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India's Independence in International Perspective Author(S): Sugata Bose Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol Nation, Reason and Religion: India's Independence in International Perspective Author(s): Sugata Bose Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 33, No. 31 (Aug. 1-7, 1998), pp. 2090-2097 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4407049 . Accessed: 29/06/2011 13:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=epw. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly. http://www.jstor.org SPECIAL ARTICLES Nation, Reason and Religion India's Independencein InternationalPerspective Sugata Bose Throughout the entire course of the history of Indian anti-colonialism, religion as faith within the limits of morality, if not the limits of reasona, had rarely impeded the cause of national unity and may in fact have assisted its realisatioin at key nmomentsof struggle. The variegated symbols of religion as culture had enthused nationalists of many hues and colours but had seldom embittered relations between religious comminities until they wereflauntetl to boast the power of majoritarian triumphalism. The conceits of unitary nationalism may well have caused a deeper sense of alienation among those defined as minorities than the attachmenet to diverse religions. The territorial claims of a minority-turned-nation heaped further confusion on the firious contest over sovereignty i the dying ays of the raj. Having failed to share sovereigntay in the manner of their pre-colonial forbears, late-colonial nationalist worshippers of the centralised state ended up dividinig the land. Sulrely godless nationalism linked to the colonial categories of religiouis majorities and minorities has much to answer for. "A PRIZEI got for good workat school", reachthe shoresof Britain's colonies where colonial period to unravelthe complex JawaharlalNehru writes in his auto- this was a period of political denial and weave of nation, reason and religionin biography,"was one of G M Trevelyan's repression. India was 'showing fight' for historicalanalyses. Decades of secular, Garibaldibooks. This fascinatedme, and the first time since the revolt of 1857 and rationalistdiscomfort with assessingthe soon I obtainedthe othertwo volumesof was "seething with unrest and trouble". role of religion in modern political the seriesand studied the wholeGaribaldi News reached Indian students in philosophyand practicehave given way storyin themcarefully. Visions of similar Cambridge of swadeshi and boycott of the in more recentyears to culturalcritiques deedsin Indiacame before me, of a gallant activities and imprisonment of Tilak and of modernityand one of its key signs - fight for freedom,and in my mind India Aurobindo Ghose. "Almost without nationalism- which tend to valorisean and Italy got strangelymixed together." exception",Nehru recalled, "we were ahistoricalnotion of indigenousreligion To the young Nehru "Harrowseemed a Tilakites or Extremists, as the new party whiledenouncing the cunning of universal rathersmall arid restricted place for these was called in India". Yet looking back reason. In an essay entitled "Radical ideas".So it was thatat the beginningof from the 1930s he also believed that in Historiesand the Questionof Enlighten- October 1907, inspired by the first of social terms "the Indian national renewal ment Rationalism",Dipesh Chakrabarty Trevelyan'sGaribaldi trilogy, he arrived in 1907 was definitely reactionary". hasberated secular and Marxist historians at TrinityCollege, Cambridge,where he "Inevitably",Nehru commented gloomily, fortheir lack of imaginationin addressing "feltelated at being an undergraduate with "a new nationalism in India, as elsewhere the question of religiously informed a greatdeal of freedom".I Whenfreedom in the east, was a religious nationalism". identities in modern south Asia. came to India at the famous midnight After graduating from Cambridge, he "[S]cientificrationalism", he contends, "or hour of August 14-15, 1947 Trevelyan, visited Ireland in the summer of 1910 the spirit of scientific enquiry, was thenMaster of TrinityCollege. 'rejoiced'. where he was 'attracted' by "the early introducedinto colonial India from the He had remained,his biographerDavid beginnings of Sinn Fein".3 What he very beginningas an antidoteto (Indian) Cannadine tells us, "equivocal and neglected to note in Britain and Ireland religion, particularlyHinduism..." The uncertain about the British Empire, was that a religious tinge to nationalism oppositionbetween reasonand emotion, which he always thought a far more was not a monopoly of the east. At the "characteristicof our colonial hyper- formidableinstrument of aggressionand end of the day the nationalist leaderships rationalism",is seen to have "generally dominationthan any of Italy'scolonising in both India and Ireland, quite as much afflicted" the attempt by historiansto endeavours,which seemed small-scale by as their departing colonial masters, failed "understandthe placeof the 'religious'in comparison".2 to negotiate a satisfactory solution to the Indian public and political life".4 That Nehru's Cambridge years, which problem of religious difference. If there may well be so, but is there any reason coincidedalmost exactly with the Garibaldi was cause to rejoice at the end of the raj to believe, if it is permissibleto use such phase of Trevelyan's life in history, in India, the celebrations were certainly a tur of thephrase, that hyper-rationalism represented the climactic moment of marred by a tragic partition ostensibly was characteristicof modernityunder triumphantLiberalism in the domestic along religious lines which took an colonial conditions? politics of Britain.In Europethese were unacceptable toll in human life and One of the key empiricalpremises of the lastdays of liberalnationalism before suffering. BenedictAnderson's theory in Imagined launchedon its Comnmunitiesis that "in WesternEurope Italy imperialistexpedition IN EUROPE AND INDIA in 1911 and the nation-states of the CHURCH AND STATE the 18th centurymark[ed] not only the continentas a whole moved recklessly The political failure at the moment of dawn of the age of nationalismbut the towardsthe precipiceof total war. The formal decolonisation has been matched duskof religiousmodes of thought",5"It high tide of liberalismdid not, however, by a certain intellectual failure in the post- is a common error", Trevelyan had ~~~~~~~~~~~2090~~ ~Economic and Political Weekly August 1, 1998 observed in his English Social History, been applicable, it was according to rationalism, colonial modernity was a "toregard the 18thcentury in Englandas Macaulay the British empire in India. complex and concrete phenomenon: its irreligious".Religion continuedto be in Surely, if it be the duty of government reasons of state were deeply enmeshed his view "animposing fabric" of British to use its power and its revenue in order with the communities of religion. history in the 19th century until the to bring seven millions of Irish Catholics RATIONAL REFORM, RELIGIOUS REVIVAL Darwinianrevolution made its full impact.6 overto theProtestantChurch, itis afortiori AND INTIMATIONSOF AN ANTI-COLONIAL The views of the early Gladstone and the duty of the government to use its MODERNITY Trevelyan's great uncle Lord Thomas. power and its revenue in order to make BabingtonMacaulay probably covered the seventy millions of idolaters Christians. "Somehow, from the very beginning", fullspectrum of opinionamong the British If it be a sin to suffer John Howard or writes Partha Chatterjee, "we have made rulingclasses in the mid-19thcentury on William Penn to hold any office in England, a shrewd guess that given the close the place of religion in public life. because they are not in communion with complicity between moder knowledges Gladstonehad argueda powerfulcase in the established church, it must be a and modern-regimes of power, we would his book The State in Its Relations with crying sin indeed to admitto high situations forever remain consumers of universal the Church published in 1839 that men who bow down, in temples covered modernity; never would we be taken propagationof religious truthshould be with emblems of vice, to the hideous seriously as its producers. It is for this one of the principal aims of paternal images of sensual or malevolent gods. reasonthat we have tried,for over a hundred government.He had no doubt that the But no. years, to take our eyes away from this religionof the sovereignought
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