Table of Contents

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Table of Contents 2/2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................................ 1 1. The Political Situation............................................................................................................................ .. 2 2. State and Development of the Party System in Bulgaria......................................................................... .. 5 2.1. Processes within the Governing Coalition ............................................................................................. 5 2.1.1. Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) ............................................................................................................ 5 2.1.2. NMSP (National Movement for Stability and Progress) ....................................................................... 6 2.1.3. Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) ........................................................................................ 7 2.2 Processes within the Right-wing Political Environment ........................................................................... 8 2.2.1. Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) ..................................................................................................... 8 2.2.2. Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (DSB) ................................................................................................. 9 2.2.3. Bulgarian New Democracy (BND) .................................................................................................... 10 2.2.4. Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (The GERB Party) .................................................... 10 2.2.5. The Ataka Party .............................................................................................................................. 11 3. PUBLIC OPINION .................................................................................................................................. 12 4. Trends and Prospects ......................................................................................................................... ... 13 2/2008 . The Political Situation eral Vanyo Tanov, when he was summoned to a hearing before the Parliamentary Committee for The political situation over the past quarter was Internal Order and Security. In his conversation dominated by the massive corruption row, which with the members of this committee Tanov dis- shook the country and made public the ties exist- closed the fact that the Minister of Interior, Rou- ing between some high ranking civil servants from men Petkov, had held unauthorized appointments the Ministry of Interior with organized crime. This with representatives of organized crime. This fact row was widely covered by the mass media and emerged during a surveillance operation carried reverberated not only in this country but in the out by the task force for combating organized international public opinion as well, enhancing crime in connection with two men belonging to Bulgaria’s unfavorable foreign political image. the criminal circles. All this brought to the fore the need for The Minister of Interior, Roumen Petkov, urgent reforms, which can help find adequate confirmed that he took part in such an organized mechanisms aimed at solving the massive prob- encounter, but added that it was part of a special lems this country faces in its endeavors to combat task, which his Ministry had to accomplish, and organized crime and corruption. Such urgency is that an officer from the secret services was pres- also prompted by the fact that the row has taken ent at this pre-arranged encounter. The special- place in a period of strict monitoring by the Eu- ists in this area, however, categorically claim that ropean Commission concerning the measures the the Minister is not entitled to deal with matters country has to implement for the solution of the of such nature and - according to the legislation adverse consequences, which the highly sensitive - such engagements can be arranged only by rep- subject matter of organized crime and corruption resentatives of the professional leadership of the has made imperative both in the country and the Ministry of Interior. EU on the whole. Despite these disclosures, Prime Minis- The row at the Ministry of Interior burst ter Stanishev defended Roumen Petkov and even out when the DSB MP, Reserve General Atanas gave him the assignment to carry out a thorough Atanassov, who was Chief of Intelligence at the inspection of the functioning of the Ministry of In- time of Ivan Kostov’s government (1997 – 2001), terior. President Parvanov also gave his support to submitted to the Prosecutor’s Office a compact the Minister of Interior by expressing the opinion disk with material recorded by means of special that it was Roumen Petkov who could carry out intelligence devices, which he claims to have been the needed reforms at the Ministry of Interior. This sent to him by an anonymous person. The record- statement brought about a tempestuous reaction ings make it clear that high-ranking officials of the on the part of the opposition, which declared that Chief Directorate for Combating Organized Crime this was inadmissible and that Petkov should hand protect representatives of such organized crime. in his resignation right away. As a result, the Deputy Chief of the Directorate Petkov did not resign: he started instead for Combating Organized Crime was arrested, be- extensive inspections at the Ministry he headed, cause his telephone conversations implicate him and in response the opposition tabled a yet anoth- in demanding and receiving bribes. Following an er non-confidence vote to the Cabinet on account inspection made by the Prosecutor’s Office, the of the activity of the Ministry of Interior and its former Chief Secretary of the Ministry of Interior, failure to combat organized crime and corruption. General Illia Illiev, was also arrested for illegitimate Unlike the previous non-confidence votes, howev- use of special intelligence devices. er, this one was truly dramatic and showed the ex- The row reached its climax with the rev- istence of serious differences within the governing elations made by the former Director of the Chief tri-partite coalition. This became particularly obvi- Directorate for Combating Organized Crime, Gen- ous during the debates and the voting procedure 2/2008 itself, when the NMSP MPs abstained from voting In the course of the row, the name of an and the Cabinet survived only thanks to the votes undercover agent of the secret services was re- of the BSP and MRF. vealed and this is the reason why an investigation The parliamentary faction of NMSP ex- is being currently held as to who has made this un- pressed particularly strong criticism with respect authorized disclosure. The misgivings are that the to the Minister of Interior, Roumen Petkov. In the guilty person was the Minister of Interior, Roumen opinion of the NMSP MPs, he already had to have Petkov himself, and that he had done so before handed in his resignation. In this way the NMSP handing in his resignation. The Prosecutor’s Office stance was a clear signal to Prime Minister Stan- demanded that the ex-Minister be stripped of his ishev indicating the urgent need for replacing his parliamentary immunity so that an investigation Minister of the Interior. For his part, Stanishev ex- to this effect could properly be carried out. Pet- pressed his own criticism for the behavior of his kov waived his immunity himself and said that he coalition partner, NMSP, and the MRF also has- did not commit the alleged crime he was charged tened to do the same. with. The results from the prosecutor’s investiga- The Prime Minister also said that the row re- tion are expected to be announced shortly. vealed the existence of serious problems in the func- The resignation of the Minister of Interior, tioning of and interaction between the individual Roumen Petkov, and the situation of a growing units and sectors of the Ministry of Interior, but the public negativism with respect to the government Cabinet and the governing tri-partite majority had gave sufficient reasons to Prime Minister Stanishev the political will to start reforming this system. In his to carry out personal re-shuffles in the Cabinet, opinion, the row was prompted mainly by the circles which had been long due and expected for more which aim at the political destabilization of the coun- than a couple of months. Petkov’s replacement at try, thus intending to provoke an early general elec- the post of a new Minister of Interior was Mikhail tion and facilitate GERB’s and Boiko Borissov’s ascent Mickov, Chairman of the parliamentary faction of to power and the governance of the country. Coalition for Bulgaria. Re-shuffles took place at the The right wing opposition accused the Ministry of Health, where Minister Radoslav Gai- government of close relations with organized crime darsky was replaced by the former mayor of the in Bulgaria, adding that corruption had become a town of Stara Zagora, Evgenii Zhelev; at the Min- customary practice of political behavior on the part istry of Defense, where Nickolay Tzonev replaced of the governing tri-partite coalition. This was a cat- Vesselin Bliznakov from NMSP, and at the Ministry egorical proof for the existence of a statehood crisis of Agriculture, where Valeri Tzvetanov replaced in the country. The opposition was also unanimous Nihat Kabil from the MRF. A new Deputy Prime that
Recommended publications
  • Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
    European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P.
    [Show full text]
  • There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
    There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included.
    [Show full text]
  • Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
    Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
    Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulgaria Country Report BTI 2003
    Bulgaria Status Index 7.7 Management Index 6.4 (Democracy: 4.0 / Market Economy: 3.7) System of Government Parliamentary Population 8.0 Mio. Democracy GDP p. c. ($, PPP) 6,890 Voter turnout 67.03 (2002) Unemployment rate 19.5 % Women in Parliament 26.3 % HDI 0.795 Population growth -0.3 % UN-Education Index 0.91 Largest ethnic minority 9.4 % (1992) Gini-Index 31.9 Figures for 2001 – if not indicated otherwise. a) Annual growth between 1975 and 2001. Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2003. 1. Introduction The beginning of the period under study coincided roughly with the formation of the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) government under Ivan Kostov in early 1997. The previous Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) government under Zhan Videnov had run Bulgaria’s economy to ruin during its short mandate from January 25, 1995 to December 28, 1996, and was forced out by popular demand. Ivan Kostov’s SDS-led government, in power from May 23, 1997 to July 24, 2001, is, to date, the only government since 1990 to have completed a full term of office. Although it was able to bring stability to the country and its macroeconomic situation, the SDS-led government was ousted in the June 17, 2001 elections by former czar Simeon II Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and his three-month- old party the National Movement for Simeon II (NDSV). The SDS lost the election because it had been unable to improve economic conditions for the average person and because voters had placed unrealistic hopes in the former czar. This report concludes that, despite all apparent political and macroeconomic stabilization since the 1997 crisis, severe deficiencies remain in regard to the rule of law; administrative efficiency; and the fight against organized crime, corruption and mafia structures (Bulgaria ranks 45th in the Corruption Perception Index with a score of 4.0).
    [Show full text]
  • Bulgaria: Country Background Report
    Order Code 98-627 F Updated July 13, 2001 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Bulgaria: Country Background Report -name redacted- Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary In June 2001, the party of Simeon II, Bulgaria’s former King from the pre- communist era, won just short of a majority of the vote in parliamentary elections. Simeon, who founded his party three months earlier, did not run for a seat in parliament, but nevertheless was nominated by his party on July 12 to become Prime Minister. Simeon II is the first ex-monarch to return to power in eastern Europe since World War II. The Simeon II National Movement party replaces a center-right government that achieved many significant economic reforms and consolidated Bulgaria’s pro-Western orientation. Primary goals for Bulgaria remain full membership in NATO and the European Union. U.S. Administrations and Congress have noted Bulgaria’s positive role in promoting peace and stability in the Balkan region. This report will be updated as events warrant. Background From the 14th to the 19th century, Bulgaria was part of the Ottoman empire. It gained independence in the late 19th century. Bulgaria was on the losing side of three wars in the 20th century and came under communist rule in 1944. During the Cold War, Bulgaria had the reputation of being the Soviet Union’s most stalwart ally in the Warsaw Pact. Todor Zhivkov, head of the Bulgarian Communist Party, led a repressive regime in Bulgaria for 35 years. Beginning in 1989, Bulgaria began a gradual process of transformation to a democratic and market economic state that progressed more slowly than in other central European countries (such as Poland or Hungary), but with no violent changes in power as in Romania or Yugoslavia.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    DOI: 10.17573/cepar.2020.1.05 1.01 Original scientific article Public Administration Reform in Bulgaria: Top-down and Externally-driven Approach Emilia Zankina Temple University, USA [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0312-4095 Received: 17. 10. 2019 Accepted: 11. 3. 2020 ABSTRACT The article examines public administration reform (PAR) in Bulgaria and the main factors that shaped the reform agenda and dynamics. PAR is ex- amined along five key dimensions – transparency and accountability, civil service and human resources management (HRM), public service deliv- ery and digitalisation, organisation and management of government, and policy-making coordination and implementation. The article argues that there are four main factors influencing reform dynamics and determining policy outcomes in the Bulgarian case: the specific political choices made by government elites, external influence of the EU and of past national legacies, and the importance of institutions and reform mechanisms. To illustrate these factors at work, the article examines three policy initia- tives, i.e. e-government, the reduction of administrative burden, and civil service reform. The article presents a longitudinal analysis and a qualita- tive case-study approach, utilising Annual Reports on the Status of the Public Administration 2001–2018, mapping European Semester Docu- ments 2011–2017, an inventory of PAR initiatives 2005–2018, and in- terviews of public officials. The pushes for reform have been top-down, externally-driven, and stop-and-go in nature. The results confirm previ- ous findings that Bulgaria is among the EU countries with the poorest record in PAR, struggling to overcome communist legacies and high lev- els of corruption and politicisation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Struggle for Access to Healthcare in Eastern and Southern Europe
    The Struggle for Access to Healthcare in Eastern and Southern Europe Partisanship and Party Responsiveness by Alexandru Daniel Moise Submitted to The Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy, and International Relations Central European University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CEU eTD Collection Supervisor: Associate Professor Evelyne H¨ubscher Budapest, Hungary June 2019 Declaration I, the undersigned Alexandru Daniel Moise, candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations, declare herewith that the present thesis is exclusively my own work, based on my research and only such external information as properly credited in notes and bibliography. I declare that no unidentified and illegitimate use was made of work of others, and no part the thesis infringes on any person's or institution's copyright. I also declare that no part the thesis has been submitted in this form to any other institution of higher education for an academic degree. Budapest, June 11, 2019 ||||||||||||||||| Signature CEU eTD Collection c by Alexandru Daniel Moise, 2019 All Rights Reserved. Word count: ∼ 62,000 ii pentru mama s, i uri CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgments \You don't get it", she said. \Don't get what?" \We are one." \We are one?" Tengo asked with a shock. \We wrote the book together." ... \That's true. We wrote Air Crysalis together. And when we are eaten by the tiger, we'll be eaten together." |Haruki Murakami, 1Q84 If academia were a running club, the PhD would be the marathon.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bulgarian Army – from the Warsaw Pact to Nato (Some Problems of the Military Reform)
    Doykov, Yordan. El Ejército Búlgaro –del Pacto de Varsovia a la OTAN (algunos problemas de la Reforma Militar) THE BULGARIAN ARMY – FROM THE WARSAW PACT TO NATO (SOME PROBLEMS OF THE MILITARY REFORM) YORDAN DOYKOV∗ ABSTRACT The reform of the Bulgarian has progressed with difficulties, following the logic of the political process and looks for the foundation of national understanding of state’s priorities, including in the field of defence. The significance of the problems in the process of reformation of the Bulgarian armed forces is getting a more outlined form through following its historical importance and development. In the process of building stated democratic institutions the society needs the implementation of this military reform for the creation of a new army. Shaping the military reform concept is a result of a dispute between BSP and UDF. The transition period was accompanied by a waste of the military human potential. ∗ Departamento de Ciencia Política en la Universidad de Sofía “St Kliment Ohridski”. Papeles del Este. 1 8(2004): 1-23 Doykov, Yordan. El Ejército Búlgaro –del Pacto de Varsovia a la OTAN (algunos problemas de la Reforma Militar) EL EJÉRCITO BÚLGARO – DEL PACTO DE VARSOVIA A LA OTAN (ALGUNOS PROBLEMAS DE LA REFORMA MILITAR) YORDAN DOYKOV∗ RESUMEN El proceso de reforma búlgaro ha ido progresando con dificultades, ha seguido la lógica del proceso político y con el objetivo de conseguir una lista de prioridades nacionales que incluyen el área de defensa. La importancia de los problemas acontecidos durante el proceso de reforma de las Fuerzas Armadas búlgaras está tomando una mayor importancia debido a su importancia histórica y desarrollo.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Liberalism in Bulgaria: Achievements and Prospects 1
    The definitive ideas of political liberalism – individual rights, constitution- alism, and the market economy – have become universal reference points in democratic politics, and because of that have been largely de-politicised. This situation spells the predicament of the liberal parties: their agenda has become universally accepted, which makes them hardly distinguishable from their main competitors. In Bulgaria, essentially only one party has been successfully institution- alised as ‘liberal’ both in terms of ideology and centrism – NDSV. In terms of positioning, DPS has always been centrist, but in terms of practiced ideology it could hardly be called ‘liberal’. There are obviously conditions under which ‘liberalism’ as a political ideology could be revived and become successful in electoral contests: the rise of populism in the 2000s also provides an opportunity for liberal parties to consolidate and to create a joint front against attempts to un- dermine constitutional values. The dominance of mild populism of a centrist type prevents for now the possibility of the emergence of a strong, centrist liberal party (or the revival of existing ones). The immediate chances for the revival of the liberal centre depend on the radicalisation of Bulgarian populism in nationalistic or other illiberal di- rection. If aggressive populist governments, as the one of Orban in Hungary, appear one might expect a possible consolidation of a liberal alternative. One wonders whether such a development would be a cause for celebration for liberals, however. Maybe it is ultimately better to be a victim of one’s own success and to see your ideas shared – imperfectly or simply strategically as it may be - by a wide spectrum of parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Bigger EU, Wider CFSP, Stronger ESDP? the View from Central Europe
    Occasional Papers April 2002 n°34 Edited by Antonio Missiroli Bigger EU, wider CFSP, stronger ESDP? The view from Central Europe published by Vladimir Bilcik, Daniel Calin, Ivan Hostnik, the European Union Andres Kasekamp, Radek Khol, Atis Lejins, Institute for Security Studies Erzsébet Nagyne Rózsa, Radoslava Stefanova, 43 avenue Rafal Trzaskowski and Gediminas Vitkus du Président Wilson F-75775 Paris cedex 16 phone: + 33 (0) 1 56 89 19 30 fax: + 33 (0) 1 56 89 19 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) became a Paris-based autonomous agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of EU policies. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between experts and decision-makers at all levels. The EUISS is the successor to the WEU Institute for Security Studies, set up in 1990 by the WEU Council to foster and stimulate a wider discussion across Europe. Occasional Papers are essays or reports that the Institute considers should be made avail- able as a contribution to the debate on topical issues relevant to European security. They may be based on work carried out by researchers granted awards by the ISS, on contribu- tions prepared by external experts, and on collective research projects or other activities organised by (or with the support of) the Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 6 from Soft Law to Hard
    Durham E-Theses Surpassing the Leaders - Laggards gap? Conditionality, Compliance and Europeanisation viewed from Romania and Bulgaria in the post-accession period FOLESCU, CORINA,ANDREEA How to cite: FOLESCU, CORINA,ANDREEA (2016) Surpassing the Leaders - Laggards gap? Conditionality, Compliance and Europeanisation viewed from Romania and Bulgaria in the post-accession period, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11772/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Surpassing the Leaders - Laggards gap? Conditionality, Compliance and Europeanisation viewed from Romania and Bulgaria in the post-accession period By Corina Andreea FOLESCU Supervised by Dr. Christian SCHWEIGER Dr. Gidon COHEN Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the School of Government and International Affairs 2016 1 Table of Contents Chapter 1 ....................................................................................................................................... 11 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]