar Saba Qalqiliya Kefar Haoranim 2,708 Alfei Menashe Yitzhar Mevo Horon 2,589 Immanuel Itamar El`azar 2,571 Ma'ale Shomron Yakir Bracha 2,468 Ganne Modi'in 2,445 Oranit Mizpe Yericho 2,394 Etz Efraim Revava Kfar Tapuah Revava 2,389 Sha'arei Tikva Neve Daniel 2,370 Elkana Barqan Ariel Etz Efraim 2,204 Tzofim 2,188 Petakh Tikva Nokdim 2,160 Alei Zahav Eli Ma'ale Efraim Alei Zahav 2,133 Tel Aviv Padu'el Yakir 2,056 Shilo Kochav Ha'shachar 2,053 Beit Arie Elon More 1,912 Psagot 1,848 Avnei Hefetz 1,836 Halamish Barqan 1,825 Na'ale 1,804 Padu'el 1,746 Rishon le-Tsiyon Nili 1,597 Nili Keidar 1,590 Lod Kochav Ha'shachar Har Gilo