THE
I 1FLUE CE OF RENCH I . IGRATIO
0 THE
POLITICAL :. ~. TQ , \Y QP .T E . . ITED STATES.
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Oe'!ree Grant
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BY ELIZABETH H. AVERY. PREFATORY NOTE.
HE inve tigation of which the re ult ar herewith pre ented ·wa be<>'un with the thou<>' ht of pr paring a pap r for th eminary of American Hi tory in the Univer ity of Minn ota. A very brief . urvey ufficed to show that h r wa. a. field, practically unwork d, inten ly fa cinatin<>', and of no mall importance. The tudy wa ther fore continued and th paper wa expand d to the pre ent limits. t no stage of the r ear ·h, have I con ciou ly labor d to tabli h a pr -con iv d th ory. Indeed, in th main, the r - , ull r ach d ar far oth r than I hould hav anticipat d. Tho conclu. ion of a firt effort in a new field ar n ce. arily somewhat t ntativ , and I hall be quite ati fied if the r ult of thi tudy hall lead other , bett r quipp d, to continu the inv tigation, wh th r th final r ul aO'r e with tho here r ached or not. INTRODUCTIO . The formerly accepted theory that American institution are almost exclu iYely of Anglo-Saxon origin, ha of late b en vig orously attacked. In particular, larg claim to a share in the hon 'Especiall y in nougla~ arnphcll"s worl<, "Th Pn ritan in England. H olland. anii .\ mcric·i." ,V. E. Trittl,. ah:>. a.; · rt' Lhac w' ·borrowed from the Xeth<'rland-., ·'in i.rerm or directly,·• ciirhteen featur e ~ of our gcJ\-ernnwnt. Among them are the ~eparation of church and state, fr e dom of the press. freedom of relig-ion. the upreme court. the common 'iChoul 8y ·tem, etc. 'ee Xational .Jlagazin . vol. XV., p. 603. I. HUGUENOTS. I. HUGUENOT SETTLEMENTS. 1'hUGUENOT immigration to this country began at a very HJ early p riod. It would, however, be quite beside my present purpo e to relate the story of the ill-fated colonies sent out by Coligny, or even to give in detail the ac counts of more successful undertaking in later years. I shall attempt only a brief summary, in the order of colonies rather than in chronological order, of the settlement made by them in the United States. It appe::i.r that while the Pilgrim tarried in Leyden, :friend ly relations sprang up b twe n them and some of the French refugees who were also settled there, for the Mayflower brought among its pa senger certain Huguenot , Philip De lanoy and Wm. Molines with his wife, son, and dauahter, 1 the latter of whom has been immortalized by one of her own de scendant a the "Puritan maiden Priscilla" Mullin . In 1662, the General Court of Ma ~achu ett granted to John Touton, a phy ician of Rochelle, and other Fr nch Pro t stant exp lled on a::icount of their faith, perrui ion to ttle in the col ny. 2 Within the next quarter of a century th e were follow d by quite a larg numb r of their countrymen. Soon after the Revocation of the Edict of Nante , the proprie tors of a tract of land in the Nipmuck country invited ome thirty of them thith r and made them a arant of eleven or twelve thou and acre . The villag of Oxford which th y founded fl.ouri bed for a time but wa abandoned in 1704 on ac- 1.T. C. E otten. Original List of Emigrant to America, Introduction, p. XXV .. and C. JV. Baird, Huguenot Emigration to America, I., 15-1 and 15 . All the Moli nes family except the daughter died during the first winter. 'Ma s. Col. Record , vol. IV., part II .. p. 6i. ec al o, Memorial Hist. of Bo too. II., 250, where it i tated that Tout?o came ove_r in 1675 and that the first con iderable com_gany came m 1 6. Cite ~1 . copy of Council Records in the office of Sec. of tate p. 52. 12 count of Indian mas acres, the inhabitants going to Boston and other places. 1 ome forty or fifty families made a settlement, which they ailed Frenchtown, in East Greenwich. Rhode Island, in the autumn of 16 6. Owing to disputes about land titles, these ettler were afterward scattered over the Narragansett country. After the Revolution many of them moved to Ver mont, New York, Pennsylvania and thence farther west. 2 In th latter part of the seventeenth and the beginning of the i<>'hteenth c ntury. Connecticut received a small accession of Huguenot who located mo tly in Milford and Hartford. 3 Huguenot ettl ment were made in New York earlier than l wher . Ind ed there i evidence that the fir t white child born in that region. in 1614 or 1615, was of Huguenot parent a"' .4 In 1623, a. Dutch hip brought qver nearly thirty Wal loon familie , ome of whom settled on Manhattan Island, other n ar the pre ent ite of Philadelphia, and still others at Fort Orana -now Albany. There was considerable desultory miaration before the Revocation and ettlement were formed on both ta.ten I land and Long I land. 5 In 1677, veral families from the Palatinate located west of Rud on and in arateful commemoration of their previous ot r fuge callf\d their village ew Paltz. 6 och 11 , W tch ter o., was ettled in 16 9, the land 1 Danieb. ITi~t. of xford, p. 19; )Ia ~ . m~t. oll. vol. XXII., p. 29; c. \ . Baird dv · !ht or f<'rencb sctller' in )fa<; . from a variety of origi nal our e . 'Baird. II., 291, ft.: Potter, Ili tory of Fr nch ettlement· and ettler in l hod hland, pp. 17, l . , and 9. Thi ' little book rontains copie of original oocument' and i ' very valuable for tbe study of thi settle m nt. •rrugu no Emigration to America, II., 33u. !I. The authorities seem to be genealogical record '. ·~I morial Ili t. of.·. Y., I., I+!, 14,'5: oil. of Jluguenot Soc. of N. Y., I.. Introd .. p. X. and footnote. Both refer to the Jvnrnal of Labadist \'O ager·, Dank rs and ' luyt r, who e date was about 16i9. 'D . Ri.t. of ••. Y., III., 35; Huguenot Emigration to America l.. liO; oil. of Ilugueuot oc., I.. Iotrod. pp. XIV. and XY. ' Coll. of 'l •ter Hi ·t. oc. vol. I. part I. p. 34. There had been Wal loonTi;ettler in that region previously. 'ee Huguenot Coll. I., introd. xn:. The Wal.loon: were people of French extraction living in the re gion no~v omprr din the department dn .i: ord and the S. W. provinces of Belgrnm. The ?rot~~tant' amo~g them were practically Iluguenots. e Huguenot Em1grat10n to America, I., H9-151 and Huguenot Coll I Introd X., footnote. ., · 13 having been purchased from Leisler. The settlers were from the city which figures so largely in Huguenot history. 1 Many refugees who went first to the West Indies came thence t') .:-..L'W York.2 Individual families located here and there in New JersPy--a little group of them near Princeton-but the first and probably the only settlement looking to permanence was that on the Hackensack. This was begun in 1677 under the leadership of David Demarest, a native of Picardy, who on coming to Ameri ca first joined a Huguenot colony on Staten Island and later wa a prominent citizen of New HarlE>m. The colony pros pered, tract after tract of land was added, and before the Revo lution it sent emigrant to Western New York, to Adams Co., Penusy lvania, and to Harrod' lation, Kentucky. 3 P rench immigrant came al o to Delaware, to Berk Co, P enn. ylvania, po ibly to Maryland. and in much larger num ber to Virginia. 4 ome came to the latter colony as early as 1660, perhap earlier. Bet.ween 1690 and 1700, the arrival amounted in all to "700 or 00 men, women, aud children, who bad fled from France on account of th ir religion." Their principal ettlement wa at Manakintown, about tw nty mil above the fall of the Jam River. From thi place many of them moved to more de irable land on the Tr nt River in North Carolina. 6 Charle. II. ent a colony of French Prate taut at hi own expen e to outh Carolina in 1679. During the reign of Jam s 'Doc. Hist. of .i:. Y .. III., 955. tf. W. Baird has an intrrc~ting note in )lag. of .\.m. Jli t .. JI., 493. If., in which he ;trgues that Lei ·ler was a !Iugucnot and hence especially interested in locating tlw ·e familie . Cf. on thi point Huguenot, Coll., I. lntrod., XXVI., footnote and tbe references tbPre given. • •. Y. ol. Doc., IX., 309. 'Tbe·e and other iuterestin15 particular may be found iu "The Hu guenot' on the IJackensack, •·an addre" deli verrri before the Huguenot Soc. by Rev. Dr. Demarest, a de cendant of the fou oder. It i publl bed in Vol. I. of the proceeding:> of the oc. and al o eparately in pamphlet form. •Huguenot Coll. I .. XIY., Iluguenot Emigration to America. I. 133, ff .. Rupp. Thirty Thou!'and :Name of Emigrant. to Penn .. pp. XVI. and XVIII., and •ralcott Gen. Note of X. Y. and 'ew Eng., o. 'The introduction to vol. V. of the Va. Hist. Coll. state that the name of record in the tate Land Registry indicate desultory Walloon immigration early in t,he 17th century. ee al o l\Iead, Old Churche· and :Families of Va., I .. 463, ff.i.._Rupp, 362: C. L. Hunter, ketches of We tern N. Car., 6; and Beverly, tli toire De la Virginie, 1 • ff. and3 O,II. 14 II., collections were made for them in England, Parliament at one time granting them aid. Their early settlements were hi fly near the Santee and Cooper rivers. In 1730 the Purys burg ettlement wa made. In 1761 the Assembly of the colo ny pa ed an act for encouraging foreign Protestants to settle there, which had the effect to bring over six hundred persons in about thr e years. The Abbeville Distrit:t seems to have b n ettled by the e later comers.1 B id the e more important settlements to which I have call d a tention, ther were separate families or small groups of famili who ca.me over at various times. The Huguenot oci ty of America recognizes fourteen "original settlements." w York City, 'taten I land, Long Island, New Rochelle, w Paltz, Bo ton, New Oxford, arragansetts, Maine, Dela war , P nn ylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, and Florida. As I have hown, nearly all the thirteen colonies received, at some tim before th Revolution, at least a few Huguenot settlers. It i probably impo ible to ascertain with any approach to curacy how large a part of the population they formed. Pal fr ay that one hundred and fifty families came to New Eng land aft r the Revocation, and Baird considers this estimate too low. 2 Moreover there had been con iderable immigration to that colony at an earlier date, as we have seen. One writer hold that th numb r who came before the Revocation was much great r than ha been upposed, and estimates ~hat in 1670 the Hu0 uenot wer one-fourth the population of New York. Another t te that 17,000 has been mentioned as a probable number in outh Carolina.3 And the historian of tho e who ettl don the Hacken ack says: "Historians * ·x know nothino- of a Huguenot 1 ment as a factor of any impor tance in w Jer y. "But uppo e that you were today to r mov * * all who bear th names of the original Hugue no ttl r on the Hacken ack, and of those who soon after locat d in the n ighborhood * * you would vacate a very 'Tr<~n \ ti n ot t h µ:u ~u ~ n t • )C. of S. C\r., I.. 10, 12, 15, II., 55, III.. 6.3 and 6: )fa . lII ' t. o . oll., XXII, 35; . Car. Ilist. oc. Coll. I., JOO, ff. ('1:'b F;, nc~ Pr~t e . tants ot be Abbeville District); Holmes, nnal • I., 394, 4a3, -IJiO, 47-. and 4 9: and Lee lluguenots in France and America, II .. i2 and i3. ' 'Palrrey, Hi t. of ,_Tew Eng.,I.,preface p. VIII.: C. W. Baird, II., 202. ' 'ee )lag. Am. Hi t. IX., 295, (an article by Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer, rector of h~e French church. aint Esprit); and Trans. Iluguenot Soc. . Car., III. 31. 15 large proportion of the houses and farms in an extensive dis trict. And if. in addition, you were to remove all who, though bearing Dutch names, have quite as much French as Dutch blood in their veins, you would create a wilderness almost without inhabitants." * * * * Whatever may be thought of uch estimates, the indications are that they were a larger element of the colonial population than we are accu tomed to think. At all events they were ufficiently num rous to make it a matter of interest and im- 1 ortance to det rmine bow far and in what way they in fl.uenc d national development. A people so indu triou , thrifty, and reliO'ious would be ex pected to have a beneficial influence upon the economic and moral life of the colonie , and the cour e of contemporary ~v iclence a well a the re ults of later inve tigations point in that direction. It i quite likely, a sugge ted by some wri ter , that their more genial type of piety may have oftened somewhat the ternne of their Puritan neighbors in New En"'land. And it is at lea t po ible that the milder character of the Pil"'rims wa in part due to their friendly intercour e with the Huguenot in Leyden. The e "men who had the vir tu of th Engli h Puritan without their bigotry,'' "so far a w can learn, brought only aood gifts to the American colo ni , " and "it eem very probable that much of American q uickne and vivacity i due to th early and wide- pread dif fu ion of Huguenot blood. ''1 ome of them made, if not more ub tantial, at least mor tangible gift to the horn of their adoption, from the city clock O'iven in 1716 by tephen D lancey to Trinity church New York, to Gabri 1 Maniaault' loan of ...,220,000 at the out- et of th R volution. 2 Tb mo t widely known of the e gifts i , of cour , the " radl of Lib rty," donat d by Peter Fan uil to th city of Bo ton. 3 'The quotations are from Bancroft, Hist. of the . ., I ., 433, and from a reYlew of Baird' work in Atlantic 1\Iontl1ly, L ., 3, ff. Elo quent tribute to their virtues may be found in the Bi-Centenary Com memoration. ee e. pecially Pre . Jay· addre. , p. 7, ff.• and Prof. H. M. Baird'R, p. H, ff. Pp. 37 and ff. give Prof. Baird's e timate of their influ ence on American life. •IJolgate, Am. Genealogy, 115; Mas . Hist. oc. oll. XXII.. 36. 'A copy of the warrant for the town meeting to consider hi offer is lo Nl'w Eng Hi ·t. and Gen. Reg. X rx., 368. ee aleo 1\Iem. Hi t. of Bo - to D I., 263, ff. 16 That a thrifty inhabitants they were gladly welcomed is in dicat d by tbe pecuniary aid granted to them in South Caro lina. tbe x mption from taxes for a period of seven years in irginia, i and by the general tenor of contemporary reference to th m. But they were not, in most of tbe colonies, at once admitt d to full political rights, and in some cases there was idenL j alou y of Lhem as a people of alien nationality. In Rh do I ·land at the outbreak of King William's war, such ap pr h n ion. of their taking part with the French were felt that th y were r quired to appear before a magistrate and take oath "to beha ve them el Ye . " 2 In South Carolina during Ludwell's admini tration, fe ling ran so high that he thought it neces- ary for the pr ·ervation of p.eace to exclude the Huguenots fr~m all legi lative concerns, since "the haughty spirit (of the E~"'li h) could not brook the thought of sitting in assemblies with th ri\·al of the English nation for power and dominion, and of r ceivina law from Frenchmen, the favorers of a sys t m of ab olul goverument."3 It is said also that some went o far a to in i t that marriage by French ministers were il h'"'<). But in tim the v di turbances quieted down, a naturali zation law wa pa ed, and intermarriages took place. 4 p cial acl of naturalization and '·denization" were also pa d iu other colonie ,;; and we find frequent mention of Hu au not in official po itions. 6 But with one possible excep tion, 7 I an find no evidence that they ever unitedly exerted •va. Ili t. 'oll., Y., 60. 'Rhode I. land ol. Record~. III., 26!. ' Il<:_'_Vitt,. ll~~t. .\cc't.of .' .Car. and Geo. (originally published in Lon- ~on. 1 1, 1 -. m • · Car. lfo.,t. oil. vol. I., Hildreth, II., 210, says that in he\. time a law wa. pa~. ~d for the enfranrhi~ement or Huguenots ~u ' ,1 ~~ of th o.~e.r iecte.a in mas by the proprietors a8 lacking \rgal " . n ton .and hen1ncrea ·1ngnumber· causedthe trouble inLudwell's ttm . 'L , Huguenot in France and America II. 7! 7::; and 77· H'tldreth II., 213: Bancroft, II., 12. ' 1 • v, , , 0Th date in )[d. was 16ll6: ·in Va 16il · JI 1 3:ii. D~nlz ; \tion wa-; granted in , y ". '.l 0, ~eR.' Annal~, I., 3!4 ~nd t. ~-. Y . Col. Doc., IV .. 4:JO. IJ.i. ~'>;s ~ 1 Y. ~~ .1698, pos 1bly e!'rlter. conf r full political righb, (Ilugu 'not Coll emzaticn, however, dtd not confu ion of the e \aw-; with those for nat~r*i: 4~.l. and perhap~ some di \'r<>paoci e in the date a<. given by di!Ie;ent'w~:;~e~~'.1 may exp)atn the •oaniel , Ilht. of Oxford 'Ias., pp t? . d ~-~ Hack n ack. p .. : )[a ·s. lli-;t'. C'oli. "xxiI ~ 3i~ a')~ IIugn~nots on the II .. 4!1, II. Thh la-;t i-; a li-it of th~ \I;yor·,· or · any " ~em. I11 t. of N. Y .. of whom were plainly of French ext~;ctio~. · · own to 1700, several 'Thi exception wa the Lei ·ler difficulty in N y p . · · romrnent Hug- 17 any political intluence during the whole colonial period; nor do indi,·i '"The French element was ~o ::.peedily ab ·o rb d by the "urrounding Dutch, that not a few of the numerou, descendants of th Huguenot pioneers. from wbom the farms they occupy have com<· down in unbroken de cent through even or eight g•nerations, v ril.v beliPY that th y are of pure Ilolland 'tock, a•~d tbe 'tory of their Freucli origin i.; to them a new revelation." lluguenot on the Hacken ack. pp. land 2. I' - II. THE REVOLUTIO ARY PERIOD. IT" ~11 now to the tim immediately preceding the Revolu ~ tion. it would b asy to compile from Force's Archives a fo.,t of men of undoubted French ance try who belonged to tter". and in variou other ways took part in th proc dinO' r cord d in tho e facinating volumes. 1 From oth .r ·ource·, too, many intere tins particulars may be glean d. t least on HuO'uenot2 wa a member of the Boston tea party, and another ww one of tho e American in England who. ig-n d h p tition to Parliament repre enting the pos ible fatal con. qu nc of th Bo ton Port Bill.3 Nor can we for g that, when it came lo actual ho tiliti , the country was ind bt d to a Hu"'u not for th "'midnight ride" which carried h n w of th Briti h march on L xincrton;4 nor that Francis • larion. th h ro of o many O'allant exploit a well as the . turd· def uder of the Tori aO'ain t tho e who desired to pr crib th m,;; ancl John L ur n , who e brave conduct won him thP honor of word of Cornwalli. , were Hucru not . But im doe not p .rmit u to dwell on ucb details, int n. ly fa ·inatin,.,. a they are, in pr ence of the much more 'B •... !cit--. ho · l»ttcr known. there are uch nameo. as Legare llouqu ·t. Dubok Ila-.brouck. Bounetheau, De 'aus ure. etc. ' 'Go' · Lif ·of 'ii. Paull evere. I., l:!l. , ee App. to thi paper for g •nealo •iral not "on Rcver' and other promi neat Huguenot' refPrred to. •n ·nr · Laur 11-.. IIbt. )[ag..• -.. 2:14. 'Thi wa E'!'t the onl_y ride !ak_ n by the_ ··patrio_L )lercnry" for bis 1101 n. ln i .. .i he carrt d to •. 't. and Pl11l. the dispatches in regard o callinir a 'ongr ''"·and on~ vcral occa ... ion look messages to Congress. Hl• \\a" oue of he grand jury tbat refuo;ed to erve when Parliament, mad• judgp, indppend •nt of the p ople. Go,,s. I., 153 and 159. ff.· Mag. Am. Ili ... t. .• ·Y .. :>. . ' •n d ·clarPd that the proposrd law for the seque:>tration of the Torl1· ... wa-. not in ··the spirit of ~\.mcrican liberty.'' See Jiuguenot pro ceeding .... I.. 101. ongre-. voted him thanks for his "'wi e decided and gallant C' mluct in d fending t!le libertie~ of hi country' his prudent and intrepid attack on a party of Br1ti h troops on the 31 t of Aug. la t and for the dhtinirui-.hed part he took in the battle of the th of Sep ,\ Jour. of 'ong., Ill., 6~. · 19 important deeds of a group of statesmen who profoundly infiuenC'ed state and national development during the "critical' and "formative·· period. Their work may perhap best lw seen by reviewing, rapidly and with special reference to the part taken by the e men of French de c nt ome of the be t known event of our hi tory. It need detract nothing from th honor we are accu tomed to pay to tho uncompromi ·in"" Yank e rebel , amuel AU.am and Jame Oti , to recall anoth r, a man of Huo-uenot ance try, who e har in the ev nts that precipitated the Revolution wa not 1 important than th irs. thougl1 hi nam ha b en uf f red to b come le s familiar to our ars. Say Winthrop: "If Oti · arguments * * breatheJ into thi · n· lion the br ath of lif , fpw things. if anything,** did more to sustain that lif until it ''a able to go alone. than the an wers of th Hou e of R p re entati\·e of 1fa. sachusett . to the in ·olent a umption of Bernard and Hutchin on, mainly draft.>d by the same Jam.. Oti and amu l Adam . and the an w rs of tlw ouncil, mainly draftPd by Jam Bowdoin.·· Bowdoin wa und r- tood by the Pri,·y ouncil in Eno-land to be ··the leader and manager of th ouncil in 11 · chu tb, a :\fr. Adam wa · in th Hou· "1 ... 'or i c ntemporar.v videnc to the am ff ct wanting. Hutchin. on a· : ··:\fr. B wdoin wa without a rival in th ouncil. and by the harmon,v and reciprocal commu nication between him and :\Ir. Adam . the mPa urcs of the oun cil and Hou harm nized. al ·o, and w re mad reeiprocally ub . rvient ach to th oth r. o that when th Go,· rnor met with oppo ·ition from th one. h had rea n to xpect lik oppo i tion from the oth r. ··~ In 1774, Hutchin on· ucc s or. aa . r moved him, actina, a h aid, und r ·· xpr s order from hi Maj ty. ·· aO' call d for th . urr nd r of arm', Bowdoin wa mod rator of the o-r at m cting held in Fan uil Hall to con ider th d mand. He wa, Pr id nt of th cil of twenty- iaht cho::-en in 177:i to ex rci th executiv authority of the Provinc·e, and in th ame year w chairman of the Ma.~sa.chu ett delegation in the conference with Wa hitwton and the committee of 'R. . Winthrop•• \.ddr ~-;before the 'faine Jlist. , or. at Bowdoin Col., .~ep . .:>,I 49. .\.s a de~cenclant of B >wdoin. Winthrop had acce~-; to private paper-;. ~o that hh address ha'\ '-'>methiog the ·haractPr of an original document. 'Hi ' t. of )[a · . Bay Ill., 293. 'ee aho pp. 136. 22 . and 374. 20 r lative to the best means of conducting the campaign. Only th illn of his wife, on account of which Hancock took his plac a the h ad of the Massachusetts delegation in Congress, pr v nted hi being one of the signers of the Declaration of Ind pend nce. 1 In New York, not only were Wm. Bayard and John Jay m mber of the committee of correspondence, but Jay was one of th uh-committee to prepare answers to letters received, nd a lett r, "probably from his pen, contains the first propo 'iti n that wa made for convening a general Congress to con ider th (pr ent) state of affairs." When the Congress was onv n d, he wa one of those unanimously chosen to represent T w York. Enterin"' upon his duties in Congress, he was pl d upon the committee to prepare a memorial to the people of Briti h America, ·• tali.ng the necessity of a firm, united and i.nvariabl ob nation of the measures recommended by Con "'l' ,·'a w 11 a on that which composed the address to the p ople of r at Bl'itai.n. 2 B :>th these p:i,pers were probably \'ritt n by Jay· th latter certainly was, and " is generally ac knowl d"' d to stand fir t amona the incomparable productions" of th fir t on"'re .3 Jeffer on said before knowing its author hip. that it wa "a production certainly worthy of the tine ·t p n in America.' 4 The idea of the petition to the King, Julv , 1775), originated wi~h Jay and was carried by him v ry tron"' oppo ition in Congress.5 The double honor f b ina a m mb r of the Provincial Congress· of New York and of th ConLin ntal Congress at the same time, and th n ity that wa felt for his presence i.n the former pre v nt d hi b ina one of the si"'ner of the Declaration of Inde p nd nc . 6 But th ew York ·onvention's resolution of pproval. (July 9, 1776). wa drafted by him, the manuscript in hi. own handwritin"' bei.n"' ti.11 pre erved amonO' the records of ~ T w York.; "" ,.Winthrop, 2i. ff.: Bancroft, IV., 2-12 and VI., 139 and HO. '.\.m .•\ rchives, I., 319, ff.; Jour. of Cong., I., 19· Jay's Life of Ja , I.. 2-1. ' Web~t r·.., Great. peeche , 311. 'Work-;, I.. 10. •Jay·~ Jay, I., 36 . . 'Jay'1; .lay. I., -13 and 4-l . 'Corre pondence and Public Papers, I., 72. 21 The proc0edings of the ecret committee of Corre po:id· nee "with the friend of America in Great Britain, Ireland rimt n1 her parts of the world,,. w re of "Teat importance in .... ,.,·111·i ng the friend hip of indi\'iduals abr ad and probably prepared the way for the mission of , ila Deane to France. But so great wa tlw secrecy ob erved that it do s not m possible to apportion the honor due to individual members of the committee. I ee no rea on. howev r. to que lion th opin· ion of hi on, that J< y wa "the chief orO'an of corre pond· ence, ''1 e-pecially in view of his later c rr pondenre with D ane. On the whol , it m quite fair to claim that tbere wa no p n in ongre . mor ·ontinually and succ sfully u ed for thf' <'Ountry at thi period than Jay' . 'I hat the T w Jer:'>ey A . embly, disr garding the advic of r;,,, Prnor Franklin, gave "expre,. approbation of the mea · me of the onO'r ·s'' in 1775, i attributed by him to Elia Boudinot, afterward Pre ident of ongr s., and others, who, a he ay , "came clown from Elizab th Town and caball d amon"' the member . " 2 In outh arolina, H nry Lauren wa not only a m mber of th Fir t Provincial . but drew up the a ociation to be siO'n cl by all the of lib rty, wa al o Pr id nt of the cuncil. and lat well-known, a del gat to th ontinental onO're. Pr id nt for more than a •ear. 3 The celebrated M<>cklenburg Declaration wa. drafted by a Huguenot. Dr. Ephraim Br Yard. ThouO'h the claim of om that thi pap r was th ori"'inal of the Declaration can hardly b ()'rant d, it wa doubtle of much importanc iu fo t rinO' the pirit of Indep nd nc in Nor th arol ina. 4 '.Jay· Jay, I.. 64. 'Lett r from Gov. Franklin. dated Perth .\mboy, )far. 12, li'i.3, in ...·cw .fer" .\r ·hiw .. " .. :>~:;. • .\ m. 'ye. of Bio~ .. II I.. 6.10 and 6:Jl. I am no ignoranr ot llw fact that Lanrcns' patrioti"m at an early stage of the clitttcultic~ ha bel'n thought to be open to ques tion. The letter writtl'n by him to Hi" :\Iaje ... ty·-., ecret arie~ of ~I.ate while in the Tower. a well as private Jett r~ written durinr- the ,'tamp AcL clbturbancc", are or a -.omewhat damaging character. They may be found in Ili-.t. '.\lag., X .. 2:J:3 .. tT. : ·e als 1 extract from "The Royal Gazettt>," ( ~. Y., Oct. H. lii ). on p. 316 of th - Not to go further into details, it is evident that in at least fi.v of the coloni s, the part taken by men of Huguenot d cent in tbe event leading to the Declaration of lndepend nc wa by no mean a secondary one. Wh n the young nation was once fairly launched upon a. war for independence, these men continued the most unre mittina xertion to that end, 1 b~t ex1.;ept for the brilliant mis ion of John Laurens to France, there is nothing of such para mount and strikin(J' importance as to dem~nd our attention till w come to th n gotiations preliminary to peace. 2 It i how v r, worth while to note that young L aurens not only btain d a ub idy and the assistance of Rochambeau and oth r officer with land and naval forces, but that he did it by h kill with which he broke through all conventionalties and cur d a per ona.l interview with the King, thereby avoiding th<> d lay incident upon negotiations conducted through the mini ·try.3 ana foot note; Winsor. Xar. and rit. Hist., VI., 256; Hunter, Slrntches or ~Ve t :rn .·.Car .. :!:!. ff .. and ·fi, ff.: Sabine, Am. Loyalist, I., 38, and artu:Je,., in )lag. of ,\m. 111st., vol. XXL 'I find some Huguenot in the list of Loyalist' given by Sabine, but thev do not 'ieem to have been numerous. '· m•h fact a-; that . Q-ouverneur MorriR drew up, the plan arlop rd hy ongr_e., .. for ra1s1 ng fund~ for army expenses, (Diary and L;·t te~~. 1.. .i. and~>~ that be. ah drew up the insLructions to Fran \din at \ 1•r-.a1l1 .,., . in 111 tl1e tirst ever ~ent lo Hn American Plenipo t ·ntiarv ·park'-; Lif of )Torri . I., 188); that Ja,y drafted the circular I ·t tcr .to. a ·~~>mpany the resolutions stopping the emission of bills of 1·rl'{l1t i.n 111\l .•Joi.1r. of 'ong., 1TI., 350 and 358); that Laurens proposed an~ llamilt~n heartily appro\:ed a scheme for raising two or three bat talim.i_ or • qrro ~rOOf-'. (.fay;.; Works, J., 191, tr. aDd Bancroft, v., 369 and .! 1 0: that \\ash111gton obtained through Bowdoin's "confidential a(r>nr · " * a plan of the harbor of Halifax with a view to its des t:uct1on h~;. th :Vr~~1ch ne ~.·•in l 7 o, (Winthrop, p. 21\); that on the i nva .. i n of• · ~,n. 1111 11!l. ~la11111ault, though over 75 years of age. shouldered a mu..~ t ,u~d otfcrl'd him,e\f and hi~ fourteen-year-old grand-son to the ~ n_icl o.r 111 . roui~try, 7'T"HE OMMITTEE that negotiat d p ace with Gr at \.l.f Britain con i led as finally con tituted, of John Jay, H nry Laur ns. Benjamin Franklin, and John Adam . It is, of cour , a matt r of int re t to know ju t how far w ar i~debted to ea ·h of them for the important provi ion of the treaty. If we accept th view of all who have writt n on the ub.ii'<·t. we shall b comp 11 d to believ amoncr oth r thin"' t1 a 1 it was e entially the work of Franklin. 1 that w ar in dt> bted for the conce · ion in reO'ard to the fi beri s to Adam , 2 that the glory b longs to Jay and Adams but e pecially to Jay, 3 that it wa owing to Laur ns that the frontier of th Repub lic were extended to the Mi si ippi river,· and in thi way th later annexation of Loui iana provided for. 4 and that on thi very point "we have O'r at r r a on for gratitud to John Jay than to ith r of hi collea"'ue . .-:; The truth probably i a tat d by Fi k : "To the grand triumph the vari d tal n of Franklin, Adam and Jay all contributPd. ··a Y t I ventur to hold the opinion tha the ervic s of Mr. Jay w r ev n mor important than tho of either of hi col leaO'ue , valuabl a tho e doubtl wer . The ubject cannot, a it em to me, b fully under tood without readinO' th r - markable eri of 1 tter writt n wbil h ·wa Mini t rPl nipo tentiary to pain, as well a th corr pond nee after hi tran - fertoVer aille .7 Itmu tbeborneinmindthatlh "f mily pact' b tw n Fran and pain r nder d it of th fir im portanc to avoid "'ivincr offenc to pain not only for the ak 'Parton, Life of Franklin, II, 650. '·He ·avcd the alliance over and over again and brought the negotiation. to a uc e- ful clo·e. · 'Life by . F. Adam , 380, fl'. •Roosevelt, Life uf )forri , 124. 'Wei , Hi t. of French Prote tant Refugee . I., 366. 'Hin dale Old Northwe·t. 1 2. •critical Period of Am. Hi"t., 35. 'The letter are in parks' Diplomatic Corre pondence VII. and VIII., and the more important one in Jay'· Work , I. and II. ~------~ 24 of an alliance with her, but for lhe continuance of friendly r~ lations with France. And the fair inference from the way m whi h the 1inister were treated is that neither France nor pain w':l. anxious to secure great advantages for the young R public, and that the latter at least was most unwilling that it bord r bould be extended to the Mississippi. That her intention to prevent this result was only prevented by Jay's firmn and fore io-ht is the conclusion to which one is irre- L Ubly drawn on reading the correspondence. Nor is there mor rea on to doubt that his courage in accepting the bills which ono-re s, depending on the financial assistance o~ paiu, had drawn upon him, and his skill in securing the m an t r deem them. probably saved the country from imme diat bankruptcy, which would have been fatal to all hopes of ind p ndenc . Wh, t wa thought of his statesmanship at the time may be n from the letter of Samuel Huntington, President of Con gr · ·. writt n under the direction of that body, in which h e , y , "throughout the whole course of your negotiations and tran ·a tion , in which th utmo t addre. sand discernment was f n n · ary to r concile the respect due to the dignity of th nit<'d lat with th urgency of their wants and the com plai a.n expected by the pani h Cuurt, your conduct is entir ly approyed.'·1 And later, R obert R. Livingstone wrote, " •our condu ·t through the whole of your negotiations has o n p rti ularly ac eptable to ongre s •·2 ft r h join d Franklin in France his zeal and sagacity urina th nd ouo-ht wer no les apparent. It is not ar to d cid wheth r Vergennes was more friendly than thou h . nor wh ther Vaughan's mission to England wa /lw bit of diplon::acy that ecured the recoo-nition of ni d tat . Ind p nd nee a a preliminary to entering upon th r aty. In any ca e th re can be no que tion that he . how d "T a adroitn in hi plan for outwittino· what seemecl to him a wily man uver. And in breaking lo~se from the in truction to follow the advice of the French Court, it was Jay who took th 1 ad and almost compelled Franklin to follow. He ay in bis report that Franklin was "fettered" by 'Jay· Works, II.. 32, dated. '"In Cong., "May 2 , li 1. ,, •,Jay'. Work, II. 1 . The letter, Apr. 16, li 2 i in answer to Jay's of Oct. 3 1i 1. ' · , 25 them. but that hr> "could not believe that Congress intended that WI' (they) should follow any advice that might be repug nant tn thl'ir interest. ·· 1 From all th evidence. then, I !eel comp lled to infer that Jay· influence in keeping the country from utter bankruptcy till peace could be ecured. in obtaining the Mississippi boun dary. in making the recognition of indep ndence one of the prior condition of the treaty and in breakino- away from French dictation a to the term . wa econd to that of n itber of bi colleao-ue . The "Yankee brewdne " which Fi ke think wa more than a match for the ·•traditional Fr nch ubtlety"2 wa it elf of Gallic origin. A<> to the Fisherie que tion. hi share of the merit i not o clPar. thouo-h Hamilton ay that the · peopl of New England talk d of offering him an annual tribute of fi h.a H ,... em , howev r. at th very lea t. to have conded Adam \·ery ably in that matter. peaking in 2'eneral term of the wbol treaty. Adam aid that the principal merit was Jay' .4 And Fitzherbert. in 1 53, aid that it wa "not only hief but ol ly throuo-h Jay· mean that the negotiation betw n Eno-land and the nit d tat w r brought to The tatem nt from oth r chief • ritical Period of ~\m. IIist., 24. •rramillon, Work . VIII., 1 . 'Letter to Jay in 1 O, .fay's Jay, I., 41 'Wind~or, Xarratirn and Critical Hi ·t.. VII., 169; Flander, Live aod Time of the bief Justices, I.. 343 and 3.31 and foot note. 'They are in park ·Dip. Cur., Yo!. II. 1 Dip or., II .. 466 and 469, ff., f. al o 2. 'Hi tory, Y., 5i9. 26 ondition ecured was not altogether an Anglo-Saxon achievement. Our interest in American history from the stamp-act to the treaty of Pari i apt to center about the stirring events of the R volution. But during those years the foundations of trans Alleghany commonwealths were being laid with a heroism worthy of the time.. Among the backwoodsmen who fi:rst peopl d that region were quite a number of Huguenots, and one of th m. John e\'ier 1 was a principal actor in some of the most important event connected with state-building there. So that not only in th thirteen original colonies, but in some of the arli t off- hoot from them, we may trace the influence of xil from France. 'Hrvirr's work has been well told by Roosevelt, Winning of the Wr.,t. and in Phelan's H i t. of Tenn. IV. STATE ON TITUTION . 'T11'll HILE the war wa still in progre . mo t of the tate ~ formed new con titutions under which th y lived for many years. Bowdoin wa Pr id nt of the Ma achu sett Convention in 1779 and with the Adam e prepared, dur ing a rec of the convention, a draft which with ome modi fication was adopted. Judo-e Lowell "wbo was him elf econd to no one in that convention for the zeal and ability which b brought to the work." ay of Bowdoin that ··it wa owino- to the hint which he occa ionally a-av and the part which he took with the committee who framed the plan that ome of the mo t admired ctions in the on titution of thi tat appear in th ir pr ent form. " 1 To have b en on of the chief framers of the Con titution under which-with an occa. ional amendmen the old Bay tat ha lived and pro pered for more than a century, i urely no light honor; but that i not all. "The ordinance of 17 7 i a cond n ed ab tract of th Ma sachusett C"onstitution of 17 0. Every principl contained in the former eith r in a germinal or a dev loped form, except that rela.tino- to th obliaation of c ntract , anu om t mporary latinu to the oro-anization of th rritorial gov- found in th latter, and oft n in th am lauo-uag . "~ And inc the dev lopm nt of the country w t of Lbe All ghani ow o much to thi ordinan · , and ince, furth r th on titution of Ma achu tt and hen th Ordinanc ow o much toad · ndant of th Hugu not . it may a w 11 be O'raot d at one that ome of the mo t boa t d charact ri tic of our national career a.re du n ith r to th Ano-lo- axon nor to th Dutchman. After the new con titution went into appointed with th Ju tic of th uprem ourt, th Attor ney-General. and John Pickering "tor vi e th law. W. for e in 'Winthrnp. 30 and 31; Ilildre ll. Ill., 3i.i. 'Dr. utler and the Ordinance of Ji i, by W. F. Poole. :X . •\m. Re view, ex. ·n., 22!), ff. 'J'hr quotation i8 on page 25 .•\comparison of tlie Ordinance (Poore. I.. ·t29 32i with tbe on . of )£a5 . (Poore, I. 956- 9i3) will abundantly repay any tudent. 2 ~~~~~~~~~~·-~~~~~~~~~~~------th tat , to elect, abridge. alter, and digest them so as to be accommodated to the present governmen t ." Winthrop sa?s: "l have en ample evidence in his papers of the labor which h be towed on the duties of this distinguished and most r pon ible commi sion. " 1 In the New York Convention of 1776, Jay and Gouverneur Morri were leading members. Jay is said to have pre:pared th draft of the Constitution and his eulogists are probably riO'ht in attributing its most important features to him, though it i difficult to find direct and positive evidence of the fact. He mad trenuous exertions to obtain a clause excepting Roman atholic from toleration till t.hey should abjure the authority of the Pope to grant absolution. The most that could be obtain d, however, was a proviso-said to have been proposed by Morri - and which was retained in subsequent revisions of th 'on titution. that "the liberty of conscience hereby grant- d hall not be so construed a to excuse acts of licentiousness or j tify practices inconsistent with the safety of the state," and an amendm nt to the naturalization clause requiring all per on to "abjure alle0 'iance to all and every foreign king, prince, potentate, and state, in all matters ecclesiastical as well a ivil," b fore becoming naturalized citizens. It was also due to hlm that act of attainder were not allowed to work corrup tion of th blood. It s ems quite likely that his urgency on th~ point wa du to his knowledge of the wrong endured by h1 an· tor and the ingrained hatred of all that caused tho wrona , The re triction of suffrage, in some cases, to fr hold r wa in accordance with his favorite maxim that •·tho who owned the country ought to govern it."2 '.\ddres·, p. 32. 'On the point' covered by this paragra h Cf J , J I 70· Roo wit·, )forri '66: and Pellew's Jay, 85-87.P ' . ay s ay, ., ' V. THE NATIONAL ON TITUTION. 7'r'HE WAR being clo ed and independence cur d, it micrht b \,,I,;- hop d that the youno- Republic, entering upon it cour e un- der uch favorabl circum tance , ndowed with uch a wE>alth of natural re ource . and abov all rich in m n of uch con spicuouR ability. would mov forward in a path of unint rrupted pro pPrity. But there were only too cviden ign of dang r from\\ ilhin which threatened it v ry cxi. t nc . Th onfed erac·y proved to be a rope of and, and there wa no pow r to ropP succe fully with the pre in(J' financial and oth r prob lc•m Men of judgm nt anu patrioti m w r by no m an agr d a to th wi t mea ure to b taken. It i a uriou and, a I think. a v ry io-nificant fact. that, when tb nalo· axoo 'pirit of localization was ndang ring the lif of th Re publi , m n of Fr nch xtraction who w r prom in nt in public lif xpr , d with wond rful unanimity1 ah >lief that a trooger ntral gov rnm nt ~a imp rati\·ely demand d. frw cita- tion will e tabli h thi point. but I do not propo: to di cu still 1 to an wer. th probably unan werable que tion, hou; to inh rit d and innat t nden ie of allic mind. arly a 1779, Elia oudinot aid in a private l ,tt r: "I am not afraid of the di olution of th on f d ra yin my day, bu I dr ad th con qu nc on the pr .·. nt ba i · top rity. In my w ak opinion, on(J'r ha not pow r nou"'h. "2 In 17 3. Ja wro : "I amp rf ctly convinced that no tim i to b lo tin ra.i in"' and maintainin•r a nation· 1 pirit in merica. Pmcc r to goi:en1 this co11fnl11·ory a, to all ge11- ml purpose slwuld be gmnted and exerci. eel. Th government of th diff rent tat hould be wound up and b com vi orou . ··3 H al o urg d r p atedly that th con tru ·tion of 'One exception ougbt to b noted. Tyler in the Ya. d bates on tbe onstitu ion dreaded too great centralization as dang rou-., to liberty. Elliot's Debate . III., 63i, tf. 'Hi 't. )fag., 2nd serie -, III.. 0. •work '. ( orre~pondence and Public Papers. III.. , 5. ~ e also H3, li2 and li for other letters iu wliich be expre~s ' imilar Yiewo.. 30 tt under the lead 'Diary and L tt 1 • I.. 1:;. Thi was in li 1. 'Atlao i )Jonthl)'. LYll.. 436. For hi· remark in convention ee : ot ·., di lion of )[ad hon· .J our., i)I, not . 2 5, 310, 361, etc. 'Lif of Hamilton. 53. •.\ddr .., , 43. Burg ., ..,ay ..! Political 'cience and Con titutional Law. I.. 101 and JO:!. that Bnwdorn and Hamilton were more far-. eein t~an the re. t of the -,tate,.,men. of the day and "di covered the root of th~ d1tticulty. "!~·:that the o'ere1gn. the 'late. had no legal organization in the y tem. 31 Hart think;;. t lw succe of Shay's r b llion would haYe made the 1111 in11 "not worth one of its own di er dited not . , ''1 he ha a st 1l1 1.:T,•ater claim upon our gratitude. I ~ut unquestionably the mo t thorough centralizer of them all wa "America' great t political geniu ... Alexander Ham ilton. Befor . during. and aftar th C nvenLion. h expr 1 in the mo t explicit t rm his belief in the nece ity of a tron()' central O'OV rnm nt and Of the danger to b appreh nded from giving too much pow r to the tates. In hi 1 ttf'r to Duan in 17 ,2 in hi rie of paper" the ontinentali t. 3 in the r olu tion h introduc d in in 17 3. • in the debat of the ConYention.~ in the Fed rali t, 6 in hi sp ch on th reyenu y tem in the .Tew York Lea-i lature in 17 7, i in fact every whl.'rP throuahout hi work . w may read his dread of late sO\'Preignty and of power entru ted to the p ople. Two only of the member of the ::\forri and Hamilton. fram of gov rn - m tudy i r a urino-. If 'Formation or the "nion. 1 J:l. 'Work 120:J. ff. Gartleld 'a •.., or him. "in ('amp before he\ a l\ cn t ·-on ·ear-, old. upon a drum-hcacl. h \\role a let rr whi h contain •cl every g rm or the on..,titution or the Cnited. tale'.·· In t.pe 0 ch to the "Boy in Blu " • Y ...\ug. 6. I 0. q11otrd hy llin,dale in pr face to Garfield'-, Work,,, p .• ' IX. I think be m~-;t n•fer to the Duane letter. but Hamilton ' a· twenty-three at that time. •work . 231. ff. •work l.. 2 . ff. ' Elliot. I. ·H'i. ff., and :\Iadi,on Paper ~. II.. :!H. and ehewher . •xo. XVII.. for example. 'Work , IL, 16. ff. Letter to, parks, Elliot. I., .iOi. • urti Hi-;t. of tlJP Con .. I.. :!9i. {'f. )Jadi 'OD ·s letter quoted above, and )[orris' letter to Pickering. r. ,J06 and 501. 32 the eleven propositions which he submitted to the Conven t'io nl do not em to be of superlative importance, the speech by which he upported them was one that, as is evident fro~ the draft what remain to us2 must have carried great weight, e p cially when comb.g from a man of so vigorous a person~~ ity. And the full plan of a constitution that he gave to M~d l- on3 pre nt with, it is true, many points of divergence, po1r:ts of coincidence with that finally adopted, so many and so strik ing, to forr,e the conviction that it must have been known to th ommitt e who dra.fted the different articles and must have modified the result to a large extent. We must remember, too, that by thi time his views had probably become well known to mo t men in public life and could not have failed to influence om of them. There is a tradition that he did much in private conv r ation, during the time the Convention was in session, to "filtrate" hi idea through the material of the Constitution. 4 The plendid services of Jay and Hamilton in sem;.ring the adoption of the Constitution have never been questioned. The number of the Federalist written by them are enduring monu ment of their work.5 In the Massachusetts Convention that ratified the Con titution, both James Bowdoin and his son made pe che in it favor. 6 To um up the fragmentary details, I a~ thoroughly con vinc d th<1.t, for the advocacy of "a more perfect union," for tlort to obtain a convention with that end in view, for abl and influential services during its sessions, and for vigor u and 'U ce ful effort to secure the ratification of the Con titution, we ar more indebted to four men of Hu()'uenot ances ry. Jame Bowdoin, Alexander Hamilton, Gouve;neur Morris, and John Jay, than t-0 any other four statesmen of the time. 7 'Elliot, I. 119. or )ladison Papers 1 5 ff 'Work . I., 353 ff. ' ' · 'Work~ . I.. 33-1. ff It may also b r d · Ell'ot App. 5 -, ff. · e oun in Supplement to 1 • ·~tor e Life of Hamilton. 1. , 1 4. '• e al , Jay· Addres to the l f Gr Jay· .Tay, l., ~60-262 and 269; Elliot ~j0 P e o N. Y., Worl{s, lll, 29-l. · For Uam1lton· work· , y ' ., 2 83 , ff. · . ' 1n ~ · · Convention, Elliot. II. 231-369. 'Elliot, II., 1: 125, and li . ' ' Revere had ·omething to do 'th doubtful, upport. Go ·, 11 .. 451.,wff. securing Samual Adams', at first .'To )!orris al o we owe the . of cot nag ..though his plan receiy ~uggest. 1on for .o,ur decimal systeO: on before 1t was adopted. ed important mod1tications from Je1fet· VI. THE EARLY DAYS OF THE ON TITUTION. +«.",? UT no plan of government, eYen if it be "the mo t won JJ,.J derful work ev r truck off at a given time by th brain and purpo of man,· will ex cute its If. And "the mor p rf t union,., which ow d o much to Gallic brain in it inception, might have be n a di a trou a failure a th old onfedera y. had not tho ame brain devi d thP, m a · ure for it working in it early yean. To t ll ad quately the part taken by the.:>e m n, e pe ially by Jay and Hamilton, dm ing the first decade of the con titutional period would be to n•writ the hi tory of that decad . For pre nt purpo e , it it will uffice to as um the fact. known to v ry r ad r of our national hi tory, in order to trac their effect in th Yolulion of that hi tory. W are apt to think of Hamilton a the man who " mot th rock of th national r ourc and abundant tream of r v nu gu h d forth.·· Th id a, which I b li v to b alto· g th r corr ct, tha all hi work tendPd toward centralization, though adn:.nc d by ome writ r,, i not o prominent in th popular thought a ' it d rv to be. That it wa , in fa t, a delib rat purpo with hiw, to ff ct that nd::can hardly be doubt d by any on who mak a tudy of all hi writino- . Hi dr ad of givino- too much power to indiYidual tate , hi d ire to mak thP c ntral gov rnment trong and controlling mu t impr th mo t ca ual r ad r. That, to ome xt nt, "h build d wi r ban h knew'" i v ry probabl .1 Hi h me for umption and funding- too well known to ne d explanation her - though tr nuou ly oppo ed at th time. ar now a n rally admitt d to hav b en, from a finan ial tandpoint, emin ntly wi . Inde d i would m that th r wa no e cape from r pudiation xcept throuo-h om y t m 1J fferson ' ays. (Work::i lll.. 461. that the object of Ilamilton· plan wa to ubvert the principle or the orrtitution, and that thL wa. to be done by corrupting the Legi lature. om thing mu t be allowed for the political animo:'ity of the two men. but it i · doubtle· true that he desired to make more prominent tho~e principles uf the 'onstitution which Jetfer un wi~hed to make le'' prominent.• 34 - of fundin"', and no other workable plan was suggested by any on .1 Hi fir t report on Public Credit will probably always r main a financial classic. Had he done no more than to res· cue th country from impending financial ruin, and to lay tbe foundation for business prosperit.y, he would deserve our last· in"' "'rntitude. But the assumption of state debts by the gen· ral government was, if not the first step, certainly the fi:·st promin nt and important step, in that process of centralization wbich i , perhaps, not yet completed. That this result was not ab en from his thought, (though he could hardly have had a full conception of the far-reaL;hing consequences of his plan) , i vident from the fact that he distinctly proposes as one of "the "'reat and invaluable ends to be secured by a proper and adequ:i.te provi ion, at the present period, for the support of public credit,,. tbi , "'to cement more closely the union of the tate ."2 His next important measure, the National Bank, still further a i ted the process of centralization, and that in two way . Fir t, by the direct strength it brought the gove:·n· ment, a trength which can only t e realized in connection with later conte t over a national banking system, and second, (~nd thi i much more important), through the doctrine of "implied power ., then, apparently for the first time broached and mad op rative. 3 Undoubtedly it did much to widen the br ach between Federalist and Anti-Federalist. But, far more ~~an.~hat, i was the entering wedge of the principle that the m of whatever party have ever since found it convenient t.o u. ' and that the "out " have as often opposed. It is a prin· cip~e, too, whatever we may think of its constitutionality, upon which many of the mo t beneficial measures of the government m ~- t r t f~r their d fense, Nor did his opponents or the fri n of hi mea. ure fail to understand their probable effects. nth one band, it wa claimed that the doctrine of implied 'Work,, II. 4i ' ff.: Am. tate Papers 1!. I fl' ' '",.or k s, I., 52. IliR dread of ad" t· inance, ., 15, . rop- r rev nue mea<>ures were ado ts o1 u ton. of the union, unless P e- nue. )"tem in the i.:' . Y. Le pt e d~ comes out tn his speech on th~ Rev 43: all hi im'[}Ortant r epo r~~ ~. ' • Wb orks, II., 16, ff. -see especiallY t~ Finance, I. ay e found in Am. State Papers ' Hamilton· report is in h' W lY to Jeffer on' and Rand~l h" 1 ?rks1 III., 125, ff., and his rep latter i far more importanP f s. co nst1tut1onal objections, 180, ff ..Tt1; being the lir t and one of the ~U h e student of con~titutiooal question~ . trine that ha been so large a~ est ~xpositions Of the fundamental doC· actor in political controversy ever si nce. 35 pow rs ··establishes a precedent of int rpretation leveling all thP barri,,r-. which limit the power of th gen ral government and prot1•d tho e of the tate Government;' 1 "that th admi - -.1oll of t hi doctrine de troy the principle of our government .tt a blow, it at once break down every barrier which the Fed eral on titution ha rai ed again t unlimitedle"'i lation;"~and that omf' of the araument in \'Olv d ·•a \'ery dana rou con- truction of th pow r ve ted in th General overnm nt. ·• 3 n th oth r hand it wa argu d that it wa impo ible to carry any provi ion into x cution •·without thi r a onabl latitud of con truction. " and that pow r had alr ady b n xorci d by <>ngr which had b n "d du d * * by necp · ·ary implication;"4 but at the ame tim ad· mitt d that " the ad\'ocat of thi m a ur * * im- ')fadhoa, Beaton·~ .\bridgeruent, I.. 2i i worthy of tudy. '• tone of )fd.; Benton, I., 29:1. •Jack on ot Gf:I.; B ntou. I.. 2 6. 'Boudinot; Beaton, I., Ame. xpres d imllar vie\ , 2i . ff. 'Lawrence of ~·· Y.; R aton, 1., •) . 1Tbe report wbicb w, made to the Hou ·e, D c. 5. li91, I in hi Work III .. 294. IT. .\" early a" tb time- lii4- wben he wrote his ·'Full Yindication.' Work·. I., 3, ff., be tbougbt we migb Jive without foreign trade and that manufacture , once e"tabli ·h d. "would pave the way till more to the future grandeur and glory ot .\merica, and by le ninl_!' it need of external commer e render It 'ltill ecurer again t tb encroachment of tyranny.· Work' . I., 1 . 'Bolle Financial Hi ·t. of the "U. .. (17 9- 1 60. ) p. li. 36 portant work wa done. Yeh his influence as a Federal leader and hi tate manlike foresight, shown in his views on many public qu tion 1 must not be forgotten. Perhaps there is no tt r ummina up of the conclusion to which one must be led by th tudy of his letters and papers in connection with the hi tory of th time . than that of Prof. W. G. Sumner; ''the onl t with anarcby and repudiation was the great work whi h w nt to the making of this nation at the close of the 1 t ntury and Alexander Hamilton was one of the leading her of it.' '2 It mu t be admitted. however, that. Hamilton's influence upon I olitical lif wa not altogether beneficent. We may, in· d d, di mi a unfounded the charge of his enemies that he wi h d for the de truction of the Republic and the establish m nt of monarchy.3 The trade of votes between different sec tion of the country by which he secured his financial meas ur 4 may po · ibly have been a justifiable compromise. And hi onduct in the Pre idential elections of 1796 and 1800 is P rhap for th mo t part defensible, though it is theuparty manaO' r ratb r:Jthan the statesman that appears in it. But h' propo al to J ay, then Governor of New York, to secure the r · 1 tion of Adam by a sharp maneuver with the legislature i utt rly ind f n ibl and his reasoning is precisely that of h tim - rvina politician, although be disclaims all desire to hay anythina done "which integrity will forbid. "5 Consider- 'Th .., ope of U1_i paper forbid· a detailed study of these points, h rnor o a, ab_le writ _n have already given attention to i,he subject. • m P lW~ 0 ~ hi r pe 1all_y worthy of note in this connection are t he I t .r to ~farr 1 . on Gi:ay ~tl'l concerning the acquisition of Florida and Lo~l! l~na, writt n in 1119, .(' orks, VIII., 523 and 52-!): his remarks ~ 0hf~~ing ~~ ~li:n~"~\~ct;~;.Ytl•\~\.m erican affairs, (Federalist, No. Xl.)f h Ion roe D ·tri n . . 1 e 1m _to the credit of being the inventor o ·o~k I\· 3-1 .. 'andd,~he amillus paper~ in defense of Jay's treaty, ' • .. 1 • u., an •., 1- 332. ) 'Llf of llamilton, 13. 'King -.aid tha he disapproved f 1 f d ra<·y. , .-ew England Fed ~· t le cheme for a Northern Con )lanufa tur th re i aver in e~3: 11:im, H · ;A.nd in his Report on h id a of a .. ontrari ty ~f i ~~re ~ing passage rn which he d ep r ecate.~ In the much talked of )Iiranda a~;i; t . between the Torth and South.' ernm nt for which he wi ·bed. 1 e~T ~t wa the partic\pation of the.gov da, .\ug. Z-2. li9 . \ ork ·, VIII .. 505_~01~ rs to Rufus Kmg and to M1rao- •·•Th Potomac Trade.· 1 ee Jeffers , W k 'Tb t . T y on s or s, IX., 92, ff. 1 or m .. · · at that tim A plan to hayr th m ·ho·en by distr" te fere chosen by the Legislature. ali t at the previou. <; " ion. on the'c iad been.defeated by the Feder Hammond. Political Ili t. of~-. y 'iroun.d that 1t was unconstitutional " ., 133). When it appeared from the 37 ing such a dPP re ult. of th pring ele tion that the new Legi ·Jatur would support Jcffer~onn, Hamilton propo~rd to.Jar to call th old Lcghlature tog thn at once and "e ure th appointmen of I tor,; by di trict. wbi h it wa,.., thought would give the el ction to Adam:;. Hamilton' Works YIII .. 5.J!J, ff. Jay' ndor~em nt upon the letter, "propo ing a meru,ur for party purpose:; which I think it w uld not become me to adopt,' (Jay· Jay I., 414, w ll illu trat the moral difference between the two men. 'Jefferson ·aid be wa" ':;o bewitched and perverted by Briti ·h ex ample a~ to be under thorough com•iction that corruption wa · cntial to the government of a nation,., Works, IX.. !J"i). Ile al o plainly im pli 'that the Bank wru, intended to control the action of ongre" . p. 95. 'The opinion may be found in bi Work , III., 453 tf., and 2 Dallas, 419, fl'. 3 lea t uppo able that the confl.i.cts of succeeding years would ha\'e led to an early disrupti.on of the Uni.on. No other question of para'nount constitutional importance eem to have come before him for decision.1 Scarcely less important, however. is the fact that as "Chief Justice of his own tate and of the United States. he impressed Grand Jurors and all concerned with the necessity of encouraging a profound r p ct for law and con titution in the new order of things, and at the out et, through his own personal dignity and integ· rity gave character to our highPst courts since traditionally pre rved."2 Jay' treaty with England excited violent opposition at the tim o little eemed to be gained in comparison with what was grant d. Opinions regarding it will always differ, probably, ince the que ti.on is largely whether war, especially in view of tho probably resulting alliance with revolutionary France would have been a national calamity. But in view of his long, tediou , and so eminently successful negotiations in the Revo· lutianary period, it will not do to assert, as does one historian, that '·h had always been a timid negotiator on America's be· h~lf. " 3 either does his conespondence in connection with th tr aty ju tify such a statement. 4 His own opinion that no mor favorable conditions were at that time attahable, 5 is also ntitl d to some weigh . It should not be forgotten, either. that in th course of negotiations with England for twenty-five Y ar ub quently thi nation scored no very marked sue 6 . It wa neces ary to demonstrate our claim to be agreat 'Il!s charge. to the Grand Jury at Richmond, (Works, III., -1781,fl'.), I. on. idercd. bJ Pellew to have placed our international relations on a h•1.:tal bas~ · It m;ty be questioned, however, whether that was really done till actual que~tion came up for adjudication. H. L. Carson says, ·, upref!le ourt of the · .. HiO, fl'.). that the first important cause (Geo. \-, Brail~for~ and others. 2 Dalla~, iO, ff., and 415 'ff.) involved the tlleorY tlMt .th dti:e,i.t~ or peac.e was part or the supreme J~w and could not be r tr~cte JO its operation by state action or state laws. John ton, Pr face to Jay's Works. •.'chouler, I., 293. 'Am.· tate Paper , Forei~n Relations I '> The more in;i· oortant letters are al o in Work , Vol'. IV.' " 470 -5-5. 'Work~, IY .. 13 . '"It i ' a little remarkable tl t t with Great Britain ha been equally 'ld 1a no subsPquent arrangemep Jiart- ford on,·ention 51. ' vantageous." Dwight, Hist. of "Ja ''. treaty wa a ma~t · . · e and Ci rcum tance of the COU~~pie,~e Sf di p\omar;y, considNi ng the tllll ee al.o Jay' Jay 1 37 Yr humner, Life of Jacl(son, 12. d the ' " ' or t e commercial privileges an 39 nation before that claim wa accepted. That Jay' Treaty e cured a pC'riod of comparative quiet. in which th national life had tim<' to mature. i.s it chi f, and probably a ufficient de fpns1>. The most important-from a national point of vi w-of .Jay· act while Governvr of ew York ha alr ady been noticed. In aeneral it may be aid, that hi political condu ·t wa dictated by a high en e of honor and a lofty patrioli m. He always refu d to u e hi influence with th Pre ident or the head of Department i.n ecurina appointm nt to offic . 1 When in 1792, by method inc quit familiar to the citizen of N w York. the offic of GoYernor to which b had undoubt edly been cho en was giv n to hi opponent, the popular indig nation was so great that a word from him would probably have led to method for redre ing th wrong a ill gal a tho e which procur d it. 2 That in a tate and nation ju t l arning the difficult le on of elf-aov rnment, uch a cour e would hav fo ter d a di po ition to ex rci e a ort of political lynch law can hardly b doubteJ. o that bi holdinO' hi follower to a r verence for law wa not th lea t of his to bi country. Again. in hi r fu al on moral ground to upport one of the candidat im Hu- large indemnitie r ceived by Am. merr.hanb under the treatv. It i. of intere't to not<' that he claim~ Wl're pro~ec uted in the Engll..,h Admir alty ourts by another Huguenot. Samuel Bayard. (Proceeding of Hu guenot ,'oc .. II., 14.1. ) 'Jay' Jay .. I. 2 l. 'For an account of the fraud. !'ee .Jay' · Jay, I.. 2. -1, ff. •He say, "we are and will be faithful to the * * party, but we will also b faithful to our en~e and conviction of what i decent and becoming for us to do. .\ dh renc, to party ha it - Ii mi t ·, and they are prescribed and marked by that ·uprem wi ·dom which ha united and as ociated true policy with rectitude and honor and elf-re pect." Tbi was in 1 12. Jay' Jay I. , 449. 40 H wa probably the only ambassador who was a.ble to remain during the Reign of Terror.1 His principal work was ,tbe management of our debt to France and the pratest mo. O' aaao. inst outrages upon our commerce. To have obtained just satisfa:· tion at that juncture would doubtless have been out of. t ~ qu ti.on for any one. Not to ''sacrifice personal or natwna dianity"2 wa clearly a work of some importance and one for which th re were few Americans of the time so well fitted. . d After hi return to this country he served an une:x:pire t rm of three years in the Senate but without any noteworth.Y connection with measures of far-reaching importance. Ih.s ympathi were strongly Federalist and at one time he .e:i dently d .ired a union of the northern states against adminis tration mea ures. 3 Boudinot remained in Congress for two terms after t~e adoption of the Con titution and the meager details given in h Annal of ongress show him to have taken an active part in the qu tion that came up for consideration. We have al· r ady een that he favored Hamilton's financial measures. On another great onstitutional question-that of removal fro~ office-he ar"'ued in favor of giving that power to the Presi~ d nt alone. and thought the efficiency of the governmen might d pend on the determination of the question. 4 Bou:doin recommended to the Legislature of Massachusetts, a arly a 17 6, measures for the protection of manufactures, m. nti.oning iron and wool as of especial importance, and un~er hi lead the Legi lature passed a bill to counteract the restrict· policy of foreign nations. The operation of the bill was to whenever Congress should receive power to take the LYI~~'.Ui~ and Letter.• I., 5?6. Lodge asserts it as a fact, Atl. Monthly, Pari:"ehen,try in h,i, Diary, II., 10. Oct. 12, 179! the day of his Jeavin~ ment. had r~~~se~\0 ~~~1~ ~f ~e g~~ed everythi~g," if the Am.!\~~~[~- fa tion on Wash in t , · . 1 r~ca 1 1 was not. due to any. ·'see Writing of Washi~g~~n ~1~t :3~hffh1111 or hi.s condurt. of a~a1~s.abo"c make a much trong r pre en't t' • ·f Lodge tn the art1 matter undP1 n.lt ional control. For thi early r commendation, Winthr'l]' t 1 i11k " he should b con id red th grandfath r of tli \ 1 • 1wan y tern, who y r may riO'btfully claim to b it (,\. f /}I 1 I Huguenot lay ry own with kindn , . a th da •. Augu l . 'on which th di. cu accounts for hi. taking no part in it. <'a. ily infPIT d from th fa t that th made him on of thPir coun l in 17!1 .9 1.\ddr<''"· +!, ff. 'Wil on. Ri' and Fall of th • Ian~ Power. I.. 10. 1L P. JJ., ii. •.\n extra t from the I tter h giY n b ·Gr eley Am. nflirt. I., 36. footnote. 'Proceeding~ of Huguenot, oc., II.. ii. 1 :\Cadi~ on ·, .Journal. 4i . 'Madhon· Journal. ifl . .'umner. Life of IIamilton, 13-l . .,a· he wa, ab~ent .Jun W-.\ug. 13. ' \York'.. J. '.Hamilton·.., ed .. \-1.. ~() . 1 TOOd ll. 'Javery and .\nti- 'lav ry, 9i. lie refer:- to :\I. ·s. or Wm. Jay. conw out dearly in the Congressional debates on the slam trad . 1 But it i · John .Ta· of wh se opinions on this subje<.;t we haYc th fullest rec-ord. In the New York Constitutional 'onvention, ~1orri-. introducNl a recommendation to future Legi. latur s to tak measures for the abolition of domestic . Ja,·er.r, but it was not adopted. Jay. who was ab ent at the> tinw and sPems not to ha\'e known of the proposition. rrot to Li\'ing,.,ton :u:d ~forri: that he . hould bave been ''for c ·lanse again. t tlw continuance of dome tic slavery."~ Writ in:~ from St. Ildefonso in 1 I 0 of the plan for gradual abolition. hP . aid: .. Till • mPric:a comes into this measur , her prayers to Hi avPn for lihPrt,\· are impious. Thi:-. is a strong Pxpression. but it i. ju t. \Vpr I in your Legislature I would prepare a bill for thi purpo. e with grPat c·arc. and I would never cease moving it till i be ·t nw a law or I c·ea. ed to be a member. I be lieve locl go\·Prn. tlw worlcl and I believe it to be a maxim in Hi:-. a in onr courts. tlu t the. e who a. k for equity ought o do it. "J .~otwithst< nding lw ·e trong expt· ssions he made no rrc·omm •ndations for ,.,u<'h a nwa~ure in his tir. t 'ne sage after he becam Go ·eruor of • 'c>\\ York. In the opinion of, his son. Jw r frain cl from doing- so from a belief that. in the state of politi<·s .. u ·h l propo. it ion from him would arou. e party antai.roni,...m.~ .\t a1w ratt>. Parly in the SC'S~ion an intimate fri ncl of hi introdnc·c>d a bill for "'radual emancipation. It wa d(•f(•at cl. < w r two nb. equPnt attempt.. but in 1190 uch a bill aetnall · pc -.sPcl. .. Probabl ·." . ay hi on, "no measure of hi. a.cl mini !ration alforch~d him ll<'h unfeigned pleasur . " HP W< the ti.r-.t Pi:Psicl nt of the ~Ianumi&. ion Rociety and him ·lf purcha. Pd I< ve for the purpo.· of fre ing th m.·; From the abo\· . m·p., it b quite evid nt that for the m ..... e of laver.v left a a l g-acy by the Revolutionary f< th r WP are not indc>b f'd to . at men of Huguenot de cent. I thn. appear that for invaluable. rvice. during th con- 'E'Jl<'Ciall) _\ nnaJ.... 11 .. 141111. ff. 'W(•rk ... !.. 1:11" and foot11ote .•\1't1 'rorrb. Diary and Lcttc>r·, I. , 1. Work .... J.. 401. The letter wa., to Egbert lkn-,011. · .'ThP oppo ition to lliru at a formN election wa., largely on account, n~ 111 YH•\\· .... on tl~i.. CJlll"-.ti_nn .•Jay·, .Ja\'. I..:! '4. fT. For the hi~lory of 111 ... COllllf't'llllll with lhl• IHll. e 1 .. :J!I0-411 . For ..,llt'h fa 'h illlcl for \·a]nah\ • X]Jl'C'"iiOn~ O[ his YiC'W'l ('f.. . Jay~ .Jay. 1.. :!:ln. If .. all(\ Work~. III. 1 .i. :w>. tr .. lY .. 4:m-4:l:!. · 43 t st for Independence. for wi contribution to and .r ational Constitution. . and for th early ,\·par~ of the nation's lif . we owe a larg cl<'scendant· of French Protestant refugees. \Ver thi . tudy to be carried through our lat<>r history. it would includ th work of our econd martyr President, of Gallatin. Poin ett, th Bayard . and many another. Were it to includ th labor of rn n out ide of p litical life. the name of Maury and Aga iz in ci nee; of th philanthropist. Gallaud t; of .th railway y Dep w: of the founder of th hautauquan po t . L ngf llow and Whittier: and-by no the Hi ·torian;, who ha\'e don than d- of l hP H ni,rnenots. nwntinnecl. • Tor would thi. exhaust th Ii t. itffPstigate . thP clearer it is that in every honorabl walk of life our Huguenot fellow-citiz n haY attained di tinction: In any accounting for the forces that he v made u . Galli brain. and charact r mu t b held to hav b n of incalculabl valu . II. THE FRENCH CATHOLICS. 1. THE OLD NORTHWEST. 7r'HE , tory of th exploration and settlement of th.e North \J,,- we t and the Mi i ippi valley by the French is one of the mo t romantic in our history. But it would be quite irr levant to rep at it here. The fact of French occupancy is all that i e . ntial for present purpo es-a fact not likely soon to b for ott n. ince from Lake to Gulf our national map i. liberally b trewn with nam whose Gallic origin is not to b eoncealed v n by our grote que Anglo-Saxon mispronun- ciation. Wh n the region known a · ·•th old Northwest'' passed und r th control of the United tates. the population was almo t ntir ly French. 1 Their principal settlements were D troi an i it imm diate vicinity, Vincennes on the Wabash, and th Illinoi villag $, Ka ka kia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher. and Prairi du Pont. We houl • _'J\:.inp;' ' Ohio, bap" VIII.; We t ro Re erve Hist. and tateml'nt ~are contradictory and in ao <' '('f.. Hinsdale, Old Xorthwr::.t. J.i!l: Law.. \ddr e'-. on I he olonial 11bt. of \ · i11C'e11ne~ ..\pp . .').i. ff.: Roos \'elt. Winning of the West. II. (i;. Hamilton himself gi\·e., "among reascm~ not mentio11erl 011 the facr of the capitulalion " " the certainty of the lnhahitanh of the village ba\'ing joyned the rebel~ ... lie also pay-1 his re~pects to the priesLasthr"wretch " " whoabsol\•rd the Vrrneh inhabitant~ Frnm their allel!'iance to Lhe King of Ureat Britain ... Heport. Haldimand Paper. giYen in :\lichigan Pioneer oll.. IX .. ~!l. tr. 46 the upplie . '' Had it not been for this generosity, the cam paign would very likely have been a disastrous failure. 1 In Michigan there was less opportunity for active sympa thy with the colonies and the French took no decided stand. 2 Imm diately after Clark's campaign, Virginia undertoo~ th .,.ov rnment .of the conquered country and in the fal~ ~ 177 , ol. John Todd was made County-Lieutenant. To lus "R cord-Book," fortunately rescued from a mass of papers u ed for fuel in the courthouse of Randolph County, Ill., V:e ar indebted for the most that is certainly known about the hi~ tory of the territory lluring his administration. 3 There is nothing to indicate that the Frenc-h concerned themselves much about the govemment, although in accordance with his in truction , Todd held an election for Judges, all of whom were cho n from among the French settlers. All the officers appointed by Todd, except Winston, the commandant at Kas ka kia, wer also Frenchmen. Roosevelt says the ·•Judges "'Overned their decisions solely by the old French laws and ·u tom . ''1 One incident given in the Record-Book is fairly typical of their attitude when the task of self-government was laid upon them. During one of Todd's absences, the Judges adjourned court to what seemed to him too distant a day. "Pl a ure fir t had always bee~ the rule in Kaskaskia, and to comp 1 a man to hold court when he preferred to smoke a pip in.the un or go fl hing was an unreasonable hardship." But on h1. r turn they were ordered to hold court at no distant day and doubtle complied with the demand. 0 . 'Reyr~ol~·· Pioneer Ilist. of Ill., 255 and 2.i7. Washburn, who mar- ried ·)Gratiot~ g.rand-daughter, quotes him, Wis. Hist. Coll., X., 24-0 and -;~l. ;,o that 1t mu!'t have be4Jn a family tradition Neither Gratiot nor Cr1bault secur d any substantial reward for his sei:vices t lJough both mad. ~om~. effort to do so .. In regard to Gratiot's claim, cf.,' with refe: 1-! eo e~1 pre, 101~.,ly gr.ven. Billon Annals of t. Louis, 2 and 21 5, 221-22:1, ~ra !•,t.or t. h~rrCo., llT...i5. Inregardt0Gibau1t·s. St Clair Paper~, t ... ~ ,gd. .\ 11 the J. rench settler were generous in support of tlie. exped r- 1011 ,\IJ mo.tor them were never reimb111• ed St 01 . p s II 168. ~~ "0;~~;. ;;;~'J,~ tf ~~~i· c\:~·~;;',1,~~·' i~i 0".0-~\\i~~~~~~:oh.,;,;:~1.':'iid. air aper , ., :\Iich .. Pion<'~r Col\ ~1thb: JJf .. 1fampbell, ~arly French Settlements '7 "Ympathy with the.Uni.teci\u~tes,;.s~b~. there were some indications 0 1For an interesting account of ti b ·1 e llirago Ui t., 0 ., see Illinois in ie. ook, now in the posse sion oft 1 _ ~tanc is gh·en in the succeecllog the E1gbteentb entury, +9. Jts suli 'Winn111g. . of he We·t 1I 1-Pages of that valuable liLtle Lract. • Ill1no1~. . rn . the Eighteenth· .. 'l.entury II e r, eGI.fers to State Dept. l\'ISS. No . -is. fl<'r Tocl 1 Law. ( ol. f fi..,t. of \ 'i IH'Pllll{"'· .\pp.. I\ .. 1111. ti.: St. ('fair l'a1 l'r. 11 .. lti!l: .\m .• t.111• l'<111•r ... 1'11hli 1• L.tnrh. I.. Ill.: ltoo-"Y!'lt. \\'i1111i11~ of till' \Yt>-,t. II. l"l and l :l. l'l't\•rrinJ.!' to .'tatt> ll1•pt. :\I~~ .. :in aml 4 . h rt> art:' no r·xm•t and rrliahl • .. t:tthtil'' 1111 thi-. point. I ha\!' <'01111' to the 1·111wJ11,ion -.tatcd aft,.r r ·an1ini11!? otlkial li-.t of ,·otcr at clitfNPnt cll·1·tion-. prop1·rl.Y-hnlcl1·r. 1111lit i;J l'o111panil'-. and tl1l' lihl'. ancl <'lllllflaring tlwm \\ith -tatl'lllPllt' to1111rl in 1·ont1•111po1a1 lell\·r-. The folhl\\ill!{ rf'fr'l"l'llC'('' are ot Yahll': Till' Indiana nazl'ttr•••r. ffi. !I . -!J.i: 111-.1. of M. 'lair C·1 .. ~o. l:l-1. l:!.i: :\li!'h. l'ionel'r 'oil. J.. :l-i.i. \' 111.. :>o. If.; .;an. If... 1-1:1. and x I l. ..-,o._, tr. l'oorr. ('011-.1it111 ion-. I .. -1:!!1. t,o ach head of a family among such citizens. 1 There wer~ other act of Congress and a long series of petitions and deCl- ion in reaard to land titles, showing plainly the effect of the French sy tern of land-tenure, and of the different grants under which land were held, in complicating the titles. But none of th were of more importance in our national history than or dinary private land bills. 2 In th econd place. we find that there were petitions pre nt d by he French settlers for the publication of the laws in th ir own language. But these are of interest only as showing that th y wer till thoroughly French and unable to under tand th legal term of the government under which they Hv d. 3 It ha ometimes been held that the French were largely r . pon. ible for the attempts to fasten slavery upon Illinois and Indiana. It i a fact that slavery was first introduced by tb m. 4 It i also true that the Ordinance of 1787 was held not to b retro pective, so far as they were concerned, though many of them at first moved across the Mississippi lest they hould lo e their lave under it-and in short that the valid ity of French lav ry was never questioned.:; Th movement for the legalization of 8lavery in those late appear in the national records in the form of petitions for th u pen ion of the ixth article of the compact. A care ful xaminatiun of all the petitions, remonstrances, and r p rt - o far a they are printed in the public documents di lo not th lighte t reference to any French settlers as ·u h: 1:'wo thina ~ay, however, indicate their presence and po . ibl mfluence. Fust, th re were petitions from the Illinois unti . (Randolph and St. Clair). in which the French villages rn.; 'Th ~e d ci ·ions about land title a t • r ' large '-Ila in_ the e~r~~ , t~~c Paper 0 ~ p~~fi~ ta ~J:.nch occupy a ' c.) Col f17\ r~ft~~.g pa1 t1cul~ >;about land grants and titles may be found in IW 'r 011:. I.. ~l~~eff~:e~·i 1~p ...11rrr1?\tnc~ VII., 136 an_d 131; Mic~1. PiO i4 and i:;: ,'t.ClairPa er- ]' 1 • "· )\ .. 643,ff.; B1st. St. Clall' Co .. pa ~t>d out of their haRcls\vitl;·g~o;~tffi:ap~\1~}.ands granted to the French \ t C'lair Papers. 11 li9 Th · · · · .\m .• tale Pai)er , )lisc.:·11.'. ·il. en pet1t1ons were .not granted. See 'H ' Renault in li~O. ' ee Rt>ynolds \I T' • - Y 0 wn 1mes, 207. On tht>"e point~. er.. St Clai r l"i " 330. ff.:. tate'Paper,,, Public Land· 11'Pe1s. II., 117. ff .. 119.176, 318, :11_9. ' :s, ., 103: Scharf. Hist. of St. Louis, -!9 were located. S econd. in the petition to the Fourth ongre th p Pt it iorwrs say they ar . ·ur, that '·if th peopl then in th tf'nitor,v. (i. 1 •• in li 7) . had been all d upon to make uch a <"ompaC't, they would u \'er have con nted to nt r into 011P that would depri\·e th m of their mo t valuable I rop Prty ... 1 And one petition froru the L ai lalur of Indiana r · <:it s that in 1 i 7 laves · ·w re generally Io e ed by the ·iti· zen ' th n inhabiting th country.·· Of cour w know that in both tho a e the original etller were Fr n h. And it i quit 1 ar that th ir pr n e with lav afford d a pret xl for th still further introduction of lav ry. On th olh r hand, th r a on · mo t urg d for the u p n ion of the articl wer . that it would b b tter to hav th black l opulation mor diffui-.Pd. and especially that it was de irable to encourag im mig ration from the. lavPholdin grew. began to pa. through Illinob on th ir way to the new tat and wc•,·e not . low to r mind th p pie of the form r I.. :!";":!: Dunn. Indiana, 23!1: :\IiC'b. Pionerr 'oil.. XI I., .3ll. ff. Thh la t i" a deri,,ion of .Judge Woodward to the effect that ,.Javery wa-. I gal und(•r .I ay·,, tr<•at y for pre' iou" "et tier,,. Honw of t 1.e "hlYrholdrr,, at the ti me of the 1reaty were Brithh. however. '1. :'IL ooley. :\[ichigan. 132. There wa• al-,o a deei,,ion in I ffj that '"ex l'pt a• to 1:.er,.0 1i,, in the artual J)(),,~e,.,-,lon of Brit i-,h ttler In th territory on the 16th of .June. J";!lf;.·· '"a right of property in the human 'Jl'Ci ., can not exi,.,t.'. :\[ich. Pioneer ( 'oil.. XII.. ,)J!l. ff. It i-, printed from the :\f,'S. opinion of th ('hi f .Jthtire in the po,,.,e..,"ion of :\fkh. Iii t. Hoc. It rannot han· heen true ther fore in :\Ii ·h .. howP\er it may have bern in other.,tate,. that ,,J;l\ery wa,., pe rmitted for the "Pe ·ial b 'netit of the Fren<'b. •, 'rntc Paper-,. Publi<' Land,,. I.. fll. Thr four ~lgner,, of thi petition '"for and on he half of .. t hr peo1>lt> of tlw countJp,, wne none of them Freneh. ThPy )letitioned al"o the flth and the !llh C'ongres:-.•\nnah 6th Cong.. ;:i;, anrl 9th ong.. . Dunn -ay,, the ,,ignature' to the pet itio11 to the 6th 'ong. . 2-;u in number. were mm·tly Fren ·h. H e refer" to the original on the i"enate tiJ<•,,. Indiana. 2H ). '.\ nnab !Jth ougre~., a,, abo\·p:. "tale Paper,. :'II i-.c .. I.. 461. :-;ee aho -.pee ·he" of Dougla . and Cha" on the com pro111i e mea..,ure" of J .;o. Cong. Globe. 31~t ong.. 1st "e~ ...\pp., 364. ff.. and 46 . ff. 1 Both of them dwell at some length on the,,e early attemph to legalize .,JaYery buL neither of them allude" to the Freneh ,.et tiers. l>ouglas say-. p. 36~. that .. the people were 1110..,tJy from the ,JaYeholding .. tate,,. ·· jQ that the con ti.tutional enactment concerni.ng slavery al~ne pr v nt d then'. r mammg. . east of t h e M.. iss1ss1pp1. · · · l B e·side thi many of those already settled in Illinois were from slav~ tate · and felt that slavery would be an advantage to them.- n att mpt wa therefore made to procure a Convention for the amendment of the Constituti.on in the interests of slavery. The mov ment was precipitated by the Governor's recommen dation of a law for the liberati.on of . laves held by the Fr nch.3 But when the vote was taken St. Clair County o-arn th h avie t vote against it. and that vote was deci· , i\•e.4 It i hardly probable that the French settlers voted again:t lh mea ure. Indeed, Brown says, they were ' 'the na~: ur, l alliP: of th conv ntioni t. and desirous of their success. But I hav found no videnc that they inaugurated the niove m nt or that when it wa · once begun they were very active in it . upporl. Th brief outline that is here given covers lhP ssenti.al features of both the earlier and the later move mPnt ·o far as th y relate to the subject in hand. And it ·p m · to indi ·at that the l)resence of French slavery wa made a pr text by later e ttl~r for pressing a demand for th 1 gali.zation of the in tituti.on. Further, we must infer- it i. ml\inly i.nfer nee-that when it came to political acti.on the Fr nC'h a ted. o far as they overcame their inertia enough to ad a all. with the . upporlers of slavery. But "the active and dang rou. champi.on bi.p of slavey i.n the Northwest did not r m from the French i.nbabitants.:' Moreover, the hi tory of the Kan a struggle sugo-ests the strong prob ability that had there be n no French slavery. no toleration of it an inh ritance from former claimants of the territory, bord r tat s li.k Illinois ancl Indiana would not have escaped a ·ont . t up n the subj ct. It i.s noticeable in this connecti.on that. not only di.d the northern tat.es, Michigan and Wisconsin. . I ' !~ro"t: Early?t<~vem e nt _ in lll. fo1 the LegalizaLion or l)lavery. Iii iu.1c . I\~ Jt o~' n \hh a part1cq1ant in the st,ruggle and therefore must ),\\I' ll0\\11 th · ~lll'l''i . • ·ee al~o \\'ilRon Hist r ti ,.,. . a Fall of 111·' Jay POW!'r, l.. rn:t • . 0 lC .n,1se ,in (·1· .,;Fatfrly · '11~1·c1l· ;~l~lrntrl> 1 R111111 t. . "ntP-. on thr . ·nrl lrnl'-.t. :JOH. Tht'\" \\Pr!' \ 'a. ntli<'t'r" who \\i ... ht> . 'Th~ on"litution of lndiana i . with signatures. in Nile's R egister. ~ ll l.. ·1· ff.. of 111 .. in X \'., !!3. ff., and or :\'lich .. in XL VlH ., 3-15. tr. It 1 to be remem~ red, too, tha~ the region had · not been long enough ' , ttl~d by -~me.nc_ans to ha~e g1 vpn men of mixed t»trentage to the con· \e~tion:.. C'_~n if 1ntermarl'lagp,, at an early day had been more frequpnt th,tn th re 11; reason to suppose. . 'LifP and Tim s of Rev. G:.tbriel !Uehara~ by J \ G'ii·ai·d·1n Mich. Pwncer 'oll .. I.. -1 1. ff. '' , · " · . · • , •. ' )1.i.ch. Pionc~r 'oil .. x.n .. i'i6!l and 5i0. 'rhey Ray they look upon ' 11111; as a genu111e republican educated · tl J ff,· · l l ·· Ile wa-., the man who defe·ited R" d . · 111 1e e er~on1an sc 100 • ' IC 11 ar sat a former elect10n. ')lul"11 of the material upon which ,·t· · · · t might be based i ·either entirnl 1 t ~osi 1ve conclus1on on this poll~ much to bed · i~ a that local \n~~8 S''. 1 " at presel!t inaccessible. lt 1s ~wail:i.ble all such bit , of local histo~ gator. sho.ul~ hunt out and mak~ complete political hi tory of the xo1ti U~tll . th1s is tho1:oughly done ,,~ rnnclu-.ion~ on -.ome vital points m iwest, cannot be wr.1tten, and ones deavored, howevPr. to weigh ca~eru~~\~(\Ferelyd lentat~ve., I have er .·nch a-. it, i . it point lo the cone! : ' ie ev.1 e.nce w1th1n my reac 1. u. ion 1 lrnve 111d1cated. •er., Tuttle, Hist. or )lich.. 114 and IF· Cl . ' .i, • t. air Papers. 11., 2i, 31, ;)3 of the changrd order of thing in gal mattn To wait · ·thP slo"·· tPdious progress of an American court" >va felt to hP a hanl, hip by a people accustomed to th summary deci ion nf a < 'ommandant. 1 And the American judge exp ri need so 1111H'h difficulty from being unacquaint d with the rout11mr rfr 1'11ris that Judg Woodward ugge ted tte de irability of a small representative body to be a ·ociated with them, that they might better understand the feeling of the p ople in r uard to propo. ed changes.~ They w r al o ea ily impre sed with the idea hat ome of their cherished u tom - would be interfer d with. A sugge. · tion by .Judge ymme to th Detroit Grand Jury that it wa. not needful to p nd o much time in their r liO'iou dutie wa supposed by ome to be an "attempt to put down their religion ... and the Judge was obliged to make an xplanat.ion from the bench.a Taxes. too. were an abomination to th m. [n l n~. ibley wrote to J udO'e Burnet: · · othing frighten the anadian like taxe . Th y w uld pr fer to b treat d like dog and k nneled und r tlie whip of a tyrant. than to contrib.ut to the upport of a fr government.'"4 And in 1 09, om of th inhabitant of Michigan ha\•ing petitioned for a chan<>' to the next grad f governm nt, ent a econd p tition r tra ting the fir ton , aying they mad it "without duly con id ring and under tandinO' th ubj ct., and that "their numb r i • till too mall for the . econd grade of O'OV rn ment * * * or any other which would ubject th m to any c>xp n e in upporting a L gi latur . ·· Th re ar no iO'natur 1o thi pap r. but th letter ac ompauyinO' it ay : "Th mo t num rou cla of th inhabitant . who ar anadian , ,. a.r 'totally oppo. ed· to a chan<>' of Gov rnm nt and al o th majority of th Am rican . ".; But th mo t notic a.bl p C!Uliarity of th Fr nch, politi- and 33: Patrick Ilenif.' letter of instruction to Todd. (given in IIi t. of Randolph C'o .. 00. ff.;) ~ri ch. Pioneer oil.. I., 361, YJT.. 510, f., II. 103: 'rile Red Rook of ~lich. , 4:36. For a different view, ee Early We tern Days. :wn, ff. 'Burnet. Xot son the .-orthwe. t. 2 2. footnote: Col. Di~t. of ' ' in- renne. . 42; Yolney's Yiew. 372. 'Am. tate Papers. ~rise .. I.. -!HJ. Thi ' wa in I 06. ' Xotes on the i\orthwe t, 2 2. footnote. 'The letter is in App.. IT .. of Burnet' Xote~. 'The petition and letter are in ~Iich. Pioneer Coll., '\-III., 594, tI. cally peakinO'. wa their unwillingness and unfitness to assurr:e the duti of citiz nship. When Volney visited Vincennes lll tb la t c utury. tbe Americs.ns there complained to him th~t th Fr nch "understand nothing of political, civil or domestic affair . * * * Their first demand was for a commanding ftic r. and it wa th most difficult thing possible to make thein comprehend anything of a municipal administration chosen b ·and from among themselves. Even now they have no per- on tit for forming one."1 This political inertia is mentioned by n arly \' ry writer. And in one notable instance their unwill in()'n . to as ume the duties of self-government retarded b n arl a decade the political advancement of a common wealth. In 1 1 it was found that the population of Michigan wa uftici n for the second grade of government, but the propo ition to establi hit was voted down by a large majority, and it Wal not till 1 27 that it was secured. The defeat is a - Tibed on O'Ood authority to French votes. Says Campbell, p akin()' of their lack of political training under a paternal go,- rnment: ''Those who reached middle age before the peo ple of th Territory became entitled to vote for their own offi · r w re not alway pleased with the change, and some of tho who ·urviYed to a very recent period never ceased to i.O'h for th good old days when the commanding officer was thE' whol g \' rnment. 2 '\"i w of C'limalc and >oil of the . 8., 313. ff. . 'P?litieal Hi-,.t .. of )fidi., a92. The book was published in 18i6. The ,111tho:. 011p~rt11mt1es for learning the facts from tho e who were active rn pol111cal l!fe at the time make his teRtimony on sucb points especially v;lluabl . · TI. THE LOl'TSL\:'\A PClWBASK 7"irr. 'L 'G now to th<' reg~Ollfi incl ml rd in thP Louisiana \,,j,,.- pnrclrns<'. W<' find that tlwr<' also tlw population was pr,_ dominantly FrPnC'h when the nited 'tat<> obtai1wd c n t ml. 1 From tlw fir-.,t thcr0 wa,., j alou. y between the Fr nch ancl .\uwrinrn C'itizPns. L< ns. at. the pref ct who had hand<'cl o\·pr tlw ,g-m·Nnm •nt to tlw UnitP ' lairhorn rrportc '.\nm1b, Cong. . :! i:; .,... \pp ., 16i4, ff. - nearly the ame footing as other Terri.tori.es. Concerning this chang . la.iborne wrote: •·The people have ~een t~,ught t~ xp ct gr ater privileges and many are d1sappo111ted. b Ii ve. howeYer. as much is given them as they can manage or a. they ought to be trusted-with until the limits of the ceded t rritory ar acknowledged, the national attachments of our n w brother le wavering, and the views and character of . om influential men heri:i better ascertained." 1 But notwith tanding some complaints and jealousies of the Am rican , ther is no reason to think that the French were at h art di loyal. In 1806 Claiborne wrote of them: "My opinio~ of th natfre Loui ianians has always been the same; a majori ty ar w 11 di posed, and were it not for the calumnies of so1ne Fr n hmen who are among us, and the intrigue.'> of a few am bitiou , unprinci.pl d men whose native language is English, 1 do b liev that the Louisianians would be very soon the rnost z alou and faithful members of our Republic." He adds, hoW- v r ... ntil a kuowledge of the American govornment, laws, and hara ter i more generally di.ffused among the people you cannot with ·ertainty count upon their fidelity. " 2 · Al the tim of the Burr conspiracy, the Legislative Cou~ cil were "convinced that it is not among the ancient inhabi tant of thi territory that proselytes had been made to such a proj ct and that there was no perfidy, no treason to be ap tn· h nd d from them. '"3 Di loyalty wa i.ndeed alleged against them in the w11r of 1 12 bu with in uffi.cient rea on. Half the Committee of Pub li D fen for ~ ew Orleans in 1 14 were French.4 And "if ew Orlean and the Creole had been unpatriotic, Gen. Jack ·on would ha\' b en at their mercy."" Th am P culiaritie that marked the French of the ... orthw t ar to b found also among these Creoles. TheY ' uot o from Ex. Jour. by Gayarre, 67. 'Quoted by Gayarre from Ex. Jour., 159. 'Quoted by Gayarre, 1 Ti. War •ine "~~~~t~1uorr~1datoar:tld1eLir a~~re to the people, Latour's :m~t. of the ' ou1~1ana, App., XlV. ' ?-laurice Thompson Ili t of L . · · · d·scus- ion of the whole ubject' '>J l .ff n OU1s1ana, 215. See also h1~ i ch volunt r and of F t · - ' · e .Peak. of the en-ices of Fren , lli opinion i'\ th'\t ~~~l~~ \~men who did brave wcrk as hospital nur e~· ment. f .. lnger'·oJ. lliit~ of t~~~\\;~th~r ag<~iu ' t state than U. f:!· govetl~: ion eem to be ub tautially th .'.\r 10_1812, lV., Chap. 11. II1s cone e same a Thompson's. 57 p titioned for thP use of their own languag by official , 1 wer unablP rPadily to reconcile them elves to th low admini tra ion of jn!-ili<'<' and to trial by jury and great difficultie. aro e in • i P .idju tment of land titl . 2 The ame unwillingn to 1<> u1xPd and the am indiffPr nc to th right of citiz n hip In 1 0 the L O'j lativ ouncil aid that and th privi- of nam 'Brecke11ridge. Yiew of Louisiana, J.13 and lH. Ili book, pub lbbed in 1 14, was found d on ob rvation · made in hi own tra\'el . Thi hap .. VL, i · also printed in .·ne·· Reg., 1.. 243, ff.. o that it must bave b en written as early 1 11. On land titles· late Paper-, Pub- 1ic Land,, II. Tbe e various quotation, mav be found in Gayarre, 192, 211, ft'. • tate Paper , :\lisc .. L 41 . 'Poore, I.. 699. For opinion' as to their unfltn for elf govern- ment, ee debate in ong. in 1 04. Benton's Abr.. III. •:\farboi , Hist. of LouL iana 339, and Gayarre, 272. influ~nce appear in the Constitution. noticeably the large pro perty qualifications for souw official po itions, and the exclu ~ ion from office of an,y •· ·lergyman, pri st or teacher of any religious persua ion. so ·iely. or sect." t That in general features it should be like those of the older states. was neces- ary to se ·ure the assent of Congress. It is well known that the Louisiana Code is founded largely on the ode apoleon. But the Common Law is so univer- ally accepted in the uited Sta.Les that. while the Civil Law ha to be recognized in suits concerning Louisiana, it has had no appreciable effeC't on the juri.-prudence of t.he country at larg .~ A majority of the member.- ·elPcted for the legislative Coun cil of the early Territorial government wer taken from among the r oles and in the early history of the state they bad the principal voiC'e in the towns and a majority in the legislature. 3 Out of the first eight governors. three were of French origin. lat as 1 59 there had been but one gubernatorial election in which at lea ton of the candidates wa. not a Frenchman. 4 But the only man of mark among these early officials was Francoi Xavier Martin, the jurir,,t and historian. The Frenchmen of the rorthwest and the Mississippi. val ley th n were, a a rnl , patriotic and peaceable citizens.:; They hav add d num rous picture qu f atures to our history and our land:cap They still furnish us bits of dreamy European and m diaeval life in the midst of our wide-awake, progre , ive, ninete nth century, American civilization. The ew Orlean of today i a for io-n and an old-time city, wbi.le media \'al Franc y t linger in the Illinoi country. Little mor than a d cade ince, a traveler to that r gion aid of Kas kaskia. there "i little to di turb the impre ion that it is still t,h Ka. ka kia of the olden time." and of Prairie du Rocher, 'Poor , I.. i02. •,om account of the ''Digest, of Civil Laws'" or l o and some inter c ting particulars of the growth of jurisprud nee may be found i 11 Loui iana JJi: "It is as if a piece of old France had been transplanted to the Mississippi a century since and forgotten; or a if a stratum of the early French settlements at the Illinoi · a hundred year ago or more had sunk down below the reach of time and rlrnnge. and with its ways and customs and people till intact had still pursued its former life unmindful of the busy nine teenth century on the uplands above its head. " 1 Again the records of early explorationl' and early history that have come to us through them are of much value. Much of our knowled()'e of Indian habit and language are from the same ources. And when the minute details of local history in the Northwest and the Mi sis ippi valley ha,·e been fully investigated, it will probably be found that many pi ode in that history were due to their presence. their customs, or their idioms of language-as was the ca e with the Iowa and Mis. onri boundary war. But th :r contribution, in any large sense, to the poli.tical deYelopment of those region can not be r clrnned of vital imuortancP. Their political activity what there was of i wa mainly in the line of oppo ition to the unfamiliar ideas of an advancing civilization. At some point they may have tayed for a little time- and only for a little time- the chariot wheels of progre -. But for that fact, tuey might almost bf' omitt d in writing the political history of our co1mtry. drink. that they rnrely engaged in common broils or per;;onal rombat~, and that no Creole wa' ever huni;r or entenrrd to t11e penite ntiary in Ill. For i nter e~t i ng particulars about their customs. ~ ee haps. YIU. and XIl.. of bis book: )lonnette. Hist. 0f the :\liss. Valley. l.. 1 1, ff.: Burnet. 'Xotes on the ~orthwest, 2 l. ff. footnote: ReynoldR' Pioneer TiiRt. of Ill.: ~[aria ITamlin. Lege11ds of Le Detroit: Old French Tradi- 1 ionR (same author): )fieh. Coll.. IY .. 10, f. Wallace, lllinui and Louisi ana under Frcr ·h Rule. Ja,..L chapter: :i harf, IIi~t. of . t. Louis, Chap. Xll. I con ider the la. t the mo-,t ~ati.,factory account. 'Illinois in the 'Eighteenth Century. 21 and .ffi. OMPARISON AND CONCLUSION. n revi wing and compari~O' t~e facts adduced_ in t_he f~rego · 1l ina tudy, th two mam hne of French imm1grat1on to thi country pr sent a triking contra t. The Huguenot a Huauenot, a Frenchman- i and bas been for many a d cad practically forO'otten. 1 Hi de cendant speak the same lanauag as th de cendants of the Puritan and the Cavalier. Th y mingle with them in the mart. the Senate House. and the pla.c of wor hip, and are practically undistinguishable from th m. 2 No peculiarity of co tume or manner calls attention to them a a p ople of ali n race. The worthy deeds of their Rev olutionary ance tor are r ckon d to th credit of the Anglo- axon race, and th very 'on titution that those ancestor did o much to fashion and th national career that owed so much of i arly ucce to th ir guidance are vaunted a the pecu liar glorie of th am race. That our debt to the Huguenots i a gr at on i a fact that doe not lie upon the surface h" t ry. It i ind d only b ainning to be r cognized. Th trav 11 r tbrouah the Atlantic tates must needs look car fully to find trac of th early French immigrants; the trav 11 r in rtain part of th Northw t and of Loui iana mu t n d lo hi ey , if h would foraet the fact of French uliar f a.tur of the contrast i , that the Hugue not who JJ em to hav di a.pp ar d and left no trace behind him, pr v on car ful inve ligation to have made a mighty impr upon our national bi tory, th r cords of which fill many of th mo t valuabl and fa cinating pages of our public docum nt · wbil th Fr nchman of the Northwest, 'The organlzotlon of the Huguenot oc. and the re earche of indi vidual have done much ot late year lo call them to mind but for most ople, th tact tated in the text is doubtle ·s still true. ' 'Ther. ar«: ti}l a te~v Hugu«:not churches in the U. ., the most im portant being 10 ~ • Y. city and 10 Charle ton, . Car. For ome particu lar , ee _In trod._ to Yol._ I. of lluguenot. Coll. and Bi-Centenary Com memoration, , <>l, 63, 6<>, and . Their very existence is probably unknown to the majority of well informed people. 61 whose picturesque and romantic memorials are so abundant, has left no Pnduring mark and the pages of the national r cords . , ·. 1, ·, · h he appear are of little value in the tudy of 011 "•: . .1to a nation . . . pertinent and perhap a timely question. why thi 11 P:. t.< 1•:' Why should people of the ame race, coming '• !J,. new world at so nearly the same time, differ o widely in tl1e1r intluence upon the young nation of which th y became a part:' To some the off-hand, ea y an wer may em to be the tru one. "'The Huguenot wa Prote tant, therefor progre iv ; thP other was Catholic. th r fore reactionary." But an an w r based on hasty ""eneralization and r ligiou prejudice cannot be accepted a final; especially a on the urface of hi tory there i no evidence that the movin fore of Hamilton· career, for in tance. wa an absorbin"" d votion to Prote tanti m. On th other hand, ther can b no q ue tion that the Prote ·tant Reformation in France wa a mighty link in the chain of cau that have led to our national ""reatn The Huguenot wer t t d and ifted by fiercer ligiou p r cution , and wh n at la t the infamou R vocation drov them from their native land, it wa verily a cho n r mnant that ought tb e w t rn wild . L t Pilgrim or Puritan boa t he may- of th z al for religiou fr edom that exiled him from horn . the Hugu not can point to et a nobl r r cord of un werving d Yotion to principl . Yet furth r. it wa not true. a it ha b n o often wher from the days of th primitiv ·hurch onward, that '·not many wi · h, not many migh y, not many no bl w re call d;., th t blood of Fran flow d in th vein ' of lh original Hugu not. . and wh n th y cam to Am ri a. "th y brou ht with th m * * an anc tral inftu- nce of ducation. r fin m nt. and &killful nterpri w 11 a.,; of r liaiou fid lity. ·· 1 H nee if th d trin of h r dit b admitt d to hav an. force, we may partly under tand how th graceful diplomat up holding hi country·, honor with , killful tact at a court wh all w · hao should be of a rac c I brated for it ------'fl. S. ,'torr.;, The Early .\merican ,'pirit and the Genesi ' or it. 51· ~ee. al ·o. an eloquent pa -.age in , chatl' •., add re on the IJi t. of the Edict of Xante . Huguenot Proceeding . JI.. 101 , fl'. and another in H. )f. Baird·, address at the Bi-Centenary. p. 3 . G2 and p li h of mann r ; bow th founder of our financial pros p rit,y . hould be d c nded from a race o.f p ople renowned for their uece . in · ma.·sin(J' w alth; and abov all how the suc c ·ful ' tat . man who ·arri cl his honor o un ulliecl through all his political lif that "Wh n the spolles robe of the judicial rmin f<'ll up n him. it touch cl n thing le s spotless than itself ... should tra hi anc try to a refugee to whom fre dom of ·on cien · aud loyalty to principle were even d an>r than wa. the histori · ·ity o b loved by every Protes tant in Fran Th ir influ n<· ha" hPPD alto,,. th r di ·proportion cl to their number . for in ··d t rmining the character of a country, a hundr cl sel cted men and women ar more polent than a thou and men and women tak n a~ random.·· 1 Th Fr nch of th .. orthwe t •md the Ii i ippi valley were of an a.lto..,.eth r differ nt typ and their oecupancy of the <'Ountry wa duP to far other eau es. Wh th r from the lower rata f o ·i ty. or a. in om ·a. P · from th higher grad s, th y wer un ducat d and uuu ·ed to self - ~overnmPnt. They w r in g neral well di.·posPd, ch rful. <·ontented, often indus triou nd nt rprL in(J' in bu:-,ine s \'entur . Yet on th whole, thE>ir virtu . w r those of th slaY rather than of the fr man. "An i(J'norant population. "!'rung fr m a brave and iv ra<·e, but train d to . ubj ·tion and d p nden e through · n uriE> of f udal · nd monar ·hkal df'. poti m, wa. planted in th wild rn . by h hand of authority and told to <>Tow and Houri h.''2 Th y could obPy unque tioninO'ly the command of pril . t 01· aovernor. T think. to d •id for th m ·elv , and th n to follO\' lo all . if nPPd b hPr ically, the dictate' of r a! on and of <'Ons ienc wa ntir ly forei"'n to th ir habit . In b f' ontra. in.- type>. of C'hara<"tf'r i to b found the fir. t and prob bl the mo,, potf'nt cau~e of he r markable on ra t in their intluc>nc on m ri ·an hi tory. That a p ople bra\· . r tin cl. in lligent. loyal to prm ipl , ift d by long and ti rce p r. ution . . tie in(J' to h T w World ol ly ttat th y migh b fr follow th Y ry biah t id al , hould have ' Fi-.k1" B t' ~inning ... of .·Pw En~land. ·!'i. To under ... tand fulh th!' influE>n Porth Ilugu not~ on Am. history on!' ~u t. kno~~ ..,om~thi n r of l lwir own eai:Iy hi tory and hE>roic ~lruggle . In th1 \'1ew. I_he Ri...e of th!' riuguPnot~ !n France. and The Huguenots anrl H n~) of ..avarre. hy Prof. H. )[. Baird. are valuable contributions to .\ merican H i...tor) . 'Parkman. The Id R gime iu anada, :194. provPd on<> of the mo.·t powerful factors in national de\'PlopmPnt is not at all surpri ·ing. That a p o plP of a low. grad<' of inte,lligPnte anrl wholly u11- t rai111•d 111 1Jt,. art of self-go\· rnment, . hould ha\'C 1with r thP dP,.,ir•· 1101 tht.> ability to bP an actiYP for<'P in nation-building. is al "1101 snrpri~ing. , o far a 1he.·e typt>s of c·hanv·1.pr werP d1·tp1·111ine 'RO (l~;;H~ALOGIUAL AND BIOGH.APHICAL NOTEto>. 13AY ALW. - 'l'he Pedigree of the American family is :,;uv· po:-. d to ha\'e been t1:aeed to Balth'.1zar Bayard, whos.e ances tors l:IPd from Dauphme about the time of the Massac~e of St. Bartholomew. Ther wf're also families of the name rn Cham· pagn . Lancrupdo('. and Flanders. . f. m. Ancestl'y. III.. 7\l. and ~·-i,g. of Am. H1st.. XVII. Tl11• latt r is an an-.;wer to the d mbt raised by Arthur ichmond in . Am. R viPw. Jan. 1883, as to the Huguenot auC' str.v of th family. B8:- ome of tlw c!Psc·p ndant. of hi. si ter Elizab th a sumed the nam<'. fl,.,. .Tass. Hist. oc.. Coll.. XXV.. .HJ, :>O. and 7 ; • 1 1 L 1• .. ll 1;,,t. and Gen. Reg., X .. 7 . and VIII.. 2-:17. I'! 1 ·1 Wf're Bowdoin. in Virginia, probably d c nd. d fm111 .J ohn Bowdoin. a brother of Jam s. who mo\' d to that ~ . ti· about 1700, (Va. Hi. t. Coll .. Vol. V .. p. XL. footn te.) .B,ANEUIL.-Three brothers. Andrew. Benjamin. and John Paneuil. . ettled in Boston as early as l6fl~. John r turned to France. Peter. the donor of Faneuil Hall. wa. a on of B nja· min, but recei :eel his large fortunp from his uuclt> Andr w. f. Mass. Hist. , c-. ' C'ol XXII., ;)8. l\lem. Hist. of Bo. ton, IL. n:>.f; and th0 chaptPr on ··'I'lw FrPnc·h rotP tan!' of Bos· ton" in tlw latter YOhtmP. 1ALLATJN. i·khaff. (HnguPnot Proc·PPdings. I.. fln). and othel' writPr. sp:'ak of Allwrt (7allatiu as of Huguenot d cent. ThP truth SPPtTI' to bP tha.t tlw famil.v. thongh Protestant and closP alliPs of :lh·in. WPrP hardly refugep-; for thP faith. They m O\'Pcl from Sa \'OY to GPHP\'a in l ~110 . S e Ap·i. to H. Ad tm.;· eclition of hio.., Writings and Adam'' Life of Gallatin. Book I. GALLAl'DET. 'l'hom·ls Hopkin» Gallaudet. th founder of thP first institution in AmPric·a for tlw Prln •, tion of deaf·mut s, wa desc·PndPd from Pi 'IT Elis0 Galland t rn of thP arli t settler;,, of ~TP\\' RcwhPllP \\·ho;,,p wifP. :\fargaret rezot. wa a cl . c udaut of the !11th DogP of VPnic·P. For int resting par· tic-ulars con<·Prning him and hi,., work. :-.PP Bi· 'Pntpnar,\' -,Olli· mPmoration. 1-l. ff. GRATIOT. Charles Gratiot wa thP son of Hugupnot parpnts who fipc] from La Roc·hPllP on thP RP\·oca ion. ThPy took up th<'ir r<'-,idence at LausaunP. , 'witzf'rland. whf'r had ..., wa<; born in 1753. HP r <' i \' d a mer · nti I<> e France. the name being originally F uill Yert. which wa translatPcl as o many other Huguenot nam . hav b en into Fingli I -..; ~i nton· Life of Whitti r and nt nary om. 70 . . is a omewhat curiou fact that the fir t whit nn.. Q far a can b 1 arned. were two Huguenot rn the fur trade. 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