Dampens Koreans' Desire for Reunification
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Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. Bennett C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. -
South Korea Section 3
DEFENSE WHITE PAPER Message from the Minister of National Defense The year 2010 marked the 60th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War. Since the end of the war, the Republic of Korea has made such great strides and its economy now ranks among the 10-plus largest economies in the world. Out of the ashes of the war, it has risen from an aid recipient to a donor nation. Korea’s economic miracle rests on the strength and commitment of the ROK military. However, the threat of war and persistent security concerns remain undiminished on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea is threatening peace with its recent surprise attack against the ROK Ship CheonanDQGLWV¿ULQJRIDUWLOOHU\DW<HRQS\HRQJ Island. The series of illegitimate armed provocations by the North have left a fragile peace on the Korean Peninsula. Transnational and non-military threats coupled with potential conflicts among Northeast Asian countries add another element that further jeopardizes the Korean Peninsula’s security. To handle security threats, the ROK military has instituted its Defense Vision to foster an ‘Advanced Elite Military,’ which will realize the said Vision. As part of the efforts, the ROK military complemented the Defense Reform Basic Plan and has UHYDPSHGLWVZHDSRQSURFXUHPHQWDQGDFTXLVLWLRQV\VWHP,QDGGLWLRQLWKDVUHYDPSHGWKHHGXFDWLRQDOV\VWHPIRURI¿FHUVZKLOH strengthening the current training system by extending the basic training period and by taking other measures. The military has also endeavored to invigorate the defense industry as an exporter so the defense economy may develop as a new growth engine for the entire Korean economy. To reduce any possible inconveniences that Koreans may experience, the military has reformed its defense rules and regulations to ease the standards necessary to designate a Military Installation Protection Zone. -
China on Asia's Mind
BRIEF POLICY CHINA ON ASIA’S MIND François Godement SUMMARY Talk of an “Asian century” is increasingly overshadowed by This brief is based on a study trip to Tokyo in speculation about the prospect or risk of a “Chinese century”. June 2014, during which a group of ECFR’s China, India, Indonesia, and Japan will make up half of the Council members met with a wide and world’s GDP by 2030. The continent is becoming the global distinguished group of interlocutors from Japan, South Korea, and elsewhere in Asia, price maker for oil, iron ore, copper, and aluminium – China and discussed how they see the future of the and South Korea alone make up 67 percent of the world’s continent and its implications for Europe. iron ore consumption. Speculative bubbles from China’s What had often been predicted to be an “Asian currency reserves and runaway lending now drive global century” is turning out to be one in which property markets and their excesses. China has amassed China is foremost in Asia’s mind. Tensions in $4.5 trillion of currency reserves – an amount that seems East Asia are becoming the new normal and immense until one compares it with the estimated cost of it is increasingly clear that trade does not Korean reunification – estimated at around $5 to 6 trillion.1 guarantee peace and stability. Europe can Its defence budget, which is becoming four times as large neither take Asia’s stability for granted nor every 10 years, looks set to approach America’s by 2030. afford to be complacent about Asian security. -
Reunification of Korea: Economic Consequences from an External Point of View*
International Studies Review Vol. 6 No. 2 (October 2005): 21-33 21 Reunification of Korea: Economic Consequences from an External Point of View* EDWARD M. GRAHAM ** Korean reunification remains an uncertainty. When and if it comes, the condition of the North Korean economy is primitive compared to the economy of South Korea. Because of massive investment needs in the North, and under plausible assumptions regarding savings rates in a unified Korea, the balance of payment of a reunified Korea is likely to deteriorate significantly in the event of reunification. Foreign direct investment could ameliorate this result, and might contribute to a more rapid catch-up of the North to the South. Keywords: Korean reunification, economic effects of Korean re unification, balance of payments effects of Korean reunification Originally Prepared for 2005 IKUPD Forum "Korean Reunification in Korea-US Relationship," Harvard Law School, April 9, 2005. " The author would like to thank Ted Kim, Jim Lister, Paul Karner, Marcus Noland, two persons of Korean nationality who wish to remain anonymous, and two anonymous reviewers for valuable comments on an earlier draft. Direct all correspondence co Edward M. Graham, Senior Fellow, Institute for International Economics, 1750 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036-1903 USA; Tel: 1-202-454-1326; E-mail: [email protected] Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 05:49:58AM via free access 22 Reunification of Korea I. INTRODUCTION lmost all Koreans dream that the "two Koreas," the Republic of Korea A (ROK) in the south and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the north, reunify. -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
Welcome to Korea Day: from Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism
International Journal of Communication 13(2019), 3764–3780 1932–8036/20190005 Welcome to Korea Day: From Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism IRINA LYAN1 University of Oxford, UK With the increasing appeal of Korean popular culture known as the Korean Wave or hallyu, fans in Israel among Korean studies students have joined—and even replaced— ethnic Koreans in performing nationalism beyond South Korea’s borders, creating what I call hallyu fan-nationalism. As an unintended consequence of hallyu, such nationalism enables non-Korean hallyu fans to take on the empowering roles of cultural experts, educators, and even cultural ambassadors to promote Korea abroad. The symbolic shift from diasporic to hallyu nationalism brings to the fore nonnationalist, nonessentialist, and transcultural perspectives in fandom studies. In tracing the history of Korea Day from the 2000s to the 2010s, I found that hallyu fan-students are mobilized both by the macro mission to promote a positive image of Korea in their home societies and by the micro motivation to repair their own, often stigmatized, self-image. Keywords: transcultural fandom studies, hallyu, Korean Wave, Korean studies, Korea Day, diasporic nationalism While talking with Israeli students enrolled in Korean studies (mostly female fans of Korean popular culture) in an effort to understand their motivations behind organizing Korea Day and promoting Korean culture in Israel in general, I was surprised when some of them used the Hebrew word hasbara, which literally translates as “explanation.” As a synonym for propaganda, hasbara refers to the public diplomacy of Israel that aims to promote a positive image of Israel to the world and to counter its delegitimization. -
U.S.-South Korea Relations
U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance Jonathan R. Corrado Research Associate May 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries’ economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship. Coordination of North Korea Policy Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the relationship. The Trump Administration appears to have raised North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs to a top U.S. -
The Present and Future of Americanization in South Korea
ARTICLE .51 The Present and Future of Americanization in South Korea Seong Won Park The Hawaii Research Center USA Abstract This paper examines the historical origins and current processes of both pro- and anti-Americanism in South Korea, where Americanization is associated with Koreans' wealth and security in the era of globalization. However, it is suggested here that South Korea should explore alternatives to Americanization by considering a range of alternative futures for Korean society. The future is always changing, so South Korea has to carefully observe current situations and continuously redesign their vision of the future by considering four alternatives to Americanization rather than subscribing to only one dominant vision. Keywords: Americanization, anti-Americanism, patriarchal society, South Korea, alternatives, globalization, English Introduction South Korea has done nothing to curb Americanization since the 1950s, and in an era of global- ization, Korean society is becoming more influenced by the United States in terms of economic, political, and psychological realms. However, anti-Americanism has been recently growing rapidly there. The reactions to Americanization reflect changes of Koreans' consciousness about wealth and security. This paper examines the origins and processes of both pro- and anti-Americanism in Korea and forecasts possible alternatives appropriate for strengthening Korea's future security and wealth. The first part of this paper discusses how Americanization occurred in South Korea and how it has become Americanized through 1) the number of US-educated Ph.D.s in universities and govern- ment, 2) the propensity to adopt American lifestyles, and 3) the high market shares of American movies and television programming. -
South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang. -
General Assembly Security Council Seventy-First Session Seventy-Second Year Agenda Item 61 Peacebuilding and Sustaining Peace
United Nations A/71/843–S/2017/192 General Assembly Distr.: General 20 March 2017 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-first session Seventy-second year Agenda item 61 Peacebuilding and sustaining peace Identical letters dated 6 March 2017 from the Permanent Representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council I have the honour herewith to transmit a letter with regard to aggressive joint military exercises staged by the United States and south Korea against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) from the date of 1 March 2017, in disregard of repeated warnings by the Government of DPRK and strong protests and condemnations from internal and external communities. These joint military exercises being staged by the United States in south Korea are the most undisguised nuclear war manoeuvres, to drive the Korean Peninsula and the rest of the North-East Asia region into nuclear disaster. This is to mention that all different kinds of strategic assets of the United States, not only nuclear propelled aircraft carriers but also nuclear submarines, nuclear strategic bombers and stealth fighters, are all massively enlisted in these joint military exercises, Key Resolve and Foal Eagle, to wage actual war drills in accordance with a nuclear pre-emptive plan to attack DPRK by surprise. Nobody could vouch whether, when the war drills kicked off after the introduction of a lot of nuclear strike means and huge forces into south Korea and the waters, it may go over to an actual war and, consequently, the situation on the Korean Peninsula is again inching to the brink of a nuclear war. -
Western Influence on Korean Painting of the Late Chosŏn Period
Western Influence on Korean Painting of the Late Chosŏn Period YiSŏng-mi TheAcademyofKoreanStudies FromtheThreeKingdoms periodon,Koreanculturedevelopeditsuniquenesswhile receivingcontinuousstimuliandinfluencefrom continentalChinese culture;inturn,it hadasignificantimpact onthedevelopmentofJapaneseculture.Viewedfromthe larger contextofworldculture,culturalexchange amongthethreeEastAsiannations presupposeda certaindegreeofhomogeneity.However,the contactwiththeWestern civilizationandculturethroughChristianityinChina beginninginthefirsthalfofthe 16thcentury,andinKorea bywayofChinaduringthelate17thcentury,meantaclash oftwoquitedifferentcivilizations,WesternandEastAsian. Sucha"clashofcivilizations,"toborrowHuntington'sterm,canbediscernedinthe writingsoftheChineseliteratioftheCh'ing periodandinthoseoftheirKorean counterpartsofthelateChosŏnperiod,whotookWesterncultureas a"shock".This paperexaminesthe processofthereceptionofWesterninfluenceonKoreanpaintings ofthe18ththroughtheearly20thcentury before Korea wasfullyexposedtoWestern culture.Documentaryevidenceof contacts aswellasactualworksofartinwhichthe Westerninfluenceisevidentwill bethemainobjectsofexamination. Fromthe beginningofthehistoryof paintingintheWestandinEastAsia,thereexisted afundamentaldifferenceinwhata paintingshouldrepresent.UnlikeintheWest,where theaimof paintingwastoreproducefaithfullytheoutwardappearanceoffiguresor objects,thatinEastAsia wastocapturetheuniversaltruthorspiritualaspects.Inthe NorthernSung period,thisemphasisoncapturing metaphysicalconceptsinpainting developedintothetheoryofliterati -
South Korean Efforts to Counter North Korean Aggression
http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ South Korean Efforts to Counter North The Trinity Site Korean Aggression Papers By Major Aaron C. Baum, USAF http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ Recent North Korean nuclear aggression has raised debates Prior to the armistice, President Dwight Eisenhower signaled about how the United States should secure its interests in North- his willingness to use nuclear weapons to end the Korean Con- east Asia. However, any action on the peninsula should consid- flict. He then reiterated his resolve should China and North Ko- er the security preferences of American allies, especially the rea reinitiate hostilities.3 From 1958 to 1991, the United States Republic of Korea (ROK). With militaristic rhetoric coming stationed nuclear artillery, bombs, and missiles in South Korea from the Trump administration, the question arises of how im- to counter a North Korean invasion.4 Further, in 1975 the Ford portant U.S. policy is to the actions of our Korean allies in administration affirmed that the United States would consider countering North Korean (DPRK) nuclear aggression. Thus, it the use of nuclear weapons in a conflict “likely to result in de- is important to review nuclear crises of the past and the align- feat in any area of great importance to the United States in Asia ment of U.S. and ROK policy toward Pyongyang. This paper … including Korea.”5 reviews three periods of nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula It was not until 1978 at the 11th Security Consultative and argues that U.S. military policy is not the sole factor deter- Mechanism (SCM) that extended nuclear deterrence was for- mining South Korean response to DPRK nuclear provocation.