DOCSLIB.ORG

Redalyc.CORRESPONDENCIA ENTRE LIN SHU Y CAI YUANPEI

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Redalyc.CORRESPONDENCIA ENTRE LIN SHU Y CAI YUANPEI Estudios de Asia y África ISSN: 0185-0164 [email protected] El Colegio de México, A.C. México YUANPEI, LIN SHU-CAI CORRESPONDENCIA ENTRE LIN SHU Y CAI YUANPEI RELATIVA AL MOVIMIENTO DE LA NUEVA CULTURA (MARZO-ABRIL, 1919) Estudios de Asia y África, vol. L, núm. 2, mayo-agosto, 2015, pp. 425-466 El Colegio de México, A.C. Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=58644848006 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto TRADUCCIÓN CORRESPONDENCIA ENTRE LIN SHU Y CAI YUANPEI RELATIVA AL MOVIMIENTO DE LA NUEVA CULTURA (MARZO-ABRIL, 1919) LIN SHU-CAI YUANPEI1 Traducción del chino, introducción y notas de CÉSAR GUARDE PAZ Los autores Lin Shu 林紓 (8 de noviembre de 1852-9 de octubre de 1924),2 nombre de cortesía Qinnan 琴南, literato y traductor nacido en Nantai 南台, en la antigua prefectura Min 閩 (actual Fuzhou 福州, Fujian), en el seno de una familia de comerciantes con escasos recursos económicos. Ya desde los cuatro años comenzó su formación en los clásicos confucianos, que fue fundamen- talmente autodidacta y dependió en gran medida de los pocos textos que conservaba su tío, así como de libros usados que el joven Lin Shu compraba con el dinero que su madre le daba para comer. Comenzó con veinte años su carrera docente en 1 El autor desea expresar su agradecimiento a Yi Wang (Biblioteca de Shanghái) e Irina Chou (Biblioteca Nacional de Australia) por su gentil ayuda en la localización de varios textos no catalogados. 2 En español puede consultarse la tesis doctoral de Yufen Tai, La influencia literaria y el impacto cultural de las traducciones de Lin Shu (1852-1924) en la China de finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, Barcelona, Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, 2003, pp. 112 y ss. En inglés, la obra de referencia es el estudio de Michael Gibbs Hill, Lin Shu Inc. Translation and the Making of Modern Chinese Culture, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013. Hay numerosas biografías en chino, entre ellas Kong Qingmao 孔慶茂, Linshu zhuan 林紓傳, Beijing, Tuanjie chubanshe, 1998. [425] 0425-0466-TRADUCCION-LIN SHU-CAI YUANPEI.indd 425 06/04/2015 11:32:48 426 ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA L: 2, 2015 una escuela local, preparándose mientras tanto para los exá- menes imperiales. No fue sino hasta los 40 años de edad que Lin Shu entró en contacto con la literatura de las dinastías Tang y Song, influencia decisiva en su posterior tarea de tra- ductor. Con el fallecimiento de su primera esposa, en 1897, Lin Shu, aconsejado por varios amigos, inició la traducción de La Dama de las Camelias de Alejandro Dumas. La novela apareció publicada en la primavera de 1899 y constituyó una revolución literaria en todo el país. A partir de entonces, Lin Shu se convirtió en el traductor por excelencia, y llegó a pu- blicar, se estima, 213 traducciones de obras occidentales.3 Esta cuantiosa producción literaria era fruto del esfuerzo mutuo de un grupo de amigos versados en lenguas extranjeras que traducían oralmente a la lengua vernácula o baihua 白話 estas novelas, para ser inmediatamente reescritas en lengua culta o wenyan 文言 por Lin Shu. Desde 1906 hasta 1911 enseñó los clásicos en la Academia Imperial de Beijing, donde pretendió abordar los problemas de la modernización de China, pero con la caída de la dinastía Qing abandonó su posición académica y no volvió a enseñar sino hasta 1914. Tradicionalista consumado en lo que a la defensa de la lengua culta respecta, esto le llevó a enfrentarse en una agria polémica sobre la reforma literaria contra los ideólogos del Movimiento del 4 de Mayo, polémica en la que participaron Hu Shi 胡適, Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀, Lu Xun 魯 迅 y Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培. Estos hechos dañaron la reputación de Lin Shu pero, a pesar de ello, y ya gravemente enfermo, en 1922 todavía alcanzó a publicar varias traducciones y, al año siguiente, poco antes de su defunción, un breve escrito político, Xubian jianlun 續辨奸論 (“Continuando con la discriminación de los discursos licenciosos”), en el que denigra nuevamente el Movimiento del 4 de Mayo y las tendencias laboristas marxistas de algunos de sus miembros, fundadores del reciente Partido Comunista Chino. 3 El cálculo más exacto hasta la fecha, aportado por el minucioso estudio de Tarumoto Teruo 樽本照雄, Rin Jo enzai jikenbo 林紓冤罪事件簿, Ôtsu, Shinmatsu shôsetsu kenkyûkai, 2008, p. 4. 0425-0466-TRADUCCION-LIN SHU-CAI YUANPEI.indd 426 06/04/2015 11:32:48 LIN SHU-CAI YUANPEI: CORRESPONDENCIA ENTRE LIN SHU Y CAI… 427 Cai Yuanpei (11 de enero de 1868-5 de marzo de 1940),4 político y educador nacido en Shanyin 山陰, Shaoxing 紹興, provincia de Zhejiang. Hijo de una familia de comerciantes bien asentada, disfrutó de una educación privada desde los seis años. A los 18 inició su prolífica carrera docente en una escuela privada local y ascendió rápidamente gracias a su inteligencia: en 1885 superó los exámenes provinciales y en 1892, el huishi o examen estatal, por lo que se estableció como aprendiz de compilador en la Aca- demia Hanlin, trabajo que combinó con su actividad docente y administrativa. En 1907 viajó a Alemania, donde estudió du- rante tres años, en la Universidad de Leipzig, filosofía, historia y estética bajo la tutela de Karl Gotthard Lamprecht; regresó en noviembre de 1911 a Shanghái con motivo de la Revolución de Xinhai, que acabara derrocando a la dinastía Qing al año siguiente. Sirvió como ministro de Educación hasta el ascenso al poder de Yuan Shikai, con cuyo gobierno autoritario disin- tió. Regresó, en consecuencia, a la Universidad de Leipzig para continuar sus estudios y, poco después, viajó a Francia, donde residió hasta noviembre de 1916. En esos momentos el acervo cultural de Cai Yuanpei supe- raba con creces el de cualquier intelectual de la época, habiendo aprendido japonés, alemán y francés. El sucesor de Yuan Shikai en la República le ofreció un puesto administrativo como gobernador de Zhejiang, que el intelectual rechazó, pero fue seducido finalmente ante la posibilidad de tomar las riendas de la presidencia de la Universidad de Beijing e implementar allí su política educativa liberal, permitiendo la convivencia tanto de tendencias tradicionales como de las más novedosas corrientes revolucionarias que darían lugar, primero, al Movimiento del 4 de Mayo y, unos años después, al Partido Comunista Chino. Su popularidad decayó tras el 4 de Mayo, siendo considerado un elitista que había alzado a las masas de alumnos contra el gobierno y a las estudiantes contra la familia. Su papel fue ya 4 En lengua inglesa véase William J. Duiker, T-sai Yüan-p’ei: Educator of Modern China, Londres, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977; Lizhong Zhang, “Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940)”, Prospects, The Quarterly Review of Comparative Education, 23, vol. 1, núm. 2, 2000, pp. 147-157. En lengua china, la bibliografía es sustanciosa; por ejemplo, Gao Pingshu 高平叔, Cai Yuanpei nianpu 蔡元培年譜, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1980. 0425-0466-TRADUCCION-LIN SHU-CAI YUANPEI.indd 427 06/04/2015 11:32:48 428 ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA L: 2, 2015 marginal, y se retiró finalmente a Hong Kong por problemas de salud en diciembre de 1937, donde falleció de fibromatosis abdominal tres años después. La polémica baihua-wenyan La polémica baihua-wenyan tiene su origen en el contexto de la popularización de la prensa escrita, introducida desde Portugal en 1822, pero no alcanzaría su apogeo sino hasta la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.5 Con ella se hace accesible al gran público toda suerte de ensayos y novelas extranjeras escritos tanto en lengua vernácula (baihua) como en lengua culta (wenyan) o se- miculta e, incluso, en dialectos. Frente a esta libertad inicial por hacer uso de la variante lingüística que más convenga a la personalidad de cada autor, Hu Shi, filósofo y político influi- do por su maestro, el pragmático John Dewey, redactó un vi- rulento artículo contra la escritura clásica titulado “Wenxue gailiang chuyi” 文學改良芻議 (“Discusión sobre la reforma literaria”).6 En él comenzaba exponiendo ocho puntos o bashi 八事 desde los cuales se podía reformar la literatura; entre ellos, “no imitar a los antiguos”, “no evitar palabras y expresiones coloquiales” o, el más importante para Hu Shi, “no usar los clá- sicos”, a la vez que proponía como modelo los diversos idio- mas vernáculos “vivos” de Europa que sustituyeron lo que él denominaba “literatura muerta en latín”. Lin Shu respondió inmediatamente a Hu Shi en “Lun gu- wen zhi bu yi fei” 論古文之不宜廢 (“Discusión sobre lo inade- cuado de eliminar la lengua clásica”),7 donde afirma que “sin 5 Xu Xinyi, “The Chinese Mass Media”, en Wu Dingbo y Patrick D. Murphy (eds.), Handbook of Chinese Popular Culture, Westport, Greenwood Press, 1994, p. 170. Si bien existían publicaciones periódicas desde la dinastía Han, la prensa popular propiamente dicha, con temas occidentales, no aparece sino hasta el siglo XIX, en especial tras el edicto imperial de 1898 (Revolución de los Cien Días) que permitía a gente ordinaria publicar periódicos. 6 Hu Shi, “Wenxue gailiang chuyi”, Xin qingnian, vol. 2, núm. 5, 1 de enero de 1917, [pp. 21-31], original no numerado. Hu Shi emplea, sin embargo, la lengua clásica para expresarse. Estos puntos ya habían sido presentados en una carta a Chen Duxiu publicada en Xin qingnian. Véase Hu Shi, [“Tongxin”] [“Comunicado”], Xin qingnian, vol. 2, núm. 2, 1 de octubre de 1916, [pp.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Orthography of Early Chinese Writing: Evidence from Newly Excavated Manuscripts
    IMRE GALAMBOS ORTHOGRAPHY OF EARLY CHINESE WRITING: EVIDENCE FROM NEWLY EXCAVATED MANUSCRIPTS BUDAPEST MONOGRAPHS IN EAST ASIAN STUDIES SERIES EDITOR: IMRE HAMAR IMRE GALAMBOS ORTHOGRAPHY OF EARLY CHINESE WRITING: EVIDENCE FROM NEWLY EXCAVATED MANUSCRIPTS DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES, EÖTVÖS LORÁND UNIVERSITY BUDAPEST 2006 The present volume was published with the support of the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation. © Imre Galambos, 2006 ISBN 963 463 811 2 ISSN 1787-7482 Responsible for the edition: Imre Hamar Megjelent a Balassi Kiadó gondozásában (???) A nyomdai munkálatokat (???)a Dabas-Jegyzet Kft. végezte Felelős vezető Marosi Györgyné ügyvezető igazgató CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................................. vii Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1 CHAPTER ONE FORMER UNDERSTANDINGS ..................................................................................... 11 1.1 Traditional views ........................................................................................... 12 1.1.1 Ganlu Zishu ........................................................................................ 13 1.1.2 Hanjian .............................................................................................. 15 1.2 Modern views ................................................................................................ 20 1.2.1 Noel Barnard .....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Cataloguing Chinese Art in the Middle and Late Imperial Eras
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations Spring 2010 Tradition and Transformation: Cataloguing Chinese Art in the Middle and Late Imperial Eras YEN-WEN CHENG University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Art and Architecture Commons, Asian History Commons, and the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation CHENG, YEN-WEN, "Tradition and Transformation: Cataloguing Chinese Art in the Middle and Late Imperial Eras" (2010). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 98. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/98 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/98 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tradition and Transformation: Cataloguing Chinese Art in the Middle and Late Imperial Eras Abstract After obtaining sovereignty, a new emperor of China often gathers the imperial collections of previous dynasties and uses them as evidence of the legitimacy of the new regime. Some emperors go further, commissioning the compilation projects of bibliographies of books and catalogues of artistic works in their imperial collections not only as inventories but also for proclaiming their imperial power. The imperial collections of art symbolize political and cultural predominance, present contemporary attitudes toward art and connoisseurship, and reflect emperors’ personal taste for art. The attempt of this research project is to explore the practice of art cataloguing during two of the most important reign periods in imperial China: Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song Dynasty (r. 1101-1125) and Emperor Qianlong of the Qing Dynasty (r. 1736-1795). Through examining the format and content of the selected painting, calligraphy, and bronze catalogues compiled by both emperors, features of each catalogue reveal the development of cataloguing imperial artistic collections.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:34:09AM Via Free Access Bruce Rusk: Old Scripts, New Actors 69
    EASTM 26 (2007): 68-116 Old Scripts, New Actors: European Encounters with Chinese Writing, 1550-1700* Bruce Rusk [Bruce Rusk is Assistant Professor of Chinese Literature in the Department of Asian Studies at Cornell University. From 2004 to 2006 he was Mellon Humani- ties Fellow in the Asian Languages Department at Stanford University. His dis- sertation was entitled “The Rogue Classicist: Feng Fang and his Forgeries” (UCLA, 2004) and his article “Not Written in Stone: Ming Readers of the Great Learning and the Impact of Forgery” appeared in The Harvard Journal of Asi- atic Studies 66.1 (June 2006).] * * * But if a savage or a moon-man came And found a page, a furrowed runic field, And curiously studied line and frame: How strange would be the world that they revealed. A magic gallery of oddities. He would see A and B as man and beast, As moving tongues or arms or legs or eyes, Now slow, now rushing, all constraint released, Like prints of ravens’ feet upon the snow. — Herman Hesse1 Visitors to the Far East from early modern Europe reported many marvels, among them a writing system unlike any familiar alphabetic script. That the in- habitants of Cathay “in a single character make several letters that comprise one * My thanks to all those who provided feedback on previous versions of this paper, especially the workshop commentator, Anthony Grafton, and Liam Brockey, Benjamin Elman, and Martin Heijdra as well as to the Humanities Fellows at Stanford. I thank the two anonymous readers, whose thoughtful comments were invaluable in the revision of this essay.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Article
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 144 3rd International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education (ICADCE 2017) On the Space-depiction Techniques of Chinese Traditional Architectural Drawings Peng Peng College of Architecture and Urban-Rural Planning Sichuan Agricultural University Chengdu, China Abstract—Ruled-line painting is the best foundation of Yuan Dynasty, the word “ruled-line painting” has been research on ancient Chinese buildings. From existing ruled-line widely used and accepted as well as become the painting painting works, it can be figured out that ruled-line paintings branch which takes buildings as subjects. In Notes of Nan of the Northern Song Dynasty have had a great breakthrough Village of Tao Zongyi, painting is divided into 13 categories, based on predecessors in the respect of manifestation with among which “ruled-line painting of buildings” ranks the regard to sense of space. A group of experienced painters of eighth as the drawing majoring in building subjects such as ruled-line painting at that time such as Zhang Zeduan, Guo palaces, towers, houses and the like. Meanwhile, in Zhongshu, Yan Wengui and the like know a lot about “subtle Appreciation and Evaluation of Paintings, Tang Hou said: principles” of “Same Proportion as Material Objects” and “When it comes to paintings, we will say that paintings have “Hundreds of Diagonals Gathered to One Point”, whose 12 categories with landscape painting taking the lead and works’ sense of volume, sense of space and sense of stability are universally superior to those of predecessors. Therefore, a ruled-line painting at the bottom.” Moreover, ruled-line form or framework of ancient architectural drawings basically painting is particular about accuracy of buildings’ shape and took shape at that time.
    [Show full text]
  • Chun Ch'iu Tso Chuan Variorum”
    2020 International Conference on Education, Management, Business and Economics (ICEMBE 2020) Research on the Multiple Values of the Kanazawa Library's Version “ Chun Ch'iu Tso Chuan Variorum” Weiqiang Liu Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou, Gansu, 730070, China Keywords: The kanazawa library's version, “ chun ch'iu tso chuan variorum “, Value Abstract: The Kanazawa library's version “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum” is the only existing complete ancient manuscript of the “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum”, which has multiple values. In terms of bibliology, the Kanazawa version “Spring and Autumn Scriptures Collection” reproduced the features of the Sui and Tang Dynasties' “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum” , reflecting the characteristics of the text and can be compared with the Tang Shijing. In terms of philology, the Kanazawa library's version “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum” retains a large number of common characters, which is a direct material for studying the characteristics of the use of common characters at the time. In terms of textual criticism value, collating with the present version can correct many errors in the present version and clarify some issues that have always been debated in collation. 1. Introduction The thirty volumes of the ancient manuscript “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum” currently in the collections of the imperial palace in Japan was originally in the old collection of Kanazawa library. Because each volume has the ink stamp of “Kanazawa library “, scholars call it is Kanazawa library's version. Kanazawa library's version “ Chun Ch’iu Tso Chuan Variorum” was copied by the QingYuan clan of the Confucian family in Kamakura, Japan, based on the secrets of the family inheritance.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Architecture and Metaphor: Song Culture in the Yingzao Fashi
    Feng Jiren Jiren Feng ,KTMENIE;.6OTJJ 63 Introduction Between the carpenter’s weight strings and marking lines [is something] close to government order and enlightenment (繩墨之 間鄰於政教). Li Hua, “Hanyuandian fu” 1 When the Tang (618–907) scholar Li Hua 李華 (715–766) composed his poetic essay dedicated to the Enfolding-Vitality Hall (Hanyuandian 含 元殿, built in 663), the most magnifi cent building in the imperial palace compound in Chang’an 長安 (modern Xi’an), he lent a special meaning to the construction of architecture. Th e hall was where the court handled state aff airs and held grand ceremonies. While eulogizing the virtues and deeds of Emperor Gaozong (高宗 628–683, r. 649–683), the patron of the hall, Li Hua emphasized the importance of the “grand scope and magnitude” (宏模廓度) and “majestic structure” (壯麗棟宇)2 for the imperial palaces because these concerned state policy and moral edifi cation. Using two fundamental carpenter’s tools, sheng 繩 (weight strings or plumb lines) and mo 墨 (ink-marking lines), to represent the process of the construction of buildings, he expressed a remarkable idea: that the activity of the carpenter was in some way parallel or relevant to ideals of government. Specifi cally, the craftsmen’s regulating process could be seen as embodying government order and virtue. ,KTMEJEOTZXUOTJJ 63 2 INTRODUCTION Th is notion refl ects, more generally, the way that ancient Chinese literati perceived architecture and the built environment. From early times, many Chinese writers sang the praises of the “imperial virtues” by describing the process of the construction and striking architectural features of the majestic buildings patronized by a king or an emperor, with the implication that the architecture itself proclaimed or symbolized the ruler’s wisdom and virtue.
    [Show full text]
  • Predicting the Future and Punning by Graph Analysis
    EASTM 25 (2006): 47-68 Seers and Jesters: Predicting the Future and Punning by Graph Analysis Bernhard Führer [Bernhard Führer is Reader in Sinology and Chair of the Department of the Languages and Cultures of China and Inner Asia, School of Oriental and Afri- can Studies (SOAS), London. He received his BA from National Taiwan Univer- sity and his Ph.D. from Vienna University. He is the author of monographs on medieval poetics (1995) and the history of Sinology (2001), and has published volumes on censorship (2003) and reading (2005). He is currently working on the reception of the Analects.] * * * Chinese graphs are traditionally defined by their xing 形 (form), yin 音 (sound) and yi 義 (meaning). In addition to its importance as a mnemonic guide for the learner, the practice of ‘dissecting graphs’ ( chaizi 拆 字), graph analysis or gly- phomancy (when used in predictions) is an important element of the ‘study of graphs’ ( zixue 字 學). 1 The analysis of graphs may serve as a paronomastic de- vice or as a divinatory technique; it can be based on a graph’s form or shape, its phonetic value, any of its semantic aspects, and combinations of these three as- pects. The first systematised attempt to analyse and to categorise graphs and their development was made by Xu Shen 許 慎 (c. 55 - c. 149). He laid the basis for the traditional understanding of the Chinese writing system in his postface ( xu 序) to the Shuowen jiezi 說 文 解 字 (Explorations on Complex Graphs and Explanations of Simple Graphs).
    [Show full text]
  • Abbreviations
    Abbreviations Baopuzi neipian Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343), Baopuzi neipian 抱朴 子內篇, comp. Wang Ming 王明. Taibei: Liren shuju, 1981. Bao Tingbo 鮑廷博 (1728–1814), Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家訓. Shugu tang ying Song ben chongdiao 述古堂影宋 本重雕. Zhibuzu zhai congshu 知不足齋叢書 11. Beihu lu Duan Gonglu 段公路 (fl. 869–871), Beihu lu北 戶錄. In Yingyin Wenyuange siku quanshu 景印文 淵閣四庫全書, Vol. 589. Taibei: Shangwu yinshu- guan, 1983. Bei Qi shu(BQS) Li Baiyao 李百藥 (564–647), comp. Bei Qi shu北 齊書. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972. Bei shi(BS) Li Yanshou 李延壽 (fl. 620s–650s), comp. Bei shi 北史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972. Chen Yinke Chen Yinke 陳寅恪,“Cong shishi lun Qie yun” 從史實論切韻. Lingnan xuebao 嶺南學報 9.2 (1949): 1–18. Cheng Rong Cheng Rong程榮 (fl. late 16 th c.) collated, Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家訓. Han Wei congshu 漢魏叢書 edi- tion. With Yan Rugui 顏如瓌 1518 preface and Yan Zhibang 顏志邦 1578 preface. Chuxue ji Xu Jian 徐堅 (659–729), comp. Chuxie ji 初學記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Dien Albert E. Dien, trans. with introduction and notes. Pei Chi shu 45: Biography of Yen Chih-t’ui. Würzburger Sino-Japonica. Bern: Herbert Lang, 1976. Fu Yue 傅鑰(傅太平) (1482–1540), Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家 訓. Sibu congkan edition. Shanghai Hanfen lou photo-reprint of Fu Yue’s printed edition with Zhang Bi’s 張璧 1524 preface. Gu shi ji Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1513–1572), comp. Gu shi ji 古詩紀. In Yingyin Wenyuan ge siku quanshu景 印文淵閣四庫全書, Vol. 1379. Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983. Open Access. © 2021 Xiaofei Tian, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.
    [Show full text]
  • The Images of Jiangnan in Zhao Mengfu's (1254-1322) Poetry/ Li E University of Massachusetts Amherst
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 2005 The images of Jiangnan in Zhao Mengfu's (1254-1322) poetry/ Li E University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses E, Li, "The images of Jiangnan in Zhao Mengfu's (1254-1322) poetry/" (2005). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 1481. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/1481 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMAGES OF JIANGNAN IN ZHAO MENGFITS (1254-1322) POETRY A Thesis Presented by LIE Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 2005 Asian Languages and Literatures © Copyright by Li E 2005 All Rights Reserved THE IMAGES OF JIANGNAN IN ZHAO MENGFU'S (1254-1322) POETRY A Thesis Presented by LIE Approved as to style and content by: Alvin P. Cohen, Ch£ir Shaodan Luo, Member Doris G. Bargen, Director Asian Languages and Literatures ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank thesis my advisor, Professor Alvin Cohen, who read several drafts of my thesis and gave me invaluable comments and suggestions about everything, from my big arguments to grammar and spelling. His help, patience, and understanding have encouraged me to finish my thesis in time. Through working with him during the whole writing process, I have had a much better understanding of his boundless generosity and kindness both as a teacher and as a person.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Architecture: a History
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Index Page numbers in boldface refer to Anqiu, Han tomb in, 44 Baodingshan, 176–77, 178 Big/Little Dipper(s), 32, 109, 146, figures. Anxiwangfu, 200–201 Bao’en Monastery: in Nanjing, 223, 260 Anyang, 14–16, 15, 25; Buddhist 314, 316; in Sichuan, 249, 290; Binglingsi, 84, 85 A caves in, 88, 89, 89–90; in Suzhou, pagoda of, 180, 182, Binyang caves, 87 Aai, 93 pagoda in, 97. See also Xiaotun; 215, 282 Bishushanzhuang. See Chengde Abaoji, 136, 138, 144, 192 Xibeigang Baoguo Monastery: in Fuzhou, Bixia Shrine, 251 abbot’s hall, 172 Anyi, 20, 21, 32 Daxiongbao Hall of, 156, 166–67, Biyong, 37, 38, 39, 120, 262, 262 abstinence (hall), 76, 183, 227, 232, Anyuanmiao (Temple), 283 167, 168, 184, 204; on Mount Biyunsi (Monastery), in Beijing, 233, 238, 260 Anyue, caves in, 177 Emei, 254; in Yuncheng, 117 273, 274, 284, 327, 333; in Shanxi, Acheng, 195–96, 196 Aohanqi, 8 Baoji, 17 126, 131 “Admonitions of the Court Aolimi, tombs in, 186 baosha, 165, 264 bizhu, 98, 99 Instructress,” 82 apsara, 143, 250 Baoshan, 24, 25; caves, 88, 89–90, block-house/block-like style Adunqiaolu. See Aduuchuluu Arabs, 106 118; tombs in, 144, 145 architecture, 268–69, 269, 276, Aduuchuluu, 16 “architect,” in China, 1, 150, 314 barbarian, 136 279, 284, 311 air shaft, 79, 120, 125 architrave, 6, 98, 99, 100, 101, 113, batter, 113, 127, 130, 163, 165, 204, Board of Works, 228, 314 Allied Architects, 322, 328, 334 113, 131, 154, 158, 159, 160, 161, 207, 209, 210, 211 boat-shaped dwellings, 311 Almaliq, 201 163, 174, 204, 210, 229, 280 bay system, 153–54, 154, 293 Book of Changes.
    [Show full text]
  • Notebooks (Biji) and Shifting Boundaries of Knowledge in Eleventh-Century China
    Notebooks ( Biji ) and Shifting Boundaries of Knowledge in Eleventh-Century China Christian de Pee The Medieval Globe, Volume 3, Issue 1, 2017, pp. 129-167 (Article) Published by Arc Humanities Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/758500 [ Access provided at 27 Sep 2021 00:19 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] NOTEBOOKS (BIJI) AND SHIFTING BOUNDARIES OF KNOWLEDGE IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY CHINA CHRISTIAN DE PEE The Twelve Fields are the cords by which heaven is divided, so one can­ not use the Twelve Fields to understand heaven. The Nine Continents are the mesh by which the earth is divided, so one cannot use the Nine Conti­ nents to understand the earth. The Seven Epitomes are the categories by which books are divided, so one cannot use the Seven Epitomes to under­ stand books. To understand heaven, one must understand progressions; clear,to understand maps and the books earth, lose one their must order: understand that is inevitable. distance; to understand books, one must understand classification. Alas! If the classification is not1 Zheng Qiao (1161 CE) to identify a distinct moment in the Chinese past when print­ ing technology caused a radical change in the production or the transfer of knowl­ It Is dIffIcult third century, scrolls of paper, wrapped in cloth, replaced knotted lattices of wood edge. Paper came into use as a writing material during the first century CE. In the or bamboo as the preferred form for books. Booklets of folded leaves existed side by side with scrolls during the eighth and ninth centuries before replacing them in the course of the tenth century.2 By that time, printing technology was already Revolutions and to submit my essay to The Medi eval Globe, and for her ever stimulating I thank Carol Symes for inviting me to participate in the Symposium on Medieval Media comments, encouragement, and friendship.
    [Show full text]
  • Funerary Art
    TENTH-CENTURY CHINA AND BEYOND FUNERARY ART Two Royal Tombs from the Early Liao: Architecture, Pictorial Program, Authorship, Subjectivity Wu Hung "In the absence of Qidan [Khitan] ~ft descriptions of themselves," Nancy Steinhardt writes in her path-breaking Liao Architecture, "Chinese writers of standard histories and other texts have become de facto anthropologists. "1 We have two main Chinese records of Qidan burial customs: a tenth-century reference in the Old History of the Tang (Jiu Tangshu ~®i·-n and an eyewitness account by the Southern Song author Wen Weijian x:'ItFJi. The former says that unlike the Chinese, who have always buried the dead in tombs and held elaborate mortuary rites, Qidan people escort the corpse to the high mountains and place it in a tree. Sons and grandsons do not mourn for their deceased parents and grandparents; instead, parents and grandparents cry from morning to night for a deceased male descendant. 2 Wen Weijian's account focuses more closely on the treatment of the corpse, describing in vivid language how Qidan people cut open the corpse of a noble person and stuff it with fragrant ingredients, how they prick the skin to drain bodily fluids, and finally how they adorn the face of the dry mummy with a gold or silver mask. 3 Widely cited in modem studies of Liao tombs, these historical accounts do accord with some archaeological finds, such as the frequent use of metal masks in aristocratic Qidan tombs. But these records also reveal the distinct mentality of their authors, who were mainly interested in the differences between the Qidan and the Chinese.
    [Show full text]